Academic literature on the topic 'Khoikhoi (African people)'

Sceletium tortuosum (L.) N.E.Br. (Mesembryanthemaceae), commonly known as kanna or kougoed, is an effective indigenous medicinal plant in South Africa, specifically to the native San and Khoikhoi tribes. Today, the plant has gained strong global attraction and reputation due to its capabilities to promote a sense of well-being by relieving stress with calming effects. Historically, the plant was used by native San hunter-gatherers and Khoi people to quench their thirst, fight fatigue and for healing, social, and spiritual purposes. Various studies have revealed that extracts of the plant have numerous biological properties and isolated alkaloids of Sceletium tortuosum are currently being used as dietary supplements for medicinal purposes and food. Furthermore, current research has focused on the commercialization of the plant because of its treatment in clinical anxiety and depression, psychological and psychiatric disorders, improving mood, promoting relaxation and happiness. In addition, several studies have focused on the isolation and characterization of various beneficial bioactive compounds including alkaloids from the Sceletium tortuosum plant. Sceletium was reviewed more than a decade ago and new evidence has been published since 2008, substantiating an update on this South African botanical asset. Thus, this review provides an extensive overview of the biological and pharmaceutical properties of Sceletium tortuosum as well as the bioactive compounds with an emphasis on antimicrobial, anti-inflammatory, anti-oxidant, antidepressant, anxiolytic, and other significant biological effects. There is a need to critically evaluate the bioactivities and responsible bioactive compounds, which might assist in reinforcing and confirming the significant role of kanna in the promotion of healthy well-being in these stressful times.

Van der Wiel, Renée. The Swazi People. Gallo Manor, South Africa: Awareness Publishing Group, 2012. Print.South Africa describes itself as “one rainbow nation going forward”, but within that rainbow there are eleven indigenous South African peoples. The Swazi People is one of eleven volumes in the African Cultures of South Africa series, which presents the cultures for readers at the upper elementary level. The other volumes include the cultures of The Khoikhoi, The Ndebele, The North Sotho, The San, The South Sotho, The Tsonga-Shangaan, The Tswana, The Venda, The Xhosa, and The Zulu.In The Swazi People, Renée Van der Wiel describes their arts and crafts, beliefs, clothes, history, houses, language, leaders, marriage, music and dance, recipes, and way of life. The book incorporates many Swazi words, which are listed in the glossary at the back of the book. For example, mahiya (cotton cloth), gogo (grandmother) and lobola (marriage gift, usually cattle) are all listed in the glossary.This volume is attractively produced and brightly coloured. It opens with a full-page map of South Africa that shows the historical movements of the Swazi people and highlights their homelands. Text and images are presented on alternate pages. The professional quality images are usually full-page and are either historical black and white photos or modern colour photos of Swazi people engaged in traditional activities. There is also an index, which improves the book's usefulness as an elementary research text.The text is written in age-appropriate language and deals with the subjects in sufficient detail that as an adult, I was able to learn from it. In general, the tone is objective and non-judgemental. For example, "[i]n 1973, King Sobhuzall and the Imbokoduo National Movement stopped all other political parties from taking part in elections in Swaziland. (…) After only five years of being a democracy, Swaziland became a country ruled by a king." Where there is bias present, it is more in the form of presenting the Swazi point of view: "But the Boers did not care about looking after the Swazi people – all they wanted was to get through to the sea without having to travel through British territory.".This sturdily bound volume is an excellent work and is highly recommended for public and elementary school libraries. Highly recommended: 4 stars out of 4Reviewer: Sandy CampbellSandy is a Health Sciences Librarian at the University of Alberta, who has written hundreds of book reviews across many disciplines. Sandy thinks that sharing books with children is one of the greatest gifts anyone can give.

The assumption among Europeans that the Khoikhoi indigenous people of southern Africa had little to no religious beliefs is evident throughout historical documents. However, if the Khoikhoi were regarded as having any religious beliefs, it was assumed that the moon or sun were objects of worship in the society. Contrary to this incorrect interpretation, this article uncovers the interrelatedness between these two celestial objects and the Supreme Being of the Khoikhoi, Tsũi-||goab, through systematic inquiry. This systematic inquiry seeks to: (1) investigate the interrelatedness between the Supreme Being and the celestial objects, (2) clarify the origins of the assumptions made and (3) explain coherently why and how these assumptions were perpetuated.Contribution: The authors argue that premature conclusions made by outsiders led to there being no need for investigating the religious beliefs of the Khoikhoi society because it was assumed there were none or that they were superficially bound and/or limited to celestial bodies.

The history, identities, languages and cultures of amaXhosa, Khoikhoi and San communities are intimately connected and hybrid. This is carefully documented by Jeff Peires in his seminal work on the history of amaXhosa, The House of Phalo. Many of the descendants of these communities also contributed to the development of the Afrikaans language. The post-1980 consensus within Afrikaans historical linguistics is that the language developed as a result of intercultural contact—what is known as the interlanguage theory—according to which Afrikaans developed as a result of different peoples from different languages speaking a form of Dutch, and the linguistic stabilisation that ensued from the linguistic contact. This intercultural contact is noted by Hein Willemse. It therefore stands to reason that some of the oral literary genres told through isiXhosa and Afrikaans (and prior to that Khoikhoi and San languages and dialects) would have linkages and shared techniques. This article compares genres such as Afrikaans folktales and storytelling from the Northern Cape and Namibia with those of amaXhosa from the Eastern Cape region and elsewhere in relation to points of similarity, thematic commonalities and techniques. This debate will also be broadened to other genres such as comparative oral poetry. The analysis is supported theoretically by taking into account historical factors and multiculturalism, which contribute to the complex sociopolitical factors that influence southern African society. Commonalities regarding the evolution of the isiXhosa and Afrikaans languages and the relationship between these languages is explored, for example the use of borrowings from Afrikaans into isiXhosa and also borrowings from Khoikhoi into isiXhosa. The borrowings show how these languages (and cultures) are intimately connected and that there is also constantly language shift, even today. To date, there has been little or no research that traces the linguistic relationship in relation not only to the evolution of isiXhosa and Afrikaans languages, but also the oral literary genres that are underpinned by these languages. This is done against a sociopolitical and historical theoretical paradigm.

Bibliography: pages 94-97.<br>This study is about the Khoikhoi, known as the "Hottentots" who are today no longer to be found in their original state in South Africa. It deals with their religion nnd disintegration, especially the land issue. The author upholds that there are remnants of Khoikhoi religion and cultural elements present among the descendants of the Khoikhoi, nnmely the Coloured people, especially those in the Cape. These Khoikhoi religious and cultural elements give the Coloured people a dignified continuation with their forebearers. The author also demonstrates that the Khoikhoi were religious people in spite of misconstrued perceptions of their being, culture and traditions. These elements the author further states should be included in the discipline of African theology.

Bibliography: pages 134-166.<br>Southern African archaeology has experienced several changes in theoretical perspectives over the past few decades. More recently there have been renewed calls for a more social and theoretical approach to the analysis of the prehistoric past, especially the Late Stone Age. This thesis is an account of the last 4000 years in the southwestern Cape, where material culture is analysed in terms of contextual meaning. Contextual meaning is used in conjunction with social identity theory to analyse the interaction between Khoi herders and San gatherer-hunters. I use the active processes of identity formation and maintenance to argue that both the isolationist and revisionist arguments have simplified the concepts of identity, where identity is seen to have a passive role in interaction. I argue that identity is dynamic and changeable, and that individuals have several social identities which are made salient according to the context of interaction. I use specific fine line images in the rock art to argue that these images, in conjunction with scraper styles, were used as strategies by San males to increase their self-esteem. I further argue that interaction would result in unequal gender relations and San females used specific adzes to reassert their gender identity within San society. I further argue that finger paintings and handprints may have been painted by Khoi females as part of their menstruation and/or menarche rituals. I use both the gender and social identities from the Khoi and the San to argue that these are interrelated and cannot be separated. I argue that interaction would result in unequal gender and social practices and these practices would be expressed in the material culture of that group.

This dissertation offers a literary-thematic investigation based on a postcolonial approach to the representation of the Khoisan and their descendants. I restricted my scope to selected Afrikaans novels at the centre of critical attention between between 1994 and 2014. Earlier novels in this period under discussion are Dolf van Niekerk’s Koms van die hyreën (1994), Willem Kotze’s Tsats van die Kalahari (1994), Die spoorsnyer (1994), Olifantjagters (1997) and Gif (2001) by Piet van Rooyen, plus Karel Schoeman’s Verkenning (1996). Later texts in the focus are Duiwelskloof (1998) and Bidsprinkaan (2005) by André P. Brink, Dalene Matthee’s Pieternella van die Kaap (2000), Eben Venter’s Santa Gamka (2009) and most recently, the Hertzog prize winner of 2015, Buys by Willem Anker (2014). Themes central to South African literature will form the focus of the research, namely intercultural interaction between the first inhabitants of South Africa and missionaries, the question of land ownership, the language motif, and the role of religion (indigenous versus Western belief systems). Attention will also be on more specific issues such as the nature of the relationship between the Khoisan and the colonisers, the characterization of the Khoisan by the selected white authors, as well as other contemporary debates. The secondary objective of the study is to review the historical presence of the Khoisan and their descendants as reflected through the fictional lense of these authors writing over the last two decades, since democratization of the regime in 1994. My focus is particularly on the substantial cultural contribution of the Khoi and the San, as reflected through their representation in fictional works. The question will be posed whether the portrayal of Khoisan characters in novels after 1994 is different from the portrayal in fiction before 1994? My hypothesis is that in the fictional representation one finds a move towards restoration of their human dignity, yet the fact remains that all the authors are white. A different study of fictional works by coloured writers (whose numbers as Afrikaans authors grew substantially after 1994), investigating their representation of the descendants of the Khoi and the San, would in all probability yield radically different results, as the white authors imagine the characters and their consciousness from outside the community and the racial group, whereas the coloured writers belong to the community and the group that they portray.

Bibliography: pages 282-299.<br>Investigations in the archaeologically unexplored region of Namaqualand show that it was unoccupied for much of the terminal Pleistocene and early Holocene. Marginally more favourable climatic conditions circa 2000 BP encouraged re-occupation of the region. It would appear that Khoe-speaking hunter-gatherers with livestock and pottery first entered Namaqualand along the Orange River before moving southward along the Atlantic coast. Both sheep and pottery are present at /Ai tomas in the Richtersveld and Spoeg River Cave on the coast, some 1900 years ago. This is strong evidence for a western route of Khoekhoen dispersal into southern Africa and invalidates one of the hypotheses proposed by Elphick in 1972. Domestic stock was initially only a minor addition to the economy and these early inhabitants of the region continued utilising wild plant foods and game, slaughtering their domestic stock only infrequently. It is proposed that hunter-gatherer society may undergo the structural changes necessary to become pastoralists and that there is evidence for this in the archaeological record from Namaqualand during the period 1900 to 1300 BP. The historical and ethnographic records relating to the Little Namaqua Khoekhoen indicates that gender conflict structured much of the lives of the historical population and it is postulated that the pre-colonial period was also characterised by changing gender relations. Central to this thesis is a consideration of the active role of material culture in negotiating relations between various interest groups within a society as well as structuring relations between 'ethnic' groups. Certain material culture items are identified which were used to negotiate and structure gender relations. The archaeological material from Namaqualand are therefore analysed in order to determine changing social relations through time. It is concluded that ethnic distinctions between pastoralist groups and hunter-gatherers in Namaqualand became more stressed with the arrival of the Dutch as a consequence of increasing competition for resources. The collapse of Namaqua Khoekhoen society was brought about as a result of trading excess stock for luxury items rather than in establishing stock associations. This thesis proposes that material culture from archaeological excavations be analysed for evidence of the structuring of within-group relations and that material cultural changes dating to within the last 2000 years should not automatically be ascribed to the presence of two 'ethnic' groups.

Bibliography: pages 120-131.<br>Knowledge and History have for many years been sites of struggle in South Africa and academic versions of the past are being challenged with commitment by oppressed communities all over the world. Archaeologists, as producers of information about the past, are necessarily involved in such struggles. The aim of this research project has been to demonstrate that our constructions of the past are deeply embedded in the politics of production and presentation of knowledge. The manner in which information is presented to the public is integrally linked to the manner in which knowledge about the past is produced. These politics form a particular dynamic with the way people perceive themselves and others. By examining the specifics of the construction of a Hottentot icon, and its links with constructions of gatherer-hunter histories, I have also tackled issues such as the contingency of research interpretations, the subjectivity of researchers, the myth of "scientific objectivity", and knowledge as a site of struggle in South Africa. I have also examined the links between writing, description, sexism, racism and colonialism, and educational methods and the authority of the expert. It is in the use of authoritative techniques in the production of knowledge and in the presentation of research interpretations that the problem lies. Authoritative techniques are pervasive and powerful, and function to inhibit public challenges to academic knowledge. The weight of notions such as science, objectivity and truth - which back up most presentations of academic knowledge - disallow the empowerment of communities towards participation in the processes of producing knowledge. I advocate a shift towards production and presentation that uses instead methods that encourage traditionally powerless communities to play an active role in the construction of their histories. I have focussed on the construction of authoritative herder histories, in both museums and other public media, in order to examine the role of archaeologists in struggles around the past. Whether we are conscious participants in these struggles, or whether we adopt a stance of objective neutrality, the information we produce has a powerful and important effect on the way in which people make sense of ourselves. A People's Archaeology - an archaeology dependent on community participation in research, interpretation and presentation - will require the development of democratic research methods. And this necessitates the initial steps of demystifying the process whereby academic knowledge is produced, and the development of an understanding of the origins of historical symbols. This project is a contribution to these debates, and will hopefully be, in some way, a contribution to the process of formulating different research methods towards the development of a People's Archaeology.

Thesis (PhD)-- Stellenbosch University, 1995.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The history of the Oorlam Afrikaners began in the seventeenth century during the disintegration of the Cape Khoikhoi. Through this process a number of independent family groups came into existence. One of these, the Oorlam Afrikaners, had the ability to adapt to changing circumstances. This allowed them, despite their relative small numbers, to develop into a driving force in the history of Namaqua- and Namaland. The first two phases in this development were led by Klaas Afrikaner and his son, Jager Afrikaner. At the time of Jager Afrikaner's death in 1822, his people were living at Blydeverwacht and Jerusalem in southern Namaland. On his deathbed he handed over the leadership of the Oorlam Afrikaners to his second son, Jonker Afrikaner. This gave rise to dissatisfaction which eventually led to a split in the ranks and the moving of Jonker and his followers northwards. Due to Jonker's military skills and the advantages he and his followers had because of their access to firearms and ammunition, they established a reputation for effective warfare. In the thirties this in turn encouraged a Nama tribe, the Red Nation, to ask their help in defeating the Herero when they (the Nama) were driven from their traditional pastures. After driving the Herero back to the area north of the Kuiseb River, Jonker and his followers themselves settled in Central-Namaland, residing at places like Niais, Tsebris and eventually Windhoek. The Oorlam Afrikaners' position of power was vulnerable in one aspect - it was depended on the preservation of their access to firearms and ammunition for its existence and survival. Because of this Jonker initiated contact with the missionaries and traders by means of the English traveller, James Edward Alexander, who visited him in 1837. This in tum set in motion a chain of events which would clearly illustrate the interdependence of the indigenous people, missionaries and traders. Edward Cook and Joseph Tindall of the Wesleyan Mission Society were the first missionaries to visit the northern Oorlam Afrikaners. Their claim on Jonker, however, was not acknowledged by the Rhenish missionaries, Heinrich Kleinschmidt and Carl Hugo Hahn, who settled in Windhoek with Jonker's permission. Here an exceptional relationship developed between Jonker and Kleinschmidt. Jonker's wish to reunite the Oorlam Afrikaners and the unwillingness of the Wesleyan missionaries of the southern Afrikaners to work together with the Rhenish missionaries, eventually forced Kleinschmidt and Hahn to leave Windhoek. Meanwhile traders had arrived in the country. They supplied firearms, ammunition, brandy and other commodities to Jonker and his people on credit. By 1846 the indigenous people were so deeply in debt that they saw no other option than to start raiding the Herero in order to pay what they owed. Thus a period of violence and clashes across cultural borders and even within tribes began. Tension between Jonker and one of his Herero allies, Kahitjene, for example led to an attack on Kahitjene and the destruction of the mission station at Okahandja by Jonker in August 1850. A further escalation in violence was temporarily prevented by the arrival of the English traveller, Francis Galton. He threatened Jonker with British reprisals. After his departure growing resistance of indigenous leaders against Jonker erupted in an attack on Windhoek in May 1854. Again tension in the country was suppressed by external factors, this time the arrival of the copper miners. They promoted peace because the continuation of their work was impossible without it. Through their mediation the Matchlessmine Peace was concluded in November 1855. At the same time the way in which they played off the indigenous groups against each other, forced these leaders to form a collective forum against the mining community. This was done in the Treaty of Hoachanas, concluded in 1858. In 1858, after moving around and residing at Grootwarmfontein and Okapuka, Jonker and his people moved to Okahandja. With Okahandja as base, he became involved in Ovambo politics. Two years later, when the outbreak of lungsickness made the obtaining of cattle in the interior impossible, his previous contact gave him the opportunity to raid the Ovambo. He returned an ill man and died on 16 August 1861 in Okahandja. He was succeeded by his eldest son, Christiaan Afrikaner. After his death it became clear that the Oorlam Afrikaners owed the attaining of their position of power to the leadership abilities of Jonker Afrikaner. Through a combination of diplomacy and a display of power, and the way in which he manipulated people and group relations, he succeeded in setting the pace for events in the whole region between the Orange and Kunene Rivers.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die geskiedenis van die Afrikaner-Oorlams begin tydens die disintegrasie van die Kaapse Khoikhoi in die sewentiende eeu. Deur die loop van hierdie proses het verskeie onafhanklike familiegroepe, soos die Afrikaner-Oorlams, tot stand gekom. Hoewel aanvanklik klein en onbeduidend, het hulle vermoe om hulle by veranderende omstandighede aan te pas, mettertyd gelei tot die ontwikkeling van die Afrikaner-Oorlam-familiegroep as 'n magsfaktor in die geskiedenis van Namakwa- en Namaland. Die eerste twee fases van hierdie ontwikkeling het plaasgevind o.l.v. Klaas Afrikaner, en toe sy seun Jager. Toe Jager Afrikaner in 1822 oorlede is, het hy die leisels aan sy tweede oudste seun, Jonker Afrikaner, oorhandig. Op hierdie stadium het die Afrikaner- Oorlams in suidelike Namaland, by Blydeverwacht en Jerusalem, gewoon. Jager se optrede het tot 'n skeuring in Afrikaner-geledere gelei. Jonker Afrikaner se volgelinge het, danksy sy krygsvernuf en die voorsprong wat hulle toegang tot wapens en ammunisie hulle gegee het, 'n reputasie vir effektiewe oorlogvoering opgebou. Dit het 'n Nama-groep, die Rooinasie, aangespoor om hulle om hulp te vra toe hulle in die dertiger jare deur die Herero uit hulle tradisionele weivelde verdring is. Jonker-hulIe het die Herero teruggedryf tot anderkant die Kuisebrivier en hulle toe self in sentraal-Namaland gevestig, onder meer by Niais, Tsebris en uiteindelik by Windhoek. Jonker-hulle se nuwe magsposisie was kwesbaar in die opsig dat die daarstelling en voortbestaan daarvan afhanklik was van die behoud van hulle toegang tot vuurwapens en ammunisie. Daarom het Jonker in 1837, d.m.v. die Engelse reisiger James Edward Alexander, kontak met sendelinge en handelaars geYnisieer. Dit het aanleiding gegee tot 'n reeks gebeure wat die ineengestrengeldheid van die lotgevalle van die inheemse inwoner, sendeling en handelaar sterk na yore gebring het. Die eerste sendelinge wat die noordelike Afrikaner-Oorlams besoek het, was eerwaardes Edward Cook en Joseph Tindall van die Wesleyaanse Sendinggenootskap. Die Rynse sendelinge, Heinrich Kleinschmidt en Carl Hugo Hahn, het die Wesleyane se aanspraak op Jonker egter nie erken nie en hulle, met Jonker se toestemming, op Windhoek gevestig. Hier het mettertyd 'n besondere vertrouensverhouding tussen Jonker en Kleinschmidt ontwikkel. Jonker se begeerte om die onderskeie Afrikaner-Oorlam-groepe te herenig en die suidelike Afrikaners se sendelinge, die Wesleyane. se onwilligheid om met die RSG saam te werk, het Kleinschmidt-hulle egter uiteindelik gedwing om Windhoek te verlaat. Ondertussen het handelaars in die land aangekom wat ammunisie, vuurwapens, brandewyn en ander handelsartikels op krediet aan Jonker en sy mense verskaf het. Teen 1846 was die inheemse bevolking so diep in die skuld dat hulle geen ander uitweg gesien het as om die Herero te begin beroof om hulle skuld te delg nie. Hierdie optrede het 'n tydperk van geweld en botsings oor kultuurgrense heen en selfs binne stamverband ingelei. Spanning tussen Jonker en een van sy Herero-bondgenote Kahitjene, het byvoorbeeld gelei tot 'n aanval op laasgenoemde en die vernietiging van die sendingstasie Okahandja, in Augustus 1850. 'n Verdere eskalasie in geweld is tydelik verhinder deur die aankoms van die Engelse reisiger Francis Galton, wat Jonker gedreig het met Britse militere optrede. Na sy vertrek het opbouende verset teen Jonker onder inheemse leiers in Mei 1854 tot uitbarsting gekom in 'n aanval op Windhoek. Weer eens is die spanning in die land onderdruk deur eksterne faktore, die keer die aankoms van koperdelwers. Hulle het vrede aangemoedig omdat die voortsetting van hulle werksaamhede daarsonder onmoontlik was. Deur hulle bemiddeling is die Matchless-myn Vrede in November 1855 gesluit. Terselfdertyd het die wyse waarop hulle die verskillende inheemse groepe teen mekaar afgespeel het, inheemse leiers genoodsaak om die Traktaat van Hoachanas in 1858 te sluit, 'n verdrag wat aan hulle 'n gemeenskaplike forum teen die mynmaatskappye sou verskaf. Nadat Jonker en sy volgelinge onder meer op Grootwarmfontein en Okapuka gewoon het, het hulle in 1858 na Okahandja verhuis. Hiervandaan het Jonker betrokke geraak in die Ovambo-politiek. Dit het hom twee jaar later, toe longsiekte die verkryging van vee in die binneland onmoontlik gemaak het, die geleentheid gebied om die Ovambo te gaan beroof. Jonker het siek van hierdie roof tog af teruggekeer en op 16 Augustus 1861 op Okahandja gesterf. Hy is opgevolg deur sy oudste seun, Christiaan Afrikaner. Na sy dood het dit duidelik geword dat die Afrikaner-Oorlams hulle magsposisie hoofsaaklik aan Jonker se leierskap te danke gehad het. Deur'n kombinasie van magsvertoon en diplomasie en die manier waarop hy mense- en groepsverhoudinge gemanipuleer het, het hy vir bykans veertig jaar die pas aangegee vir gebeure in feitlik die hele landstreek tussen die Oranje- en Kuneneriviere.

Magister Artium - MA<br>In this paper I attempt to look critically at the literary construction of one particular 'race', namely the 'Coloureds', in Sarah Gertrude Millin's God's Stepchildren. To this end, the paper draws on the historical background of Millin, and investigates the way in which Millin has consciously and strategically formed, as it were, a 'unique' Coloured identity. Furthermore, the paper explores the proximity or tension between author and narrator in the novel. This tension, I suggest, emerges in response to various pressures in the novel which in turn are based upon the author's social, political and economic background. Evidence to this effect is derived from Millin's biography and other sources. What emerges from the paper is that the concepts 'race' and 'Coloured', as they are employed in this novel, are equally elusive. In attempting to piece together a 'race', the novel communicates Millin's aversion to miscegenation, and discloses characteristics of her 'self'. Ironically, I conclude, she falls prey to the same kinds of prejudices that she projects onto her literary subjects.

Thesis (DTh)--Stellenbosch University, 2003<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The dissertation is an answer to the question: How should the story of Naboth's land (I Kings 21) be theologically understood by a Khoi who is dispossessed of his/her land and kept on the periphery? The ftrst chapter consists of the hypothesis, the theological assumption of the research, a summary of existing research on the story of Naboth's land and the point of view from which a Khoi looks and listens to the story. The place, from which the story would be looked and listened to, the methodology, is followed by a list of concepts used in the research. The second chapter is an exposition of the hermeneutical position of the Khoi in the theological debate regarding land as a living space for humankind. Opinions from outside (European) and opinions from inside (Khoi) the living space of the Khoi are placed in contrast with one another to illustrate the divide between landed and landless people on the land. Against the European negation of their knowledge of God, the Khoi put their knowledge of God as their Supreme Being, Father and Ruler who has his abode in the clouds but who is always and everywhere powerfully present for the sake of humankind. Against the negation of their human dignity, the Khoi put the dignity of human beings as the creations of God. Against the violent invasion of their land, the Khoi put their viewpoint that human beings should live in peaceful coexistence with neighbours in their physical living space. Against those who violate their spatial identity, the Khoi affirms their identity as Khoi on the periphery of their land under foreign occupation. Against those who deny them a cultural living space, the Khoi establish their right on a cultural living space and their right to think and be heard in their mother tongue. The third chapter is a contribution to the theological debate regarding the story of the land of Naboth from the perspective of a dispossessed Khoi. The personal identities of individuals and of groups are discussed according to their relationships with fellow human beings with whom they had to share their living space. The identity of the city of lezreel as a physical and cultural living space is discussed in accordance with the attachments of Naboth and Ahab to it. Upon this discussion follows an exposition of land as communal possession (Naboth's living space) and land as private property (Ahab's living space). The purchase and the dispossession of ancestral land by Ahab to demote Naboth's family to the status of dependent subjects are identified as acts of violence. The dispossession of ancestral land caused Naboth and Elijah to protest against the violation of the spatial order because of God. The fourth chapter contains an exegesis of the story of the dispossession of the land of Naboth from the perspective of a dispossessed Khoi. The moral of the Khoi stories of the ancestral figure Heitsi Eibib determines the understanding of the story of the dispossession ofNaboth's land by Ahab. Chapter five is an exposition of the significance of the Khoi perspective for the theological understanding of the story of Naboth's land. Chapter six is a summary of the dissertation and shows other possibilities to further develop the theological debate regarding the dispossession ofNaboth's land.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die dissertasie is 'n antwoord op die vraag: Hoe moet die verhaal van Nabot se grond (I Konings 21) teologies verstaan word deur 'n Khoi wat van sylhaar grond onteien is en op die periferie gehou word? Die eerste hoofstuk omvat die vraagstelling, die teologiese begronding van die ondersoek, 'n kort opsomming oor bestaande navorsing oor die verhaal oor Naboth se grond en die plek vanwaar 'n Khoi die verhaal bekyk en beluister. Die plek vanwaar die verhaal bekyk en beluister word, naamlik, die metodologie, word gevolg deur 'n Iys van woorde wat in die ondersoek gebruik word. Die tweede hoofstuk is 'n uiteensetting van die hermeneutiese posisie van die Khoi in die teologiese debat oor die grond as 'n leefruimte vir die mens. Opinies van buite (Europese) en opinies van binne (Khoi) die leefruimte van die Khoi word teenoormekaar gestel om die skeiding tussen grondbesitters and grondlose mense te illustreer. Teenoor die Europese miskennings van die Khoi se kennis van God, stel die Khoi hul kennis van God as hul Opperwese, Vader en Heerser wat bokant die wolke woon maar altyd en orals magtig teenwoordig is ter wille van mense. Teenoor die miskenning van hul menswaardigneid, stel die Khoi die waardigheid van mense as God se skeppings. Teenoor die geweldadige inname van hulle leefruimte, stel die Khoi die standpunt van die vreedsame saambestaan van mense binne dieselfde fisiese leefruimte. Teenoor die standpunt van diegene wat hulle ruimtelike identiteit geweld aandoen, bevestig die Khoi hul identiteit as Khoi op die periferie van hulle land wat in vreemde besit is. Teenoor diegene wat hulle kulturele leefruimte geweld aandoen, vestig the Khoi hulle reg op 'n kulturele leefruimte en om te dink: en gehoor te word in hul moedertaal. Die derde hoofstuk is 'n bydrae tot die teologiese debat oor die verhaal van die grond van Nabot vanuit die perspektief van 'n onteiende Khoi. Die persoonlike identiteit van individue en groepe word bespreek in tenne van hulle verhoudinge tot medemense met wie hulle hul leefruimte moes dee!. Die stad lezreel se identiteit as fisiese en kulturele leefruimte word bespreek volgens die gehegdheid van Nabot en Agab daaraan. Hierop volg 'n uiteensetting van grond as gemeenskaplike leefruimte (Nabot se leefruimte) en grond as privaat eiendom (Agab se leefruimte). Die koop en onteiening van die erfgrond deur Agab om van Nabot se familie afhanklike onderdane te maak word as dade van geweld geidentifiseer. Die onteiening van erfgrond het veroorsaak dat Nabot en Elia protes aangeteken het teen die geweld teen die ruimtelike orde ter wille van God. Die vierde hoofstuk bevat die eksegese van die verhaal oor die onteieing van die grond van Nabot vanuit die perspektief van 'n onteinde Khoi. Die morele betekenis van die Khoi verhale oor Heitsi Eibib bepaal die verstaan van die verhaal van die onteiening en besetting van Nabot se grond deur Agab. Hoofstuk vyf is 'n uiteensetting van die betekenis van die Khoi perspektief op die verhaal van Nabot se grond vir teologiese denke. Hoofstuk ses is 'n opsorruning van die dissertasie en wys op moontlikhede hoe om die teologiese debat oor the onteiening van Nabot se grond verder te ontwikkel.

The advent of democracy in South Africa in 1994 coincided with International Legislation where the International Labour Organisation ILO Convention 1969 – Indigenous & Tribal Peoples Convention, 1989 was prominent in their ‘rights to roots’ campaign, closely followed by the 1994 United Nations Draft - Universal Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. These international debates filtered through to local communities in South Africa, who was still in the infant stages of democracy. The newly installed government glanced off ethnic loyalty in favour of the spirit of nationalism as the building blocks to unity in the new State. Under leadership of the African National Congress (ANC), resurgent voices of Khoisan revivalist groups appeared to reassert an identity linked to particularity. This was done in the wake of a colonial and apartheid past, where these institutions destabilised identities hence the formation and mobilization of new political structures amongst neo-Khoisan Revivalist groups. Many of these neo-Khoisan groups are spearheaded by self-appointed leaders to mobilize support on the basis of ethnic loyalty to foster notions of ‘belonging’ to an ethnic society and the scramble for resources. This thesis looked at the contemporary view of those who are in the process of identity reclamation. It has done so by using the Korana Royal House as a vignette to look at the broader Khoisan movement. The thesis looked at the evolution of naming rules and customs and how these interrelate in different contexts and the international discourse about concepts like indigenous and traditional groups.

Vernacular indigenous dwellings of the Khoikhoi Peoples (First Indigenous Peoples of South Africa[1]) present in the Baviaans Kloof area in the Eastern Cape (South Africa) have been surveyed and are currently under study by the authors with the direct involvement of the community members. This research is of particular relevance because: it is conducted in a geographical area that is currently under-researched in respect to this particular theme; the dwellings are an exceptionally rare example of the use of Khoikhoi traditional techniques and materials; it was achieved with the direct engagement of the Indigenous community. The research collaboration applies a transdisciplinary approach and method – already in place with the NRF-CEP research by Dr Minguzzi – that employs a multi-layered methodology: practice-led research, community engagement/ community cultural development, influenced by narrative inquiry. In the age of globalization, it becomes necessary to study the origin and development of those buildings to understand their constructive process, the use of specific local materials as well as the consequences that the introduction of unsustainable colonial materials caused. This is an aspect that could be relevant for future reflection on how to preserve and promote the Indigenous cultural, social inclusion and sustainable built environment. The paper will define the state of the art and morphological, functional and technical analysis of contemporary Khoikhoi dwellings to identify the tangible and intangible cultural heritage and the influences of colonization on it. [1] The First Indigenous Peoples of South Africa are the San (hunter-gatherer) and Khoikhoi (herders). Two groups which, in precolonial times had overlapping subsistence patterns and use of the territory, and which, from the colonist arrival until the present, have been fighting for the recognition of their identity and heritage. In this regard see: Besten M. “We are the original inhabitant of this land: Khoe-San identity in post-apartheid South Africa”, in Adhaikari M. (2013), Burdened by Race: Coloured identities in southern Africa, UCT press, Cape Town.