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1

SWIFT, PETER, and ANDREW COCK. "Traditional Khmer Systems of Forest Management." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 25, no. 1 (October 2, 2014): 153–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s135618631400039x.

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AbstractAid donors, civil society groups and the Cambodian government have tended to focus their policy initiatives concerned with communities and their forests on Cambodia's indigenous minorities. Few attempts have been made to document the relationship between ethnic Khmers and forests. However, with almost three quarters of Cambodia covered with forests until quite recently, and a large proportion of the Khmer population living in proximity to forests, it is not surprising that Cambodia's dominant ethnic group has had a close and meaningful relationship with forests. In this article, we examine the traditional systems of forest management of Khmer social groups and how these systems are changing. We argue that traditional Khmer systems of forest management are still relevant in the context of the rapid changes that have occurred in rural Cambodia over the past two decades. These systems shape how Khmer groups make sense of the natural world and claim rights of tenure over forest areas. They continue to play a vital role in preserving Cambodia's natural forests in the face of deforestation driven by plantation schemes and logging operations.
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2

Zarzecki, Radosław. "Uwarunkowania procesu pojednania w Kambodży." Wschodnioznawstwo 14 (2020): 267–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20827695wsc.20.015.13343.

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Determinants of Reconciliation in Cambodia Forty years after Cambodian genocide the reconciliation is still in early stage. Despite such long time there was almost nothing done, especially in 20th century, to make that process happened. The article discusses the determinants, reasons and factors that had impact on reconciliation. Determinants can be divided into different categories. First of all the socio-historical background. Circumstances in which Khmer Rouge come to power, their revolutionary approach to economy, implemented reforms, use of children, displacements of people and categorization of citizens had great impact on post-1979 Cambodia. Another determinant is a political one. Policy of post-Khmer Rouge Cambodia rulers stunted the reconciliation. There reason of such actions are multidimensional but the most important one is provenance of People’s Republic of Kampuchea leaders. The most important figures in Cambodia politics are ex-Khmer Rouge soldiers, accused by some of taking a part in genocide. What’s even more confusing, the most powerful opposition party in 1980s were perpetrators themselves and their allies. Even after signing Paris Peace Accords in 1991 until early 2000s there was no will to punish Khmer Rouge officials responsible for genocide. The Cambodian culture of silence, the third determinant, only exacerbates a difficult situation. Cambodians rarely speak about atrocities and harsh past because of fear, shame or trauma. Even in school textbooks until 2009 there was almost nothing said about tragic events which happened between 1975 and 1979. History of Democratic Kampuchea still affects the Cambodian society. Despite sentencing few Khmer Rouge officials in 2010s, there’s still lot to be done also on state-level. Reconciliation and coming back to the state of balance is the main challenge for Cambodia in the nearest future, crucially important to social and political life of this nation.
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3

Hall, John. "In the Shadow of the Khmer Rouge Tribunal: The Domestic Trials of Nuon Paet, Chhouk Rin and Sam Bith, and the Search for Judicial Legitimacy in Cambodia." Law & Practice of International Courts and Tribunals 5, no. 3 (2006): 409–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180306778938700.

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AbstractIn 1994, Khmer Rouge guerrillas attacked a train in Kampot province, Cambodia, taking hostage three young Western backpackers. Two months later, after negotiations for their release collapsed, the three were murdered. Australian, British, and French government representatives exerted considerable diplomatic pressure on the Cambodian government, demanding that those responsible for the kidnapping and murders be brought to justice. In response, three former Khmer Rouge commanders, Chhouk Rin, Nuon Paet and Sam Bith, were arrested, and in a series of trials that lasted from 1999 until 2006, were convicted and sentenced to life imprisonment by Cambodian domestic courts.Crucially, these trials took place in the middle of difficult negotiations between Cambodia and the United Nations over the scope and nature of the proposed Khmer Rouge tribunal. A key point of disagreement was over the proper role in the tribunal for Cambodia's notoriously inefficient, corrupt and government-dominated judiciary. For that reason, the trials became a closely watched test of the Cambodian legal system, and took on a symbolic weight unusual for domestic trials. Dismissed by some observers as mere show trials aimed at legitimizing Prime Minister Hun Sen on the international stage, the trials nevertheless marked a significant step forward in the development of a functioning – albeit seriously flawed – judiciary.This article is the first to examine these highly significant cases. The Paet, Bith and Rin trials demonstrate the ability of Cambodian judges to convict Khmer Rouge members brought before them; what remains less clear is whether the Cambodian judicial appointees to the tribunal will be capable of meeting internationally recognized standards of justice. Perhaps, if permitted by their government to do so, they will grow to meet this historic challenge. If they do not, then the trials of Paet, Bith and Rin, may prove to be the high watermark in the search for judicial legitimacy in Cambodia.
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4

Chandler, David. "Will There Be a Trial for the Khmer Rouge?" Ethics & International Affairs 14 (March 2000): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2000.tb00054.x.

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The scale of what happened under the Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia between 1975 and 1979 is difficult to deal with (over one million Cambodians lost their lives), but efforts are now underway to bring at least some of the surviving leaders of the regime to justice. This essay explores the reasons for delay of the trials, citing:The absence of international precedents prior to the 1990s;The show trial of two Khmer Rouge leaders in 1979; andThe obstacles to a trial arising from geopolitical considerations in the 1980s (in which some powers now calling for a trial, including the United States, were effectively allied with the Khmer Rouge against the Vietnamese-imposed regime in Phnom Penh).In the 1990s, following the Paris Peace Accords and the brief UN protectorate over Cambodia, demands for a trial came from overseas and from Cambodian human rights groups. The Cambodian regime considered the show trials of 1979 sufficient, however, and in 1998 Cambodian prime minister Hun Sen urged his compatriots to “dig a hole and bury the past.” Eager to regain foreign support for his regime after several brutal incidents in which political opponents were killed, Hun Sen has more recently agreed to limited international participation in a trial. A procedure targeting a few Khmer Rouge leaders seems likely in 2000, but Cambodian government control of the proceedings means that nothing like a truth commission or a wide-ranging inquiry will result.
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5

Un, Kheang. "The Khmer Rouge Tribunal: A Politically Compromised Search for Justice." Journal of Asian Studies 72, no. 4 (October 15, 2013): 783–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911813001101.

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In 1993, Cambodian history turned a very significant corner with the promulgation of a new liberal constitution aimed at moving the country forward from its turbulent past. Many challenges remained, however; one of which was how to deal with the most horrific crimes of the “despicable Pol Pot” regime (1975–79)—as Cambodians called it—during which the radical pursuit of utopian revolutionary ideas cost roughly two million Cambodians their lives. Searching for mechanisms to hold perpetrators accountable for their crimes is seldom simple, as this essay, an assessment of the Khmer Rouge Tribunal twenty years on from the founding of the new Cambodian state and thirty-four years after the fall of the Pol Pot regime, attests. The Khmer Rouge Tribunal, whose formal name is the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), was established in 2006, providing the first hope that Khmer Rouge leaders would finally be brought to justice and held to account for their hideous crimes.
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6

Wright, Wayne E. "Khmer as a Heritage Language in the United States: Historical Sketch, Current Realities, and Future Prospects." Heritage Language Journal 7, no. 1 (December 30, 2010): 117–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.46538/hlj.7.1.6.

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Cambodian Americans are a fairly recent language minority group in the United States; most families arrived in the United States as refugees during the 1980s. Over the past 30 years, there has been great concern in the community regarding the maintenance loss of their native Khmer language. This article provides an historical and contemporary sketch of the Khmer language in the United States, and discusses implications for its future survival. Data are drawn and analyzed from the U.S. Census, the 2007 American Community Survey, and other statistical sources, in addition to research conducted in Cambodian American communities, and the author’s experiences and observations as a (non-native) Khmer speaker. The findings indicate that the Khmer language is alive and well in the United States, and most school-age youth continue to speak Khmer, although few speak it with high levels of proficiency and few have literacy skills in the language given the lack of opportunities for Khmer HL education. Nonetheless, there are some positive factors that Khmer communities and educational institutions can draw on to ensure the future of Khmer as a HL in the United States. In the early 1990s, I attended a forum held at California State University, Long Beach sponsored by the United Cambodian Students of America. The distinguished guest speaker was Mr. Neou Kassie, a well-known Cambodian American and an outspoken human rights advocate. Mr. Neou began speaking elegantly and powerfully in Khmer, describing his advocacy work in Cambodia. A few minutes into his animated speech, one of the young college student leaders, with an embarrassed look on her face, interrupted him: “Excuse me Mr. Neou, can you please switch to English? Most of us are having a very hard time understanding you in Khmer.” Cambodian Americans are a fairly recent language minority group in the United States; most families have been in this country for less than 30 years. However, as the vignette above illustrates, issues have already emerged related to the maintenance or loss of Khmer as a heritage language in the United States. Even within the first ten years of refugee resettlement, Cambodian parents and community leaders expressed concern at what they perceived as rapid Khmer language loss among their youth (Smith-Hefner, 1990). Nonetheless, Khmer continues to be widely used in Cambodian American families and communities across the United States, and there are some efforts to provide opportunities for the next generations of Cambodian Americans to develop and maintain their native Khmer language. The purpose of this article is to provide a historical and contemporary sketch of the Khmer language in the United States, and to discuss implications for its future survival. Data for this article are drawn from the United States Census, the American Community Survey, and other statistical sources, in addition to research conducted in Cambodian American communities, and my own experiences and observations as a (non-native) Khmer speaker. It is my hope that these analyses will be useful to policy makers, educators, and researchers, and also to Cambodian American community leaders, educators, and others who are actively working to preserve the Khmer language in the United States. In this article, we first will look briefly at the history of Cambodian American immigration to the United States, including the tragic events in Cambodia leading to the large exodus of political refugees. Next, we will explore demographic information related to Cambodian Americans and the Khmer language in the United States, followed by a discussion of Cambodian Americans’ relationship with Cambodia. We then consider issues related to Khmer language maintenance and loss in the United States, including community and institutional efforts that provide opportunities for the learning and use of Khmer. The article concludes with a discussion of the future of Khmer as a Heritage Language in the United States.
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7

Taylor, Philip. "Water in the Shaping and Unmaking of Khmer Identity on the Vietnam-Cambodia Frontier." TRaNS: Trans-Regional and -National Studies of Southeast Asia 2, no. 1 (January 2014): 103–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/trn.2013.18.

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AbstractThis paper attempts an explanation for the persistence of Khmer cultural identifications on the Ca Mau Peninsula of Vietnam. This low-lying peninsula is a unique human environment, where Khmer villages, Buddhist temple festivals and livelihood activities are centred on a network of saline-infested rivers. The presence of Khmer communities along these waterways is noteworthy, for much scholarship suggests that the waterways of the multi-ethnic lower Mekong region tend to be dominated by non-Khmer ethnic groups. The vigorous Khmer presence on the peninsula is even more intriguing given that the peninsula is a migratory and trade oriented region, long under Vietnamese administration and subject to military and environmental upheavals that have challenged Khmer tenure.The paper suggests that mastery of communal water harvesting allowed Khmers to survive the long saline water season and gave them a secure foothold in this region. Additionally, their collaborative water harvesting practices contributed to cohesion and a common identity among Khmers and helped strengthen the Theravada Buddhist wat as one of the key cultural institutions on the peninsula. However, the development of an extensive irrigation network by the Vietnamese state in the last thirty years has had the opposite effect. Canal developments facilitated intensive agriculture, immigration and the introduction of new cultural models into the peninsula, while creating economic and environmental insecurity for Khmers and undercutting the traditional grounds for collaboration. Such changes cast light on the links between ethnic identifications and the system of fresh water provision in the lower Mekong region.
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8

Lim, Alvin Cheng-Hin. "Human Rights in Cambodia after the Khmer Rouge." Review of Human Rights 1, no. 1 (December 15, 2015): 12–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.35994/rhr.v1i1.69.

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This article will first consider the decline of human rights in Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge’s Democratic Kampuchea regime. This will be compared with the situation in the Vietnamese-backed regime which followed Democratic Kampuchea, and with the post-conflict regime that was established after the Paris Peace Agreements of 1991. In particular, it will examine the different ways Cambodians lost their human rights under the revolutionary socialist regime of Democratic Kampuchea, the postrevolutionary socialist regime of the People’s Republic of Kampuchea, and the neoliberal post-socialist conditions of contemporary Cambodia. The article will conclude with a consideration of the future of human rights in Cambodia.
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9

Wilks, Mary-Collier. "Interpreting Khmer Women’s Health." Contexts 20, no. 1 (February 2021): 74–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1536504221997880.

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International nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) from the U.S. and Japan have a shared aim of improving women’s health yet implement very different programs in Cambodia. The author’s observations and interviews in Tokyo, Washington D.C., and Cambodia suggest that while NGO practitioners in Cambodia can adapt programming to better reflect the concerns of local stakeholders, they have less influence in defining what counts as success.
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10

MacCabe, James, Ka Sunbaunat, and Pauv Bunthoeun. "Psychiatry in Cambodia: the phoenix rises from the ashes." International Psychiatry 4, no. 2 (April 2007): 37–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s1749367600001764.

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Cambodia is a low-income country in south-east Asia. It covers an area of 181 035 km2and has a population of 14.5 million, of whom 42% are less than 15 years old. Life expectancy is 56.8 years and 36% of the population live on less than US$0.50 per day. Cambodia experienced a brutal civil war and genocide in the 1970s under the Khmer Rouge regime, during which approximately 1.7 million Cambodians were killed (Chandler, 1999) and the social and medical infrastructure was almost completely destroyed. No mental health services existed throughout the conflict and subsequent Vietnamese occupation, despite the incalculable impact of the Khmer Rouge regime on Cambodians' mental health. The current political situation is more stable, although there remain concerns about human rights abuses (Khan, 2005).
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11

Erlingsdóttir, Irma. "La politique de neutralité. L’Histoire terrible mais inachevée de Norodom Sihanouk." Milli mála 10, no. 1 (2018): 35–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.33112/millimala.10.3.

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The article explores Hélène Cixous’s 1985 play The Terrible Unfinished Story of Norodom Sihanouk, King of Cambodia (L´Histoire terrible mais inachevée de Norodom Sihanouk roi du Cambodge) by focusing on Cixous’s portrayal of Sihanouk and her interpretation of Cambodia’s history with references to the country’s civil conflict, the Cold War, and the Vietnam War. The article seeks to historicize the play by placing it within the context of contemporary political works on Cambodian history. As embedded in the play’s metanarrative and its contemporary metaphor of human suffering, special attention is paid to Cambodia’s power struggles, both internationally and within its own borders. The emphasis is on the tension between Cixous’s portrayal of Sihanouk as the paternal protector of Cambodia’s “eternal cultural heritage” and his political compromises with internal (the Khmer Rouge) and external (the United States, China, North Vietnam) actors. From a broader perspective, an additional focus is on the conflict between traditionalism and modernization, imperialism and resistance, and territoriality and exile.
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12

Rajagopal, Balakrishnan. "The Pragmatics of Prosecuting the Khmer Rouge." Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law 1 (December 1998): 189–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s138913590000009x.

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It is generally known that one of the worst acts of mass killings and auto-genocide occurred in Cambodia between 1975–79 during the reign of terror unleashed by the Khmer Rouge (KR) regime. It is estimated that between 1–2 million Cambodians (out of a total population of around 7 million) were killed, starved, or died of malnutrition and disease during this period. The KR regime persecuted religious and ethnic minorities, abolished all religions, private property and money and put the entire population under forced labor. The KR continued such practices in the areas under its control during the 1980s, and conducted a vitriolic and violent campaign against the ethnic Vietnamese in Cambodia until its collapse last year.
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13

Nou, Leakhena. "Living in His Father’s Shadow: Exploring Healing Justice and Reconciliation in Cambodia with Duch’s Son." Asian Journal of Social Science 41, no. 1 (2013): 29–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-12341279.

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Abstract Nearly four decades after the Khmer Rouge genocide, the Cambodian people have found some solace to a tragic past that forever has defined their personal and collective identities. The first of five defendants on trial in the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (the ECCC), Kaing Guek Eav (alias Duch, Chief Warden of S-21) was found guilty of crimes against humanity and Grave Breaches of the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and sentenced to life imprisonment on 3 February 2012. Aside from his criminal reputation as the head executioner of S-21, what other legacy does Duch leave behind? In particular, what psycho-emotional legacy does he leave his children? This paper focuses on the social and political legacy passed on to Duch’s eldest son as it affects the possibilities for his contributing to reconciliation, forgiveness, and ‘healing justice’ in post-Khmer Rouge Cambodia. The paper also warns against casting perpetrators’ children as bystanders to their own history or as being guilty of their parents’ crimes, and provides an alternative Khmer Rouge narrative: that of the children of perpetrators and how their identities fit within the larger Cambodian national identity and search for justice.
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Thach, Dan Thi. "THE NEED OF BILINGUAL DICTIONARY: VIETNAMESE-KHMER AND KHMER-VIETNAMESE." Scientific Journal of Tra Vinh University 1, no. 25 (June 19, 2019): 35–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.35382/18594816.1.25.2017.117.

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In the context of globalization today, speaking and using two languages is an advantage to develop yourself and to achieve success. To meet that need, many bilingual dictionaries were developed on a large scale. The bilingual Vietnamese-Khmer, Khmer-Vietnamese dictionary is still very modest in terms of number of words. This has not satisfied the need to study bilingual Khmer - Vietnamese of the large population in Cambodia as well as people in areas with large Khmer ethnic groups such as the Southwest. The bilingual dictionary of Vietnamese - Khmer and Khmer - Vietnamese of Tra Vinh University will be a contribution to the development of the dictionary field, it will effectively support for learning bilingual Khmer - Vietnamese simultaneously. Contributing to preserving and promoting the national cultural identity and performing the political cooperation between Vietnam and Cambodia.
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15

Un, Kheang. "Cambodia in 2011." Asian Survey 52, no. 1 (January 2012): 202–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.1.202.

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Abstract Cambodia's economy in 2011 recovered from the global economic downturn with a rise in garment exports. Hun Sen and the ruling Cambodian People's Party further consolidated power via the exercise of rule by law and patronage politics. Relations with Thailand returned to normal; ties with China strengthened with increased assistance and trade. The Khmer Rouge Tribunal proceeded amid allegations of political interference by the Cambodian government, making the further expansion of indictments unlikely.
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Bahn, Paul G. "Khmer artefacts return to Cambodia." Antiquity 74, no. 286 (December 2000): 753. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00060270.

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17

Hart, Ph.D., Kathy E. "Images of School from a Cambodian Rural Community: The Nexus of Memory and Present." Journal of Education and Culture Studies 3, no. 2 (April 30, 2019): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/jecs.v3n2p134.

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<p><em>Few qualitative studies have been done in Cambodia, a country held hostage by the murderous Khmer Rouge in the 1970s. As it recovers from these atrocities, Cambodia looks to education to aid in its redevelopment. </em></p><p><em>This ethnographically-informed case study describes the educational understandings and oral history of residents of a rural Cambodian village. By listening to the voices of those who lived through the Khmer Rouge era and those who grew up in its shadow, we can better understand the foundations of education in rural Cambodia. The research describes ways in which literacy is exhibited in this village, revealing the possibilities of rich alternate literacies and strong beliefs in the future of education. </em></p><p><em>Using both Paulo Freire’s work and a feminist lens as suggested by Sara Lawrence- Lightfoot, field work was conducted in Cambodia using a variety of data sources: observations, interviews, and casual conversations. Analysing these data using the Portraiture Approach resulted in a complex picture of life within the village and ways literacy is shared. Findings from this case study reveal a rich foundation on which to build literacy within Cambodian by tending to the expressed and observed local needs.</em></p>
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18

Boyle, David. "Establishing the responsibility of the Khmer Rouge leadership for international crimes." Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law 5 (December 2002): 167–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1389135900001070.

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Dragged reluctantly into the debate over Khmer Rouge accountability, the United Nations Secretariat has spent the last five years attempting to find a mutually acceptable judicial structure to try the leaders of the former government of Cambodia for international crimes committed between 1975 and 1979.In response to a request for aid from the Cambodian government in June 1997, the UN originally came down in favour of establishing a thirdad hocInternational Criminal Tribunal. Taking that proposal as a starting point, this paper documents the series of events leading the Organisation towards unwilling participation in potentially unjust domestic trials after Cambodia's refusal of the UN proposal. Each time the negotiations seemed to have broken down, the UN and Cambodia came under pressure from certain Member States to return to the negotiating table. Beset with its responsibility in supporting the Khmer Rouge after the Vietnamese invasion in 1979, the UN compromised successively concerning the nature of the court (part 3) and its structure (part 4). A consensus finally seemed to have been reached in July 2000, when a UN negotiating team left Phnom Penh with a draft Memorandum of Understanding concerning ‘significant international co-operation’ in trials before ‘Extraordinary Chambers’ of the Cambodian courts (the ‘draft MOU’). However, the law finally promulgated on 10 August 2001 in order to set up these Chambers (the ‘Tribunal Law’) was not entirely consistent with the terms of the draft MOU, the exact legal status of which then became a bone of contention (part 5).
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Ngoun, Kimly. "Narrating the national border: Cambodian state rhetoric vs popular discourse on the Preah Vihear conflict." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 47, no. 2 (April 29, 2016): 210–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463416000059.

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Existing studies of the Thai–Cambodian conflict over the Khmer temple of Preah Vihear tend to focus on the historical and legal dimensions of the contested claims and on Thailand's role. This article examines the conflict from within Cambodia, through the rhetoric of the Cambodian state elites and the views of residents of Preah Vihear province. The state has endeavoured to create and propogate a view that development projects in this province are an expression of Khmer pride as well as important for nation-building and border defence. Residents of the border region, however, view such nationalist discourse through their everyday experiences, giving local meaning to terms such as development, nation and heritage.
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Reed, Karen Simon. "UTILIZATION OF A SOCIAL MEDIA PLATFORM TO DEVELOP CONTINUING EDUCATION PROGRAMMING FOR PROMOTING NURSING PRACTICE IN CAMBODIA." Belitung Nursing Journal 5, no. 2 (April 14, 2019): 75–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.33546/bnj.714.

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Background: Cambodia’s nursing profession and nursing education system continue to progress 40 years after destruction by the Khmer Rouge. The author, who has a relationship with a hospital in southern Cambodia, was asked to teach physical assessment techniques to improve patient care.Objective: This study aimed to evaluate the impact of culturally congruent physical assessment media on the knowledge-base of Cambodian nurses.Methods: This article describes two years of an on-going project designed by the author who annually recruits US based BSN nursing students to use the ADDIE model to create and record segments on physical assessment which are posted on a private You Tube channel for the limited English- speaking Cambodian nursing staff. Optional post-tests are administered by the Cambodian hospital’s nursing director.Results: Test results reflect knowledge gained on cardiac, pulmonary, and gastrointestinal physical assessment skills with means ranging from 73.55% to 95.71%. Physical assessment skills until recently were not taught in Cambodia's nursing programs. Cambodia's nursing profession is advancing and a corresponding skill set including conducting physical assessments is necessary. As a majority of the project participants did not have prior exposure to the material, a pre-test was not provided and participation in post-testing was optional. The objective was to provide useful professional educational materials at a comfortable language level for the Cambodian nurses using examples which were cultural relevant.Conclusion: The BSN students successfully developed culturally relevant educational products the Cambodian nurses the nurses found useful.
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Hinton, Alexander Laban. "Why Did You Kill?: The Cambodian Genocide and the Dark Side of Face and Honor." Journal of Asian Studies 57, no. 1 (February 1998): 93–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2659025.

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Why did you kill?From the first day I arrived in Cambodia to conduct ethnographic research, I had wanted to pose this question to a Khmer Rouge who had executed people during the genocidal Democratic Kampuchea regime (April 1975 to January 1979)- When the Khmer Rouge—a radical group of Maoist-inspired Communist rebels—came to power after a bloody civil war in which 600,000 people died, they transformed Cambodian society into what some survivors now call “the prison without walls”(kuk et chonhcheang). The cities were evacuated; economic production and consumption were collectivized; books were confiscated and sometimes burned; Buddhism and other forms of religious worship were banned; freedom of speech, travel, residence, and occupational choice were dramatically curtailed; formal education largely disappeared; money, markets, and courts were abolished; and the family was subordinated to the Party Organization,Ângkar. Over one and a half million of Cambodia's eight million inhabitants perished from disease, over-work, starvation, and outright execution under this genocidal regime (Kiernan 1996).
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Skilbeck, Rupert. "Defending the Khmer Rouge." International Criminal Law Review 8, no. 3 (2008): 423–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181208x308763.

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AbstractThe author outlines the lengthy negotiation process to create the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia and the continued negotiations over the Internal Rules of the ECCC. The novel aspects of the procedure at the court are examined, looking at the investigation, the role of the civil party and the need for secrecy. There follows a survey of the ways in which defence lawyers have been supported in war crimes trials since Nuremberg, highlighting some of the recurring problems that have arisen and the system that is being used in Cambodia. Finally, the allegations against the five suspects before the ECCC are outlined and the legal issues that are likely to arise at the Court.
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Wyatt, Zoe O. "Pathways of Resilience and Recovery from Trauma for Cambodian Young People." Advances in Social Science and Culture 3, no. 3 (August 26, 2021): p80. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/assc.v3n3p80.

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The majority of trauma and resilience research in Cambodia has focussed on survivors of the Khmer Rouge. This qualitative study set out to discover what protective factors promote resilience in young trauma survivors who are at least one generation removed. A Grounded Theory approach offered a guiding resilience framework that shaped 40 interviews: 26 participants comprised of Cambodian young people (ages 18-30) who had experienced significant early childhood trauma and 14 key informants from the Cambodian Child Protection non-governmental organization sector. Data from the young people was collected through the use of three instruments: semi-structured interviews, a narrative timeline of events and the Connor-Davidson Resilience Scale. These instruments were used to explore factors relating to recovery, resilience and wellbeing among the Cambodian young people. Key informant interviews were conducted to help understand how the Child Protection sector assists recovery from trauma in Cambodia. Analysis of the participants’ oral narratives sought to uncover, understand and explain the phenomena of resilience and factors contributing to their recovery, in a post-Khmer Rouge contemporary Cambodian context. According to the young people, key factors contributing to their recovery included emotional regulation, faith and spirituality, opportunities for education and employment, social connectedness and meaning making.
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Roberts, David W. "Peace, Power and Resistance in Cambodia: Global Governance and the Failure of International Conflict Resolution. By Pierre P. Lizee. New York: St. Martin's, 2000. 206p. $65.00." American Political Science Review 96, no. 1 (March 2002): 269–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402414347.

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This work discusses conflict resolution in the Western paradigm and Cambodia's recent experience of that. Lizee makes a notable contribution to our understanding of the management of transitions from conflict to peace in this sophisticated piece of analysis. The work revolves around the general hypothesis that the failure of the Cambodian peace process is attributable almost entirely to the inappropriate character of the Western-determined peace process. The book starts by comparing the evolution of conflict management processes in the West and in Cambodia; Lizee makes the differences quite clear, and this part of his work is very strong as an indicator of the evolution of socioinstitutional mores in Cambodia (especially pp. 39–43). He argues that a critical tension accounts for the failure of the Paris Peace Agreement (PPA). This is to be found in the Khmer approaches to social harmony through balance-of-power equations and Buddhist values.
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Gruspier, Katherine, and Michael S. Pollanen. "Forensic Legacy of the Khmer Rouge: The Cambodian Genocide." Academic Forensic Pathology 7, no. 3 (September 2017): 415–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.23907/2017.035.

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The people of Cambodia were subjected to widespread forced migration and labor, disease, starvation, torture, murder, and indeed, genocide over a period of four years during the control of the country by Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge in the 1970s. While the country awaits some form of justice from the hybrid tribunal hearing cases against a few of the perpetrators of these crimes, it has undertaken to memorialize the dead in visible monuments in order that the people remember and never allow it to happen again. This paper outlines the few forensic investigations which have been undertaken on the remains of the deceased from this period in Cambodia's history. The current status of the legal proceedings and the current death investigation system in Cambodia are also presented. There is a wealth of objective forensic information that can be gathered from analyzing the remains that have been disturbed and placed in monuments (stupas), and also in the undisturbed graves across the country. This information cannot only assist in any legal proceedings, but can aide in training medicolegal experts in Cambodia for the future good of the country and its rule of law.
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Anderson, Emily, and Kelly Grace. "From Schoolgirls to “Virtuous” Khmer Women: Interrogating Chbab Srey and Gender in Cambodian Education Policy." Studies in Social Justice 12, no. 2 (December 29, 2018): 215–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v12i2.1626.

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Chbab Srey (Code of Conduct for Women) is an important piece of Khmer literature outlining expected behavior for girls and women in Cambodia. Pieces of the poem are taught in secondary school and interwoven into the educational experiences of girls and female teachers, yet there is little research on Chbab Srey in education. Using discourse analysis, this article considers the influence of Chbab Srey on gender-related education policy in Cambodia. This research highlights the juxtaposition of Chbab Srey and gender mainstreaming in education policy and in the curricular experiences of girls and teachers in Cambodia, and introduces an unexamined and culturally coveted piece of Cambodian curriculum to the fields of teacher-related policy and girls’ education.
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O’Lemmon, Matthew. "Spirit cults and Buddhist practice in Kep Province, Cambodia." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 45, no. 1 (January 10, 2014): 25–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463413000623.

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This article focuses on the growth of spirit cults in Cambodia since the end of the Democratic Kampuchea regime through an examination of the most common type of tutelary spirit,neak ta, in Kompong Tralach in Kep Province. The role ofneak tais discussed in relation to Buddhism through their representation in local legends and myths, as reported by villagers and monks, and as the focus of rituals and ceremonies, including some conducted in a Buddhist temple, Wat Kompong Tralach. This provides ethnographic data showing that during and following the destruction of Buddhism under the Khmer Rouge, and the resulting loss of monks and knowledgeable lay Buddhist specialists, Cambodians turned increasingly to older traditions such as the belief in the power and efficacy ofneak tato help fill a void. This examination of the enduring place and growing importance of beliefs such as theneak tacult within Khmer cosmology and religious practice following decades of war and recovery deepens our understanding of the reconstruction of Buddhism in Cambodia.
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Lin, Wen-Pin. "Cambodia’s Policy towards the Cambodia-Chinese since wwii." Translocal Chinese: East Asian Perspectives 14, no. 2 (January 6, 2021): 158–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24522015-14020003.

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Abstract Although anti-Chinese riots are rare in Cambodia, the ethnic Chinese in Cambodia during the Khmer Rouge era experienced some of the most severe repression in the world. The situation had improved by the 1990s, following the Hun Sen government’s abolishment of discriminatory policies towards them. The positive opinion of the Cambodian-Chinese was given another boost when Chinese capital flooded into the country. Keeping a low profile in politics and contributing to the national economy through their businesses have been the ways in which the ethnic Chinese survived in Cambodia. This does not mean that they have had no interest in politics; rather, they have preferred to engage with it through patron-client relationships with ruling politicians through their businesses. However, as the main stakeholders of the Cambodian political economy and the main pipeline through which Chinese capital flows, the Cambodian-Chinese would be in the firing line should Chinese investment not work out in the long-term.
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Lin, Wen-Pin. "Cambodia’s Policy towards the Cambodia-Chinese since wwii." Translocal Chinese: East Asian Perspectives 14, no. 2 (January 6, 2021): 158–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24522015-14020003.

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Abstract Although anti-Chinese riots are rare in Cambodia, the ethnic Chinese in Cambodia during the Khmer Rouge era experienced some of the most severe repression in the world. The situation had improved by the 1990s, following the Hun Sen government’s abolishment of discriminatory policies towards them. The positive opinion of the Cambodian-Chinese was given another boost when Chinese capital flooded into the country. Keeping a low profile in politics and contributing to the national economy through their businesses have been the ways in which the ethnic Chinese survived in Cambodia. This does not mean that they have had no interest in politics; rather, they have preferred to engage with it through patron-client relationships with ruling politicians through their businesses. However, as the main stakeholders of the Cambodian political economy and the main pipeline through which Chinese capital flows, the Cambodian-Chinese would be in the firing line should Chinese investment not work out in the long-term.
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30

BLUM-REID, Sylvie E. "Khmer memories or filming with Cambodia." Inter-Asia Cultural Studies 4, no. 1 (January 2003): 126–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1464937032000060267.

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31

Heder, Steve. "Cambodia in 2010." Asian Survey 51, no. 1 (January 2011): 208–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2011.51.1.208.

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Prime Minister Hun Sen's power became more concentrated. The economy expanded but was said to need diversification. Inequality intensified conflicts, but development generated legitimacy, while the political opposition and civil society were attacked. A U.N.-assisted court convicted five ex-Khmer Rouge leaders. Ties with China, the U.S., and Thailand improved.
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GOODLANDER, JENNIFER. "Sbeik Thom at the Season of Cambodia Festival: Performing Memory after the Killing Fields in a Post-9/11 New York City." Theatre Research International 41, no. 1 (February 11, 2016): 40–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883315000607.

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During the period of the Khmer Rouge (1975–9) culture was turned back to ‘Year Zero’ through the murder and destruction of about 90 per cent of the country's artists and intellectuals. These art forms are now being remembered, revised and reinvented in order to articulate a contemporary Cambodian identity. In the spring of 2013, New York City hosted a month-long festival of Cambodian arts called the Season of Cambodia. The festival, which sought to celebrate and reaffirm Cambodian identity through the arts, set the stage for other post-conflict nations seeking renewal through artistic expression. A performance of sbeik thom, or large shadow puppets, was staged at the site of the former World Financial Center, seeking to create a dialogue between New York and Cambodia themed around healing and renewal.
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Edwards, Penny. "The Tyranny of Proximity: Power and Mobility in Colonial Cambodia, 1863–1954." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 37, no. 3 (August 30, 2006): 421–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463406000725.

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Often typecast as sedentary and static in Western writings, Cambodians have long been on the move. This article explores the misrepresentation of such mobility in colonial narratives, and contrasts the stereotype of the static Khmer with the mobilization of recruits in the First World War, the activities of protesters in Cambodia and political devices like the Royal Tour.
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So, Angelica. "Cambodian Family Albums: Tian's "L'année du lièvre"." Genocide Studies and Prevention 14, no. 3 (December 2020): 90–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.14.3.1734.

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This article explores how Franco-Cambodian cartoonist Tian’s graphic novel, L’année du lièvre [Year of the Rabbit], represents second-generation postmemory in the form of, what I call, a “Cambodian family album,” or a personal-collective archive. The album serves to convey to subsequent generations: 1) the history of the Cambodian genocide, 2) the collective memories of pre-1975 Cambodia preceding the Khmer Rouge takeover of Phnom Penh, and 3) the Cambodian humanitarian crisis and exodus of the 1970s-1990s. The conceptualization of the family album is derived from the literal translation, from Khmer into English, of the term “photo album” – “book designated for sticking pictures.” The translation of the term emphasizes the fragmentary and creative nature of postmemory, or the second-generation’s experience of their parents’ trauma. This article begins with an analysis of L’année du lièvre as family album and moves beyond the comics medium to show how Cambodian identity is being reshaped and renegotiated through 1.5- and second-generation Cambodian genocide survivors’ contributions to film, dance, and the literary-arts.
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Guérin, Mathieu. "Khmer peasants and land access in Kompong Thom Province in the 1930s." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 43, no. 3 (August 22, 2012): 441–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463412000331.

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Based on Cambodian and French archival records, which include colonial and local administration reports, tax rosters and judicial sources, this paper explores landownership in Cambodia in the 1930s. It shows that, contrary to common belief, land access was already an issue in the 1930s. The study of tax registers of three communes in the province of Kompong Thom presents a Khmer rural society dominated by peasants with average-sized landholdings, but where landless peasants or those with very small holdings also existed. It also stresses that women were able to become efficient farm operators. In addition, this analysis of the different sources available shows that Khmer rural society in Kompong Thom was a form of gerontocracy dominated by men aged over 40.
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Mohan, Mahdev. "The Paradox of Victim-Centrism: Victim Participation at the Khmer Rouge Tribunal." International Criminal Law Review 9, no. 5 (2009): 733–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156753609x12507729201318.

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AbstractIt has been claimed – though not proved – that victims will be benefited by participation in international criminal tribunals. This article interrogates this claim in the context of victim participation at the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), commonly referred to as the Khmer Rouge Tribunal. Based on interviews with Cambodian victims and Tribunal affiliates, it examines why and how the Tribunal permits victims to intervene as les parties civile, pulling together the normative and legal basis for this mode of victim participation. This article does not purport to generalize with confidence about Cambodian victims in general, let alone all victims of mass atrocity. Instead, it simply seeks to move beyond vague speculations that victim participation in international trials is always therapeutic, and suggest a new indigenized victimology that the Tribunal should explore as the long-awaited trials of the Khmer Rouge unfold.
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Eisenbruch, Maurice. "Mass fainting in garment factories in Cambodia." Transcultural Psychiatry 54, no. 2 (April 2017): 155–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1363461517703918.

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This paper reports an ethnographic study of mass fainting among garment factory workers in Cambodia. Research was undertaken in 2010–2015 in 48 factories in Phnom Penh and 8 provinces. Data were collected in Khmer using nonprobability sampling. In participant observation with monks, factory managers, health workers, and affected women, cultural understandings were explored. One or more episodes of mass fainting occurred at 34 factories, of which 9 were triggered by spirit possession. Informants viewed the causes in the domains of ill-health/toxins and supernatural activities. These included “haunting” ghosts at factory sites in the wake of Khmer Rouge atrocities or recent fatal accidents and retaliating guardian spirits at sites violated by foreign owners. Prefigurative dreams, industrial accidents, or possession of a coworker heralded the episodes. Workers witnessing a coworker fainting felt afraid and fainted. When taken to clinics, some showed signs of continued spirit influence. Afterwards, monks performed ritual ceremonies to appease spirits, extinguish bonds with ghosts, and prevent recurrence. Decoded through its cultural motifs of fear and protest, contagion, forebodings, the bloody Khmer Rouge legacy, and trespass, mass fainting in Cambodia becomes less enigmatic.
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McCaffrie, Caitlin. "An educational legacy: Exploring the links between education and resilience at the ECCC." Leiden Journal of International Law 33, no. 4 (September 4, 2020): 975–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156520000424.

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AbstractAbout half a million Cambodians have attended hearings or outreach activities about the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) since public hearings began in 2009. Countless more have watched the trials unfold on television, and increasingly on social media. To date, the majority of conversations around the legacy of the ECCC have come from international scholars focusing on the legal impact the trials may have. This article instead presents the often-missing views of Cambodian youth about the Tribunal. It also, more broadly, explores the ECCC’s impact on education and young people’s understanding of history. Based on research carried out with university students, this article argues that the contribution of the ECCC to education has often been overlooked and is in fact one of its most significant legacies. In Cambodia, government and non-government organizations, as well as academic institutions, have the unique opportunity to incorporate testimony, footage, and documents from the ECCC into their programmes, greatly adding to the existing repertoire of Khmer-language resources dealing with the past. The result is a more well-rounded programme of transitional justice and reconciliation than the court alone could have provided, and certainly a higher level of external resilience than would have occurred had the court been located outside of Cambodia.
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Pham, Phuong N., Mychelle Balthazard, Niamh Gibbons, and Patrick Vinck. "Perspectives on memory, forgiveness and reconciliation in Cambodia's post-Khmer Rouge society." International Review of the Red Cross 101, no. 910 (April 2019): 125–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383119000213.

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AbstractTransitional justice is a conspicuous feature of responses to mass atrocities. Rooted in accountability and redress for victims, transitional justice mechanisms influence and are influenced by collective memory of conflicts. This article looks at the dynamics between memory, trauma and forgiveness in Cambodia. Thirty years after the Khmer Rouge regime, Cambodians expressed limited knowledge of the past, a strong desire for the truth, and lingering feelings of hatred. The Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) created or renewed demand for truth, along with some desire for harm to come to the wrongdoers. Although the ECCC was set up several decades after the mass atrocities, the data suggest that the ECCC and the civil society movement associated with it may have had positive outcomes on addressing the legacy of the violence.
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40

Caswell, Michelle. "Using classification to convict the Khmer Rouge." Journal of Documentation 68, no. 2 (March 2, 2012): 162–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/00220411211209177.

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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to explore the importance of classification structures to efforts at holding perpetrators of human rights abuses accountable using one archival repository in Cambodia as a case study.Design/methodology/approachThe primary methodology of this paper is a textual analysis of the Documentation Center of Cambodia's classification scheme, as well as a conceptual analysis using the theoretical framework originally posited by Bowker and Star and further developed by Harris and Duff. These analyses were supplemented by interviews with key participants.FindingsThe Documentation Center of Cambodia's classification of Khmer Rouge records by ethnic identity has had a major impact on charging former officials of the regime with genocide in the ongoing human rights tribunal.Social implicationsAs this exploration of the DC‐Cam database shows, archival description can be used as a tool to promote accountability in societies coming to terms with difficult histories.Originality/valueThis paper expands and revises Harris and Duff's definition of liberatory description to include Spivak's concept of strategic essentialism, arguing that archivists’ classification choices have important ethical and legal consequences.
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41

Phillpotts, A. C. L. "Violence and Monumental Complexes: The Fate of Cambodia’s Buddhist Heritage during the Turbulent Years: 1969—79." International Journal of Cultural Property 26, no. 4 (November 2019): 457–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739119000353.

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Abstract:The Khmer Rouge’s impact on Cambodia’s ancient heritage has been understudied. There are, at present, no major resources that explicitly present a centralized compilation of data or information regarding the relationship between the communist regime and the temples of Angkor nor the various damaging effects that a decade of internecine upheavals have had on the monuments. This absence of primary material is surprising considering the extensive archaeological and conservational work that has taken place in Cambodia, and not to mention the international fascination with Angkor. This article aims to take the first steps in redressing this palpable gap in the literature—it is a brief inquiry into the cause and effect of damage, desecration, and destruction committed to the major Angkorian monuments and the treatment of Cambodia’s ancient, tangible heritage by successive political regimes. It also attempts to deal with the inadequate nature of existing documentation that has hindered any analysis of the issues at hand. I restrict my attention to the Buddhist complexes in Cambodia with a focus on four phases of violence: “Operation Menu” or the American bombardment of 1969–70; the Cambodian Civil War, 1970–75; Democratic Kampuchea’s occupancy of power, 1975–79; and the Vietnamese invasion of 1978–79. In regard to what exactly happened to these monumental complexes at the hands of the Khmer Rouge, I have covered structural damage from conventional weaponry; the use, and, in most cases, misuse, of the temples by various political factions (including strategic, practical and quotidian, and propagandistic use); and the effect of conservation interruption and looting. In light of the recent destruction of cultural heritage in the ongoing conflicts in Syria and Iraq and the recent conflict in Mali, these issues remain perpetually relevant in world affairs.
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Green, Gillian. "INDIC IMPETUS? INNOVATIONS IN TEXTILE USAGE IN ANGKORIAN PERIOD CAMBODIA." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 43, no. 3 (2000): 277–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852000511312.

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AbstractDetailed analysis of Khmer costumes and textiles on sculpted images of the Angkorian period reveals a wealth of styles and usages. Vocabulary from contemporaneous inscriptions supplements this information. It is argued that Khmer costume and textile usage at this time was influenced principally by contact with India's culture, the stimulus not only of stylistic innovations and but also the main source of textiles with which to create them.
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Connolly, Chris. "Kissinger, China, Congress, and the Lost Chance for Cambodia." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 17, no. 3 (2010): 205–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656110x542022.

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AbstractHenry Kissinger has been persistent in his claim that the U.S. Congress's failure to adequately supply South Vietnam was the ultimate cause of its collapse in 1975 – a claim many historians dispute. An incident that has received less attention is the role of Congress in terminating a potential negotiated settlement of the civil war in Cambodia by imposing a halt of U.S. bombing there in the summer of 1973. This article demonstrates that in this case, Kissinger's claims are not without foundation. Although the conclusions are tentative without the full Chinese record, the evidence suggests that terminating U.S. military operations in Cambodia fatally undermined Chinese efforts to negotiate the removal of Lon Nol as Cambodian head of state and the establishment of a coalition government involving the Khmer Rouge but with Sihanouk at its head.
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Fawakih, Dirga. "Muslim Kamboja di Bawah Rezim Komunis Khmer Merah 1975-1979." Buletin Al-Turas 22, no. 2 (July 31, 2016): 247–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/bat.v22i2.4044.

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Abstrak Tulisan ini bertujuan menganalisa mengenai apa motif diskriminasi dan bagaimana kebijakan rezim Khmer Merah terhadap etnis dan agama minoritas di Kamboja, di mana etnis Cham-Melayu yang notabennya beragama Islam termasuk di dalamnya. Selain itu skripsi ini juga ingin melanjutkan tulisan P.B Lafont yang dalam artikelnya belum menjawab mengenai apa motif diskriminasi yang dilakukan Khmer Merah terhadap umat Islam di Kamboja. Penelitian ini bersifat analytical history, maka dari itu penulis menggunakan metode penelitian yang biasa digunakan dalam penelitian sejarah pada umumnya, yakni, heuristik, verifikasi, interpretasi,dan historiografi. Dalam penelitian ini penulis mendapatkan temuan-temuan baru terkait motif yang melatarbelakangi diskriminasi Khmer Merah terhadap umat Islam di Kamboja. Selain itu penulis juga menemukan fakta-fakta terkait kebijakan rezim Khmer Merah terhadap etnis dan agama minoritas di Kamboja. Dengan demikian penelitian ini diharapkan dapat melengkapi penelitian-penelitian terdahulu yang belum sempat menjawab permasalahan yang menjadi fokus kajian tulisan ini.---AbstrakThis article aim at analyzing the descrimination motive and the policy of Cham regime toward the religion and etnique minority in Cambodia, where Cham-Malay etnique are mostly muslims. Besides, this article also wants to contoinue the previous article of P.B Lafont which still did’t answer about the descrimination motive done by the Cham toward muslims in Cambodia. This article uses historical approach, the writer uses the common methode mostly done by many historians, the heuristics, verivication, interpretation, and historiography. In this article, the writer found new findings relating to the motive supporting the Cham descrimination toward Muslims in Cambodia. In addition to this, the writer found new facts relating to the policy of Cham regime toward religion and etnique minority in Cambodia. Therefore, this article is expected to accomplish the previous research which couldn’t answer the problem which becomes the focus of this article. DOI : 10.5281/zenodo.556796
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45

Yesberg, Kate. "Accessing Justice Through Victim Participation at the Khmer Rouge Tribunal." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 40, no. 2 (October 5, 2009): 419. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v40i2.5261.

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This article explores the role of victims in the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) – the forum tasked with bringing leaders of the Khmer Rouge regime to justice. Victims have been afforded broad participatory rights at the ECCC, including the opportunity to be joined as third parties to the trial. These innovations must be applauded. However, the role victims can play in the wider process of national reconciliation remains under-utilised. This article suggests that victim participation can be used to increase public accessibility to the trial to ensure proceedings occupy a more positive, and prominent space in Cambodia's healing process.
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Hughes, Caroline. "Khmer Land, Khmer Soul: Sam Rainsy, Populism, and the Problem of Seeing Cambodia." South East Asia Research 9, no. 1 (March 2001): 45–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5367/000000001101297315.

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47

Baird, Ian G. "Different views of history: Shades of irredentism along the Laos–Cambodia border." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 41, no. 2 (May 4, 2010): 187–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463410000020.

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The administrative boundary between Laos and Cambodia is amongst the least studied international borders in Southeast Asia. Since Laos and Cambodia became independent in 1953–54, relatively minor but sustained tensions have characterised border relations. An important reason for disagreements is irredentist feelings. Some ethnic Lao in both Laos and Cambodia believe that part of northeastern Cambodia should be added to Laos, while some ethnic Khmer in Cambodia insist that their border should be extended to include part of southern Laos. Different emphases and framings of history have contributed to irredentism and the development of identities in relation to the border.
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Bektimirova, Nadezhda N. "ON THE PARTICULARITIES OF THE SPREAD OF CHISTIANITY IN CAMBODIA IN THE XIX–XXI CENTURY." Humanitarian: actual problems of the humanities and education, no. 4 (December 30, 2018): 373–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2078-9823.044.018.201804.373-383.

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Introduction. This paper analyses the spread of Christianity in Cambodia – a rarely studied issue in Russian and Western oriental studies. Cambodia is a country where Buddhism is the state religion and has traditionally been adopted by the vast majority of its population. An analysis of the activity of Christian missions in Cambodia through a long historical period (XIX–XXIs centuries) allows for a deeper appreciation of the core issues for South East Asian countries in the XXI century, namely religious conversion and religious tolerance. The purpose of the article is to consider the reasons behind the lack of any significant enthusiasm towards Christianity among Cambodia’s population through the XIX–XX centuries as well as the impetus behind the growing conversion to Christianity in the XXIs century. Materials and Methods. The article is based on an analysis of the memoirs of French travelers and Christian missionaries of the XIX century as well as documents of the Ministry of Cults and Religion of Cambodia and the Cambodian press. The author uses both general scientific and special-historical methods: dialectical, comparative-historical and chronological. Results. The author shows that during the colonial period French Christian missionaries accepted the extreme unwillingness of the native population to convert to Christianity. At the time this could be explained by the prevalence of deeply held Buddhist ideas and traditions. By the end of the XX century Christianity began to attract a segment of the Khmer population, due to a whole host of pragmatic and ideological reasons. Given growing activities of various Christian organizations in Cambodia their influence is highly likely to increase over time. Conclusions. The analysis of the situation in Cambodia demonstrates that overall, the process of conversion to Christianity is unlikely to trigger a considerable change in the field of religion, especially considering that Buddhism still enjoys widespread state support. The vast majority of the Cambodian population shows a high degree of tolerance towards other religious confessions. Thus, the growth of Christian organizations has not so far led to a rise in negative attitudes. Keywords: Cambodia, Buddhism, Christianity, religious conversion, propaganda of Christianity, Christian missions, religious tolerance.
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Widyono, Benny. "The spectre of the Khmer Rouge over Cambodia." UN Chronicle 45, no. 3 (December 31, 2009): 25–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/a1dfcd46-en.

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50

Kamoshita, Shigehiko. "Cambodia after the Cruelty of the Khmer Rouge." TRENDS IN THE SCIENCES 8, no. 11 (2003): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5363/tits.8.11_55.

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