Academic literature on the topic 'Khoikhoi (African people) – Namibia – History'

Namibian politics and society are today dominated by people who trace their descent from the settlements and homesteads of Ovamboland in southern Angola and northern Namibia. Yet, prior to 1915, and the defeat by South Africa of the German colonial army in German South-West Africa, very few Ovambo had settled in areas to the south of the Etosha Pan. In 1915, a Portuguese expeditionary army defeated Kwanyama forces in southern Angola, and unleashed a flood of refugees into northern Namibia. These refugees entered an area that was already overstretched. Since 1912 the rains had failed and, on account of the First World War, trade and migration had come to a standstill. As a result the area was experiencing its most devastating famine ever. Unable to find sanctuary in Ovamboland, thousands of people trekked southwards into central Namibia, an area which had only just come under the control of South Africa. The famine allowed for the easy entrance of South African military administrators and labour recruiters into Ovamboland and heralded the demise of Ovambo independence. By focusing on developments in the central Namibian town of Karibib between 1915 to 1916, the article explores the move of the Ovambo into central and southern Namibia. It traces the impact of war and drought on Ovambo societies, and follows Ovambo famine migrants on their route south into areas administered by the South African military administration. Discussion also concentrates on the reception and treatment of Ovambo famine migrants in the Karibib settlement, and argues that the refugee crisis heralded the establishment of Ovambo in modern central and southern Namibia.

Abstract The South West African People’s Organisation (SWAPO of Namibia) had a unique status among anti-colonial movements. Fighting South Africa’s illegal occupation of South West Africa/Namibia, dubbed by the United Nations as a “trust betrayed,” it resorted to armed struggle in the 1960s. SWAPO was subsequently recognized as “the sole and authentic representative of the Namibian people” by a United Nations General Assembly resolution since the mid-1970s. The political culture in post-colonial Namibia is much characterized by the dominance of SWAPO as a former liberation movement and its official history. This paper summarizes the relevance of the armed struggle for the heroic narrative. It contrasts the glorification with some of the ‘hidden histories’ and trajectories related to some less documented realities of the armed struggle and its consequences which do not have much visibility in the official historiography. It thereby finally seeks to present a more nuanced picture by giving voice to some protagonists of a post-colonial political culture not considered as mainstream.

AbstractIn the year 1966, the first government hospital, Oshakati hospital, was inaugurated in northern South-West Africa. It was constructed by the apartheid regime of South Africa which was occupying the territory. Prior to this inauguration, Finnish missionaries had, for 65 years, provided healthcare to the indigenous people in a number of healthcare facilities of which Onandjokwe hospital was the most important. This article discusses these two agents’ ideological standpoints. The same year, the war between the South-West African guerrillas and the South African state started, and continued up to 1988. The two hospitals became involved in the war; Oshakati hospital as a part of the South African war machinery, and Onandjokwe hospital as a ‘terrorist hospital’ in the eyes of the South Africans. The missionary Onandjokwe hospital was linked to the Lutheran church in South-West Africa, which became one of the main critics of the apartheid system early in the liberation war. Warfare and healthcare became intertwined with apartheid policies and aggression, materialised by healthcare provision based on strategic rationales rather than the people’s healthcare needs. When the Namibian state took over a ruined healthcare system in 1990, the two hospitals were hubs in a healthcare landscape shaped by missionary ambitions, war and apartheid logic.

ABSTRACTHistorical-comparative linguistics has played a key role in the reconstruction of early history in Africa. Regarding the ‘Bantu Problem’ in particular, linguistic research, particularly language classification, has oriented historical study and been a guiding principle for both historians and archaeologists. Some historians have also embraced the comparison of cultural vocabularies as a core method for reconstructing African history. This paper evaluates the merits and limits of this latter methodology by analysing Bantu pottery vocabulary. Challenging earlier interpretations, it argues that speakers of Proto-Bantu inherited the craft of pot-making from their Benue-Congo-speaking ancestors who introduced this technology into the Grassfields region. This ‘Proto-Bantu ceramic tradition’ was the result of a long, local development, but spread quite rapidly into Atlantic Central Africa, and possibly as far as Southern Angola and northern Namibia. The people who brought Early Iron Age (EIA) ceramics to southwestern Africa were not the first Bantu-speakers in this area nor did they introduce the technology of pot-making.

This study aims to demonstrate processes by which Going Glocal, a Global Citizenship educational program based on Postcolonial Theory, can challenge social representation of the African Other among participating students. Postcolonial Theory argues that the colonial history of countries directly affects the current state of previously colonized countries and contemporary relations between people from Europe and Africa. Critical Whiteness Theory is concerned with the privileged position of a white self, for whom these privileges usually do not become tangible. 15 university college students traveled to Namibia as part of 2012 Going Glocal project and semi-structured interviews were conducted with them directly after they came back, as well as focus groups at the very beginning and end of the program. Two students with opposite socio-economic and ethnical backgrounds were selected for this case study. Their responses were interpreted using Social Representations Theory as a theoretical framework, to reveal the divergent positioning the interviewees took, and were analyzed according to Postcolonial and Critical Whiteness Theory.

The first issue of 2013 contains fifteen contributions dealing with a potpourri of themes. The first contribution is an oratio presented by the retired Dean of the Faculty of Law of the NWU and former editor of PER, Francois Venter, during his exodus in October 2012. He gave his presentation in his mother tongue, Afrikaans, and asks the question if one may assume that being a professor entails belonging to a profession, in other words, an academic profession. The second oratio was a keynote speech delivered by Torsten Stein, the Director of the Institute of European Studies and holder of the chair for European law and European Public Law at Saarland University, Germany. He delivered his speech during November 2012 at the 3rdHuman Rights Indaba on The Role of International Law in Understanding and Applying the Socio-economic Rights in South Africa's Bill of Rights, which was held by the Faculty of Law (NWU, Potchefstroom Campus) in collaboration with the Konrad-Adenauer Foundation. He shared some thoughts about the nature, development and implementation of socio-economic rights within an international and European setting. The next nine articles make up the bulk of this issue. The first one is by Babatunde Fagbayibo, who gives an analytical overview of the common problems affecting supranational attempts in Africa. He argues that Africa's efforts to solidify its unity should be geared towards building on the experiences of past and present experiments at the sub-regional level. Samantha Goosen discusses the very thorny issue of battered women and the elements of self-defence if she has to stand trial for killing her husband. Recent developments in the area of pro bono legal services are the heart of Dave Holness' article. He focuses on legal service delivery for the indigent by attorneys in private practice acting pro bono in civil rather than criminal matters. Henk Kloppers discusses the very topical issue of corporate social responsibility. He gives an overview of the social and ethics committee created in terms of the Companies Act 71 of 2008 as a potential driver of corporate social responsibility. The always newsworthy theme of HIV/AIDS and the question of whether to disclose or not to disclose one's status forms the focal point of Andra le Roux-Kemp's contribution. Chucks Okpaluba gives an overview of South African and Commonwealth decisions dealing with the issue of reasonable and probable cause in the law of malicious prosecution. The never-ending problem of language diversity once again comes to the fore in the article by Loot Pretorius. He asks the question if the recently adopted Use of Official Languages Act 12 of 2012 complies with the normative instructions of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996. In his second essay on the Child Justice Act 75 of 2008, Stephan Terblanche deals with a number of procedural issues related to the sentencing of child offenders. The last article, which is by Bonnie Venter, deals with the ethical question of whether the payment of kidney donors could be regarded as constitutionally acceptable or not. In the first of five notes, Nqobizwe Ngema asks if the African custom of theleka (the withholding of a wife by her father or guardian from her husband to coerce him to pay the outstanding lobolo) has an impact on the custody of children in the context of the best interest of the child. The central question Phazha Ngandwe asks is how states can discharge their duties and obligations vis-à-vis their nationals without perpetuating the bottlenecks to and the stigma that attaches to migration and thereby upsetting the international and regional integration objectives of the free movement of people. Mzukisi Njotini's note discusses the adequacy of South Africa's measures designed to protect critical information infrastructures. In the second last note, Anthea Wagener considers the practice of South African motor-vehicle insurers of using gender as a rating variable to classify risks into certain classes, thereby determining insurance premiums, and asks if this practice boils down to unfair discrimination. The final note by Anri Botes deals with the history of labour hire in our neighbouring country, Namibia.

Van der Wiel, Renée. The Swazi People. Gallo Manor, South Africa: Awareness Publishing Group, 2012. Print.South Africa describes itself as “one rainbow nation going forward”, but within that rainbow there are eleven indigenous South African peoples. The Swazi People is one of eleven volumes in the African Cultures of South Africa series, which presents the cultures for readers at the upper elementary level. The other volumes include the cultures of The Khoikhoi, The Ndebele, The North Sotho, The San, The South Sotho, The Tsonga-Shangaan, The Tswana, The Venda, The Xhosa, and The Zulu.In The Swazi People, Renée Van der Wiel describes their arts and crafts, beliefs, clothes, history, houses, language, leaders, marriage, music and dance, recipes, and way of life. The book incorporates many Swazi words, which are listed in the glossary at the back of the book. For example, mahiya (cotton cloth), gogo (grandmother) and lobola (marriage gift, usually cattle) are all listed in the glossary.This volume is attractively produced and brightly coloured. It opens with a full-page map of South Africa that shows the historical movements of the Swazi people and highlights their homelands. Text and images are presented on alternate pages. The professional quality images are usually full-page and are either historical black and white photos or modern colour photos of Swazi people engaged in traditional activities. There is also an index, which improves the book's usefulness as an elementary research text.The text is written in age-appropriate language and deals with the subjects in sufficient detail that as an adult, I was able to learn from it. In general, the tone is objective and non-judgemental. For example, "[i]n 1973, King Sobhuzall and the Imbokoduo National Movement stopped all other political parties from taking part in elections in Swaziland. (…) After only five years of being a democracy, Swaziland became a country ruled by a king." Where there is bias present, it is more in the form of presenting the Swazi point of view: "But the Boers did not care about looking after the Swazi people – all they wanted was to get through to the sea without having to travel through British territory.".This sturdily bound volume is an excellent work and is highly recommended for public and elementary school libraries. Highly recommended: 4 stars out of 4Reviewer: Sandy CampbellSandy is a Health Sciences Librarian at the University of Alberta, who has written hundreds of book reviews across many disciplines. Sandy thinks that sharing books with children is one of the greatest gifts anyone can give.


 
 
 This article points to the responsibility historians have in the formation of what we may call the collective memory of persons, groups and states. What are the images of “the other” conveyed in textbooks and media? In Norway, the historian Tore Linné Eriksen has – more than any other scholar – used his research, writings and enormous capacity for work to educate students, youth and the public in general and to create a more just image of “the other”. His driving force has been an extraordinary ability to be at the forefront in spotting international research, as well as his sense of justice and respect for the non-western world. His last extensive work on global history (Globalhistorie 1750–1900) clearly demonstrates these capabilities.
 In the early 1980s, long before the wave of genocide studies after the Rwanda catastrophe of 1994, Eriksen’s two works on Namibia –Namibia: Kolonialisme, apartheid og frigjøringskamp i det sørlige Afrika (1982) and The Political Economy of Namibia: An Annotated Critical Bibliography (1985) – used the concept of genocide to describe German conduct in Namibia in the early 20th century. In 2007, Eriksen published his book about what he calls the first genocide of the 20th century, Det første folkemordet i det tjuende århundret. Namibia 1903–1908. German and African history is woven into the question of whether the dangerous relations that developed between German settlers and Africans can be labelled genocide. The present article attempts to present Eriksen’s arguments. An introductory section deals with the trends in the international research literature and establishes a link between colonialism and genocide. In 2008, Eriksen’s article on the extinction of the Herero people in Namibia – “Utslettelse av Hererofolket i Namibia 1903– 1908” – was published in Bernt Hagtvets collection of articles, Folkemordenes svarte bok. The following year, Tore Linné Eriksen’s article in the journal Historisk Tidsskrift (2009) on genocide in a comparative colonial perspective won the prize for best article of the year.
 In Eriksen’s global history, referred to above, it is stated and shown that, to a certain extent, there is disagreement among historians as to what can be called genocide. What about the extinction of indigenous peoples due to diseases in the wake of European immigration? In his use of the term, Eriksen is more cautious than the authors of some of the works he refers to. The present article argues for more attention to be paid to the concept of “intent” when it comes to interpreting the tragic outcomes of conflict. 
 
 

Thesis (PhD)-- Stellenbosch University, 1995.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The history of the Oorlam Afrikaners began in the seventeenth century during the disintegration of the Cape Khoikhoi. Through this process a number of independent family groups came into existence. One of these, the Oorlam Afrikaners, had the ability to adapt to changing circumstances. This allowed them, despite their relative small numbers, to develop into a driving force in the history of Namaqua- and Namaland. The first two phases in this development were led by Klaas Afrikaner and his son, Jager Afrikaner. At the time of Jager Afrikaner's death in 1822, his people were living at Blydeverwacht and Jerusalem in southern Namaland. On his deathbed he handed over the leadership of the Oorlam Afrikaners to his second son, Jonker Afrikaner. This gave rise to dissatisfaction which eventually led to a split in the ranks and the moving of Jonker and his followers northwards. Due to Jonker's military skills and the advantages he and his followers had because of their access to firearms and ammunition, they established a reputation for effective warfare. In the thirties this in turn encouraged a Nama tribe, the Red Nation, to ask their help in defeating the Herero when they (the Nama) were driven from their traditional pastures. After driving the Herero back to the area north of the Kuiseb River, Jonker and his followers themselves settled in Central-Namaland, residing at places like Niais, Tsebris and eventually Windhoek. The Oorlam Afrikaners' position of power was vulnerable in one aspect - it was depended on the preservation of their access to firearms and ammunition for its existence and survival. Because of this Jonker initiated contact with the missionaries and traders by means of the English traveller, James Edward Alexander, who visited him in 1837. This in tum set in motion a chain of events which would clearly illustrate the interdependence of the indigenous people, missionaries and traders. Edward Cook and Joseph Tindall of the Wesleyan Mission Society were the first missionaries to visit the northern Oorlam Afrikaners. Their claim on Jonker, however, was not acknowledged by the Rhenish missionaries, Heinrich Kleinschmidt and Carl Hugo Hahn, who settled in Windhoek with Jonker's permission. Here an exceptional relationship developed between Jonker and Kleinschmidt. Jonker's wish to reunite the Oorlam Afrikaners and the unwillingness of the Wesleyan missionaries of the southern Afrikaners to work together with the Rhenish missionaries, eventually forced Kleinschmidt and Hahn to leave Windhoek. Meanwhile traders had arrived in the country. They supplied firearms, ammunition, brandy and other commodities to Jonker and his people on credit. By 1846 the indigenous people were so deeply in debt that they saw no other option than to start raiding the Herero in order to pay what they owed. Thus a period of violence and clashes across cultural borders and even within tribes began. Tension between Jonker and one of his Herero allies, Kahitjene, for example led to an attack on Kahitjene and the destruction of the mission station at Okahandja by Jonker in August 1850. A further escalation in violence was temporarily prevented by the arrival of the English traveller, Francis Galton. He threatened Jonker with British reprisals. After his departure growing resistance of indigenous leaders against Jonker erupted in an attack on Windhoek in May 1854. Again tension in the country was suppressed by external factors, this time the arrival of the copper miners. They promoted peace because the continuation of their work was impossible without it. Through their mediation the Matchlessmine Peace was concluded in November 1855. At the same time the way in which they played off the indigenous groups against each other, forced these leaders to form a collective forum against the mining community. This was done in the Treaty of Hoachanas, concluded in 1858. In 1858, after moving around and residing at Grootwarmfontein and Okapuka, Jonker and his people moved to Okahandja. With Okahandja as base, he became involved in Ovambo politics. Two years later, when the outbreak of lungsickness made the obtaining of cattle in the interior impossible, his previous contact gave him the opportunity to raid the Ovambo. He returned an ill man and died on 16 August 1861 in Okahandja. He was succeeded by his eldest son, Christiaan Afrikaner. After his death it became clear that the Oorlam Afrikaners owed the attaining of their position of power to the leadership abilities of Jonker Afrikaner. Through a combination of diplomacy and a display of power, and the way in which he manipulated people and group relations, he succeeded in setting the pace for events in the whole region between the Orange and Kunene Rivers.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die geskiedenis van die Afrikaner-Oorlams begin tydens die disintegrasie van die Kaapse Khoikhoi in die sewentiende eeu. Deur die loop van hierdie proses het verskeie onafhanklike familiegroepe, soos die Afrikaner-Oorlams, tot stand gekom. Hoewel aanvanklik klein en onbeduidend, het hulle vermoe om hulle by veranderende omstandighede aan te pas, mettertyd gelei tot die ontwikkeling van die Afrikaner-Oorlam-familiegroep as 'n magsfaktor in die geskiedenis van Namakwa- en Namaland. Die eerste twee fases van hierdie ontwikkeling het plaasgevind o.l.v. Klaas Afrikaner, en toe sy seun Jager. Toe Jager Afrikaner in 1822 oorlede is, het hy die leisels aan sy tweede oudste seun, Jonker Afrikaner, oorhandig. Op hierdie stadium het die Afrikaner- Oorlams in suidelike Namaland, by Blydeverwacht en Jerusalem, gewoon. Jager se optrede het tot 'n skeuring in Afrikaner-geledere gelei. Jonker Afrikaner se volgelinge het, danksy sy krygsvernuf en die voorsprong wat hulle toegang tot wapens en ammunisie hulle gegee het, 'n reputasie vir effektiewe oorlogvoering opgebou. Dit het 'n Nama-groep, die Rooinasie, aangespoor om hulle om hulp te vra toe hulle in die dertiger jare deur die Herero uit hulle tradisionele weivelde verdring is. Jonker-hulIe het die Herero teruggedryf tot anderkant die Kuisebrivier en hulle toe self in sentraal-Namaland gevestig, onder meer by Niais, Tsebris en uiteindelik by Windhoek. Jonker-hulle se nuwe magsposisie was kwesbaar in die opsig dat die daarstelling en voortbestaan daarvan afhanklik was van die behoud van hulle toegang tot vuurwapens en ammunisie. Daarom het Jonker in 1837, d.m.v. die Engelse reisiger James Edward Alexander, kontak met sendelinge en handelaars geYnisieer. Dit het aanleiding gegee tot 'n reeks gebeure wat die ineengestrengeldheid van die lotgevalle van die inheemse inwoner, sendeling en handelaar sterk na yore gebring het. Die eerste sendelinge wat die noordelike Afrikaner-Oorlams besoek het, was eerwaardes Edward Cook en Joseph Tindall van die Wesleyaanse Sendinggenootskap. Die Rynse sendelinge, Heinrich Kleinschmidt en Carl Hugo Hahn, het die Wesleyane se aanspraak op Jonker egter nie erken nie en hulle, met Jonker se toestemming, op Windhoek gevestig. Hier het mettertyd 'n besondere vertrouensverhouding tussen Jonker en Kleinschmidt ontwikkel. Jonker se begeerte om die onderskeie Afrikaner-Oorlam-groepe te herenig en die suidelike Afrikaners se sendelinge, die Wesleyane. se onwilligheid om met die RSG saam te werk, het Kleinschmidt-hulle egter uiteindelik gedwing om Windhoek te verlaat. Ondertussen het handelaars in die land aangekom wat ammunisie, vuurwapens, brandewyn en ander handelsartikels op krediet aan Jonker en sy mense verskaf het. Teen 1846 was die inheemse bevolking so diep in die skuld dat hulle geen ander uitweg gesien het as om die Herero te begin beroof om hulle skuld te delg nie. Hierdie optrede het 'n tydperk van geweld en botsings oor kultuurgrense heen en selfs binne stamverband ingelei. Spanning tussen Jonker en een van sy Herero-bondgenote Kahitjene, het byvoorbeeld gelei tot 'n aanval op laasgenoemde en die vernietiging van die sendingstasie Okahandja, in Augustus 1850. 'n Verdere eskalasie in geweld is tydelik verhinder deur die aankoms van die Engelse reisiger Francis Galton, wat Jonker gedreig het met Britse militere optrede. Na sy vertrek het opbouende verset teen Jonker onder inheemse leiers in Mei 1854 tot uitbarsting gekom in 'n aanval op Windhoek. Weer eens is die spanning in die land onderdruk deur eksterne faktore, die keer die aankoms van koperdelwers. Hulle het vrede aangemoedig omdat die voortsetting van hulle werksaamhede daarsonder onmoontlik was. Deur hulle bemiddeling is die Matchless-myn Vrede in November 1855 gesluit. Terselfdertyd het die wyse waarop hulle die verskillende inheemse groepe teen mekaar afgespeel het, inheemse leiers genoodsaak om die Traktaat van Hoachanas in 1858 te sluit, 'n verdrag wat aan hulle 'n gemeenskaplike forum teen die mynmaatskappye sou verskaf. Nadat Jonker en sy volgelinge onder meer op Grootwarmfontein en Okapuka gewoon het, het hulle in 1858 na Okahandja verhuis. Hiervandaan het Jonker betrokke geraak in die Ovambo-politiek. Dit het hom twee jaar later, toe longsiekte die verkryging van vee in die binneland onmoontlik gemaak het, die geleentheid gebied om die Ovambo te gaan beroof. Jonker het siek van hierdie roof tog af teruggekeer en op 16 Augustus 1861 op Okahandja gesterf. Hy is opgevolg deur sy oudste seun, Christiaan Afrikaner. Na sy dood het dit duidelik geword dat die Afrikaner-Oorlams hulle magsposisie hoofsaaklik aan Jonker se leierskap te danke gehad het. Deur'n kombinasie van magsvertoon en diplomasie en die manier waarop hy mense- en groepsverhoudinge gemanipuleer het, het hy vir bykans veertig jaar die pas aangegee vir gebeure in feitlik die hele landstreek tussen die Oranje- en Kuneneriviere.

Bibliography: pages 94-97.<br>This study is about the Khoikhoi, known as the "Hottentots" who are today no longer to be found in their original state in South Africa. It deals with their religion nnd disintegration, especially the land issue. The author upholds that there are remnants of Khoikhoi religion and cultural elements present among the descendants of the Khoikhoi, nnmely the Coloured people, especially those in the Cape. These Khoikhoi religious and cultural elements give the Coloured people a dignified continuation with their forebearers. The author also demonstrates that the Khoikhoi were religious people in spite of misconstrued perceptions of their being, culture and traditions. These elements the author further states should be included in the discipline of African theology.

This dissertation offers a literary-thematic investigation based on a postcolonial approach to the representation of the Khoisan and their descendants. I restricted my scope to selected Afrikaans novels at the centre of critical attention between between 1994 and 2014. Earlier novels in this period under discussion are Dolf van Niekerk’s Koms van die hyreën (1994), Willem Kotze’s Tsats van die Kalahari (1994), Die spoorsnyer (1994), Olifantjagters (1997) and Gif (2001) by Piet van Rooyen, plus Karel Schoeman’s Verkenning (1996). Later texts in the focus are Duiwelskloof (1998) and Bidsprinkaan (2005) by André P. Brink, Dalene Matthee’s Pieternella van die Kaap (2000), Eben Venter’s Santa Gamka (2009) and most recently, the Hertzog prize winner of 2015, Buys by Willem Anker (2014). Themes central to South African literature will form the focus of the research, namely intercultural interaction between the first inhabitants of South Africa and missionaries, the question of land ownership, the language motif, and the role of religion (indigenous versus Western belief systems). Attention will also be on more specific issues such as the nature of the relationship between the Khoisan and the colonisers, the characterization of the Khoisan by the selected white authors, as well as other contemporary debates. The secondary objective of the study is to review the historical presence of the Khoisan and their descendants as reflected through the fictional lense of these authors writing over the last two decades, since democratization of the regime in 1994. My focus is particularly on the substantial cultural contribution of the Khoi and the San, as reflected through their representation in fictional works. The question will be posed whether the portrayal of Khoisan characters in novels after 1994 is different from the portrayal in fiction before 1994? My hypothesis is that in the fictional representation one finds a move towards restoration of their human dignity, yet the fact remains that all the authors are white. A different study of fictional works by coloured writers (whose numbers as Afrikaans authors grew substantially after 1994), investigating their representation of the descendants of the Khoi and the San, would in all probability yield radically different results, as the white authors imagine the characters and their consciousness from outside the community and the racial group, whereas the coloured writers belong to the community and the group that they portray.

Bibliography: pages 134-166.<br>Southern African archaeology has experienced several changes in theoretical perspectives over the past few decades. More recently there have been renewed calls for a more social and theoretical approach to the analysis of the prehistoric past, especially the Late Stone Age. This thesis is an account of the last 4000 years in the southwestern Cape, where material culture is analysed in terms of contextual meaning. Contextual meaning is used in conjunction with social identity theory to analyse the interaction between Khoi herders and San gatherer-hunters. I use the active processes of identity formation and maintenance to argue that both the isolationist and revisionist arguments have simplified the concepts of identity, where identity is seen to have a passive role in interaction. I argue that identity is dynamic and changeable, and that individuals have several social identities which are made salient according to the context of interaction. I use specific fine line images in the rock art to argue that these images, in conjunction with scraper styles, were used as strategies by San males to increase their self-esteem. I further argue that interaction would result in unequal gender relations and San females used specific adzes to reassert their gender identity within San society. I further argue that finger paintings and handprints may have been painted by Khoi females as part of their menstruation and/or menarche rituals. I use both the gender and social identities from the Khoi and the San to argue that these are interrelated and cannot be separated. I argue that interaction would result in unequal gender and social practices and these practices would be expressed in the material culture of that group.

Mandume has fought two colonial powers, Portugal and British-South Africa from the time he became king in 1911 to 1917. This thesis looked at the different ways in which Manume is remembered in Namibia and Angola after these countries had gained their independence from colonialism. His bravery in fighting the colonizers has awarded him hero status and he is considered a nationalist hero in both Namibia and Angola. However, he is memorialized differently in Namibia and Angola. The process of remembering Mandume in different ways is related to where his body and head are buried respectively. This is because there is a belief that his body was beheaded, and his head was buried in Windhoek while the rest of his body is buried in Angola. The monument that is alleged to host his head is claimed to belong to him to this day. However, this monument was erected for the fallen South African troops who died fighting him. The author argued that this belief was in response to the need to reclaim a monumental space to commemorate Mandume in the capital city.

Around Africa there seems to be an increasing disillusion with 'development', seen under the rubric of teleological 'progress', which is touted by post-colonial governments as being the cure for Africa's ailments and woes. Numerous authors have pointed out that this local disillusion, and the attempt to manage the inequities that arise through development and modernity, can be seen to be understood and acted upon by local peoples through the idiom of witchcraft beliefs and fears (see Geschiere & Fisiy 2001; Geschiere 1997; Nyamnjoh 2001; Comaroff & Comaroff 1993; Ashforth 2005) and spirit possession nanatives (see Luig 1999; Gezon 1999), or more simply, occult beliefs and praxis (Moore & Sanders 2001). The majority of the Mayeyi of Namibia's Eastern Caprivi perceive that development is the only way their regiOn and people can survive and succeed in a modernising world. At ~he same time there is also a seeming reluctance to move towards perceiving witchcraft as a means of accumulation (contra Geschiere 1997). This notion of the 'witchcraft of wealth' is emerging, but for the most part witches are seen as the enemies of development, while spirit possession narratives speak to the desire for development and of the identity of the group vis-a-vis the rest of the world. The thesis presented argues that, although modernity orientated analyses enable occult belief to be used as a lens through which to 1..mderstand 'modernity's malcontents' (Comaroff & Comaroff 1993), they can only go so far in explaining the intricacies of witchcraft and spirit possession beliefs themselves. The dissertation argues that one should return to the analysis of the cosmological underpinnings of witchcraft belief and spirit possession, taken together as complementary phenomena, in seeking to understand the domain of the occult. By doing so the thesis argues that a more comprehensive anthropological understanding is obtained of occult belief and practice, the ways in which the domain of the occult is constituted and the ways in which it is a reflection or commentary on a changing world.

Bibliography: pages 282-299.<br>Investigations in the archaeologically unexplored region of Namaqualand show that it was unoccupied for much of the terminal Pleistocene and early Holocene. Marginally more favourable climatic conditions circa 2000 BP encouraged re-occupation of the region. It would appear that Khoe-speaking hunter-gatherers with livestock and pottery first entered Namaqualand along the Orange River before moving southward along the Atlantic coast. Both sheep and pottery are present at /Ai tomas in the Richtersveld and Spoeg River Cave on the coast, some 1900 years ago. This is strong evidence for a western route of Khoekhoen dispersal into southern Africa and invalidates one of the hypotheses proposed by Elphick in 1972. Domestic stock was initially only a minor addition to the economy and these early inhabitants of the region continued utilising wild plant foods and game, slaughtering their domestic stock only infrequently. It is proposed that hunter-gatherer society may undergo the structural changes necessary to become pastoralists and that there is evidence for this in the archaeological record from Namaqualand during the period 1900 to 1300 BP. The historical and ethnographic records relating to the Little Namaqua Khoekhoen indicates that gender conflict structured much of the lives of the historical population and it is postulated that the pre-colonial period was also characterised by changing gender relations. Central to this thesis is a consideration of the active role of material culture in negotiating relations between various interest groups within a society as well as structuring relations between 'ethnic' groups. Certain material culture items are identified which were used to negotiate and structure gender relations. The archaeological material from Namaqualand are therefore analysed in order to determine changing social relations through time. It is concluded that ethnic distinctions between pastoralist groups and hunter-gatherers in Namaqualand became more stressed with the arrival of the Dutch as a consequence of increasing competition for resources. The collapse of Namaqua Khoekhoen society was brought about as a result of trading excess stock for luxury items rather than in establishing stock associations. This thesis proposes that material culture from archaeological excavations be analysed for evidence of the structuring of within-group relations and that material cultural changes dating to within the last 2000 years should not automatically be ascribed to the presence of two 'ethnic' groups.

Bibliography: pages 120-131.<br>Knowledge and History have for many years been sites of struggle in South Africa and academic versions of the past are being challenged with commitment by oppressed communities all over the world. Archaeologists, as producers of information about the past, are necessarily involved in such struggles. The aim of this research project has been to demonstrate that our constructions of the past are deeply embedded in the politics of production and presentation of knowledge. The manner in which information is presented to the public is integrally linked to the manner in which knowledge about the past is produced. These politics form a particular dynamic with the way people perceive themselves and others. By examining the specifics of the construction of a Hottentot icon, and its links with constructions of gatherer-hunter histories, I have also tackled issues such as the contingency of research interpretations, the subjectivity of researchers, the myth of "scientific objectivity", and knowledge as a site of struggle in South Africa. I have also examined the links between writing, description, sexism, racism and colonialism, and educational methods and the authority of the expert. It is in the use of authoritative techniques in the production of knowledge and in the presentation of research interpretations that the problem lies. Authoritative techniques are pervasive and powerful, and function to inhibit public challenges to academic knowledge. The weight of notions such as science, objectivity and truth - which back up most presentations of academic knowledge - disallow the empowerment of communities towards participation in the processes of producing knowledge. I advocate a shift towards production and presentation that uses instead methods that encourage traditionally powerless communities to play an active role in the construction of their histories. I have focussed on the construction of authoritative herder histories, in both museums and other public media, in order to examine the role of archaeologists in struggles around the past. Whether we are conscious participants in these struggles, or whether we adopt a stance of objective neutrality, the information we produce has a powerful and important effect on the way in which people make sense of ourselves. A People's Archaeology - an archaeology dependent on community participation in research, interpretation and presentation - will require the development of democratic research methods. And this necessitates the initial steps of demystifying the process whereby academic knowledge is produced, and the development of an understanding of the origins of historical symbols. This project is a contribution to these debates, and will hopefully be, in some way, a contribution to the process of formulating different research methods towards the development of a People's Archaeology.

Text in Afrikaans with abstracts in Afrikaans and English<br>In hierdie proefskrif word die agtergrond van die pre-koloniale stand van die destydse Kaapkolonie geskets en die historiese ontstaan van een gemeenskap word as tersaaklike voorbeeld behandel. Die verhouding wat met verloop van tyd tussen hierdie gemeenskap en die indringende koloniste ontwikkel het, is grotendeels gebaseer op persepsies en houdinge wat reeds sedert die 17e, 18e en veral die 19e eeu weens die ontmoeting tussen die uiteenlopende bevolkingsgroepe ontstaan het. Die verhoudinge wat inherent as gevolg van hierdie koloniale inmenging vertroebel is, was die oorsaak dat sekere inheemse bevolkingsgroepe radikale verandering ondergaan het. Die inheemse bevolking se rol het al hoe meer ondergeskik geword en die landskap het vir goed verander. Waar die inheemse bevolkingsgroepe se grondgebied van hulle ontneem is, moes hulle hul oorlewingstrategieë drasties verander. Die sogenaamde bruinmense, wat ontstaan het uit die ondertrou van die koloniale inkommers met die plaaslike bevolking en ingevoerde slawe, is gou tot die rol van arbeiders gereduseer en hul status het bly verlaag soos die tyd verbygegaan het. Aangesien min van hulle grondbesitters kon wees, wys hierdie proefskrif dat daar wel uitsonderings was. Daar is ’n gemeenskap wat die eienaars van erfgrond aan die Gouritzrivier is en dit steeds na 155 jaar besit. Hierdie gemeenskap is Buisplaas. ‘n Blanke voorvader, Frederick du Buis het aan sy twee seuns wat van gemengde bloed was, Simson en Saul ’n stuk grond langs die Gouritzrivier in die suidooste van die Wes-Kaap nagelaat. Op hierdie 94 hektaar het ’n Buis-gemeenskap ontstaan wat deur al die jare van politieke veranderinge in Suid-Afrika bly voortbestaan en gegroei het. Die onsimpatieke geografie en klimaat van Buisplaas het sy beperkings ingehou en tog het hierdie gemeenskap oorleef en die skamele voordele soos die nabyheid van die rivier en die aalwyne tot hulle voordeel gebruik. Al het die ekonomiese realiteit die meeste van die inwoners genoop om elders te gaan vir verdere opleiding en werksgeleenthede het die Buis-afstammelinge dikwels na hul aftrede uit hul beroepe teruggekeer na hul heimat. Ontwikkeling en die daaropvolgende verbetering van hul omstandighede het eers 127 jaar na die oordrag van Buisplaas aan Simson en Saul Buis begin en ’n groot verbetering in hul lewensomstandighede gemaak. Die rol van die Buisplaas Bewonersvereniging wat in 1986 gestig is en die belangrike proses van ontwikkeling wat deur hierdie vereniging begin is, vorm ’n kernaspek van die studie. Oor die jare het die twee kerke, die Lutherse en Anglikaanse kerke ’n deurslaggewende invloed op die inwoners gehad en veral omdat die Lutherse kerk ook verantwoordelik was dat daar ’n laerskool op Buisplaas opgerig is. Die navorsingsproses het die toepassing van ’n multi-dissiplinêre benadering behels, maar is daar hoofsaaklik van historiese metodologie gebruik gemaak. Die aktiewe bydrae van verskeie inwoners en oud-inwoners van Buisplaas het die gebruik van ander primêre en sekondêre bronne aangevul. Die fokus van die studie was derhalwe op die Buisplaas-gemeenskap wat vir so lank reeds bruin grondeienaars is, te midde van die problematiek van grondeienaarskap in Suid-Afrika. Alhoewel die konkrete realiteite van hierdie gemeenskap behandel word, gaan dit meer oor die ontasbare emosionele verbintenis van die mense met hulle plek, hulle eiendom. Dit gaan oor ‘n landskap wat uit kulturele tradisies en herinneringe bestaan. Dit kry die mistiek deur die krag van onthou, deur die nooit-vergeet-nie van mense se plekbewussyn. Plek word die verlenging van die self want plek is dan ook ‘n oord van tussenmenslike verbondenheid. Dit maak dit nie ‘n volmaakte plek nie maar ten minste ‘n plek waar mense van mekaar geweet het en steeds weet. Die veranderende ekonomiese en politieke streeksdinamika het ‘n invloed op die betekenis wat die inwoners aan hulle plek heg. Die fisiese en ruimtelike omgewing beïnvloed ook die interaksie en verhoudings van hierdie mense.<br>This thesis describes the background of the pre-colonial situation in the Cape Colony of the time. It uses the historical origin and development of one specific community as an example. The relationship which developed between this community and the intrusive colonialists is based to a large extent on perceptions and attitudes which were observed in the seventeenth and eighteenth but especially during the nineteenth century between the diverse population groups. The interference of the colonialists caused great harm to these relationships and consequently some of the indigenous population groups underwent radical changes. The indigenous population’s role in the area became more and more submersed and the landscape changed forever. As the territories of the indigenous groups were taken from them, they had to change their survival strategies drastically. The group which in former times was called ‘coloured’ because of inter marriages between the colonialists and the local population or the imported slaves, was soon reduced to labourers and their status diminished as time went by. In spite of very few being able to remain as landowners this thesis shows that there were exceptions. There is a community which inherited land next to the Gouritz River and after 155 years they are still the rightful owners. This community is known as Buisplaas. A white ancestor, Frederick du Buis left his two sons, Simson and Saul who were of mixed blood, 94 hectares of land next to the Gouritz River, in the south eastern part of the Western Cape. This is where the Buis community came into being and through the many years of political change in South Africa they continued to remain and develop there. The harsh geography and climate of Buisplaas had its limitations and yet the community survived. They used the meagre possibilities of the area like their proximity to the Gouritz River and the aloes growing there to their benefit. Although the economic realities forced many of the inhabitants to move elsewhere to further their studies or to find work opportunities, the Buisplaas descendants often returned to their community after retirement. It was only 127 years after Simson and Saul Buis inherited Buisplaas that development and consequently improvement started happening on a bigger scale. It changed their quality of life immensely. In 1986 the Residents’ Association of Buisplaas was formed and its role in the development of the community forms the major part of this study. Over the years both the Lutheran and the Anglican churches had a very strong influence on the inhabitants, especially since the Lutheran church was responsible for the establishment of a primary school at Buisplaas. The research entailed a multi-faceted approach, but mostly historical methodology was used. The active participation of different members of the Buisplaas community as well as some of the former inhabitants and neighbours in this thesis, supplemented the use of various other sources. The focus of the study was on the Buisplaas community who had been land owners as so-called ‘coloured’ people long before the issues and problems of owning land in South Africa were addressed. Although the basic realities of survival of this community will be addressed, the main focus is on the emotional bonds of the people with their place, with their property. It deals with their memories and with the cultural traditions that form the backbone of the area. This study has a charm which is revealed because of the memories of the people and the omnipresent consciousness of the ownership of their special place. Place becomes an extension of the self because place and space are also where human ties exist. It doesn’t make the place perfect but it remains a place where the people have always been aware of one another. The changing political and economic dynamics of the area have an influence on the importance and meaning of this place for its inhabitants. The physical and spatial environment and its spiritual importance also influence the interaction and relationships between these people.<br>History<br>D. Litt. et Phil. (Geskiedenis)