Academic literature on the topic 'Khomeini'
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Journal articles on the topic "Khomeini"
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Mahdavi, Mojtaba. "One Bed and Two Dreams? Contentious Public Religion in the Discourses of Ayatollah Khomeini and Ali Shariati." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 43, no. 1 (September 20, 2013): 25–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429813496102.
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Ayatollah Khomeini and Ali Shariati are seen as twin pillars of revolutionary Islam in contemporary Iran. This article contextualizes and compares these radical discourses in three sections. It first problematizes the transformation of Khomeini as a quietist cleric into a revolutionary ayatollah. While Khomeini’s theory of velayat-e faqih was a radical departure from the dominant Shiite tradition, its practice has contributed to a new era of post-Khomeinism. Second, it examines Shariati’s discourse and a new reading of his thought in the post-revolutionary context. Third, it demonstrates that these discourses differ radically on the three concepts of radicalism, public religion, and state. The conclusion sheds some light on the conditions of Khomeinism after Khomeini, and Shariati’s discourse three decades after the revolution. It suggests that Iran has gradually entered into a new era of post-Islamism.
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Korneeva, T. G. "ISLAM AS A GROUND OF POLITICAL SYSTEM ACCORDING TO IMAM RUHOLLAH KHOMEINI." Islam in the modern world 14, no. 4 (January 7, 2019): 115–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22311/2074-1529-2018-14-4-115-124.
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The article represents the views of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (1902–1989), the leader of the Islamic revolution in Iran, on Islam as the basis of the political system. Imam Khomeini believed that Islam should not be considered only as a set of prescriptions or as a kind of philosophical system. In his work “Vilayat-i fakih. Hokumat-i Islami ” (“Islamic Government: Governance of the Jurist”) Khomeini substantiates the need for the formation of a state based on Sharia law. The ideas of the Ayatollah were not completely new to Shii political doctrine. The olitical views of Ayatollah Khomeini formed under a great infl uence of a situation in Iran in the XX cent. The author analyzes the Khomeini’s views on politics and his concept of “vilayat-i fakih”. From Ayatollah Khomeini’s point of view, we can’t imagine Islam apart from politics, otherwise Islam will be incomplete. Personal self-improvement also depends on the fullness of religion, and therefore Muslims need an Islamic state to fully keep the Sharia law. The analysis of the views of Imam Khomeini is based on the original treatise in Persian.
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Sujati, Budi. "Peran Ayatullah Khomeini dalam Revolusi Islam di Iran 1979." Rihlah: Jurnal Sejarah dan Kebudayaan 7, no. 1 (April 2, 2019): 13–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.24252/rihlah.v7i1.7756.
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Khomeini was a great scholar and leader of the Iranian Islamic Revolution. Khomeini's role in the Revolution was a struggle that never ceased to overthrow Shah Reza Pahlevi. The fall of the monarchy to the Islamic Republic of Iran system made Khomeini the most influential actor in the eruption of the Islamic revolution in Iran. This certainly has an impact on Iran's development until now. This paper outlines the role of ulama in the occurrence of a revolution. His role was to invite the public to oppose Shah's policies through political lectures both on the pulpit and on tapes. His influence in mobilizing the community to make opposition to the Shah Pahlevi supported by intellectuals and ulama made Khomeini's influence on the revolution so great. The research uses the library research approach (Library Resereach) with historical study methods.Khomeini merupakan seorang ulama dan pemimpin besar Revolusi Islam Iran. Peran Khomeini dalam Revolusi adalah perjuangan yang tidak pernah berhenti untuk menumbangkan Shah Reza Pahlevi. Jatuhnya sistem monarki ke sistem Republik Islam Iran menjadikan Khomeini menjadi aktor yang paling berpengaruh terhadap meletusnya revolusi Islam Iran. Hal ini tentunya memberi dampak bagi pekembangan Iran hingga sekarang. Tulisan ini menguraikan peran ulama dalam terjadinya sebuah revolusi. Perannya adalah mengajak masyarakat untuk menentang kebijakan Shah melalui ceramah politik baik itu di mimbar maupun di kaset. Pengaruhnya dalam menggerakan masyarakat untuk melakukan oposisi terhadap Shah Pahlevi dengan ditopang kaum intelektual dan ulama menjadikan pengaruh Khomeini terhadap revolusi sangat begitu besar. Adapun penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan penelitian kepustakaan (Library Resereach) dengan metode studi historis.
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Javedanfar, Meir. "The Mo'talefeh (Islamic Coalition Society): From Revolutionary Allies to Challengers of Ayatollah Khomeini's Policies, 1979–1989." Middle East Journal 76, no. 4 (April 1, 2023): 487–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/76.4.13.
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The Islamic Coalition Society (or the Mo'talefeh) was an important ally and a source of political and financial support for Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini's campaign against the Iranian monarchy. However, by the mid-1980s, Ayatollah Khomeini started to view the policies backed by the Mo'talefeh and its allies, the Combatant Clergy Association, as an impediment to his agenda. This article charts this transformation and shows how a combination of economic and political differences between the Mo'talefeh and Khomeini led to the former's marginalization.
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Sutan Mamad, Firdaus. "IMAM KHOMEINI: FIGURE OF THE IRAN ISLAMIC REVOLUTION." Khazanah: Jurnal Sejarah dan Kebudayaan Islam 12, no. 1 (April 28, 2022): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.15548/khazanah.v12i1.687.
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The Iranian Revolution was a revolution that changed the Iranian government system from a monarchy to an Islamic republic led by Imam Rahullah al-Musawi al-Khomeini. Imam Khomeini is a figure in Iran who is also known as the father of the Iranian Revolution of Fundamentalism. His mindset is heavily influenced by mystical, philosophical, and Sufism based on the Qur'an and Hadith. So from Imam Khomeini's thought, the occurrence of the Islamic revolution in Iran on February 11, 1979 brought changes in Iran itself.
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Kariminiya, Mohammad, Ahmad Omidvar, Seyed Esmaili, and Mojtaba Moghaddam. "Re-interpretation of verse 119 of Surah An-Nisa 'on transgenderism with emphasis on Imam Khomeini's thoughts'." Kufa Journal of Arts 1, no. 54 (March 28, 2023): 597–624. http://dx.doi.org/10.36317/kaj/2022/v1.i54.11729.
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One of the emerging issues of Islamic jurisprudence is "gender reassignment." In addition to transforming a person's gender, this changes the persons legal status. The purpose of this research, is initially to summarize the history of this issue in Shiite jurisprudence, explaining the view of the Torah, the Bible and the Holy Quran as well as an overview of gender reassignment types. Subsequently to clearly explain the view of Imam Khomeini in its various dimensions, including: the permissibility of gender reassignment, the effect of gender reassignment on marriage, alimony, dowry, custody of children, family titles and inheritance. The research method is to refer to Imam Khomeini's fatwa’s on this topic in his book Tahrir al-Wasilah. As a research finding, it should be said: According to Imam Khomeini, gender reassignment is permissible, but it will cause the annulment of a previous marriage and changed family titles. Additionally, the share of the transgender person's inheritance will be based on the new gender. The research method is field-study as well as descriptive and analytical. To understand the subject of sex change, transgender, and intersex people, fieldwork was required. In order to understand Imam Khomeini’s point of view descriptive and analytical methods has been applied.
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Nurdin, Ahmad Ali, and Ahmad Tholabi Kharlie. "Sunni and Shiite Political Thought of Islam State Relationship: A Comparison between Abdurrahman Wahid of Indonesia and Ayatollah Khomeini of Iran." Journal of Asian Social Science Research 1, no. 1 (December 31, 2019): 27–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/jassr.v1i1.5.
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This paper discusses how the Indonesian Sunni Muslim leader Abdurrahman Wahid and the Iranian Shiite Muslim leader Ayatollah Khomeini responded to the debate about the relationship between Islam and the state. Their responses impacted on the struggle of Indonesian and Iranian Muslims in considering the ideological basis of Indonesian and Iranian states. On the one hand, Wahid with his educational and social background and Indonesian political context rejected the concept of an Islamic state. He did not agree with the formalization of Islamic sharia. To implement his idea, he promoted the idea of Pribumisasi Islam. For Wahid, islamization was not arabization. Khomeini, on the other hand, believed that Islam is a religion that has complete laws and way of life including social rules. According to Khomeini, to effectively implement these rules, Muslims need to have executive power. In Khomeini’s view, when the Quran calls for Muslims to obey Allah, the messenger, and ulil amri, this means that Allah instructs Muslims to create an Islamic state. To realise his views, Khomeini proposed the doctrine of Velayat-e al Faqeeh. Thus, different religious-political contexts of these two leaders contributed to their different responses to the relationship between Islam and the state.
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Riyani, Irma. "Performing Islamic Rituals in Non-Muslim Countries: Wedding Ceremony among Indonesian Muslims in The Netherlands." Journal of Asian Social Science Research 1, no. 1 (December 31, 2019): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/jassr.v1i1.7.
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This paper discusses how the Indonesian Sunni Muslim leader Abdurrahman Wahid and the Iranian Shiite Muslim leader Ayatollah Khomeini responded to the debate about the relationship between Islam and the state. Their responses impacted on the struggle of Indonesian and Iranian Muslims in considering the ideological basis of Indonesian and Iranian states. On the one hand, Wahid with his educational and social background and Indonesian political context rejected the concept of an Islamic state. He did not agree with the formalization of Islamic sharia. To implement his idea, he promoted the idea of Pribumisasi Islam. For Wahid, islamization was not arabization. Khomeini, on the other hand, believed that Islam is a religion that has complete laws and way of life including social rules. According to Khomeini, to effectively implement these rules, Muslims need to have executive power. In Khomeini’s view, when the Quran calls for Muslims to obey Allah, the messenger, and ulil amri, this means that Allah instructs Muslims to create an Islamic state. To realise his views, Khomeini proposed the doctrine of Velayat-e al Faqeeh. Thus, different religious-political contexts of these two leaders contributed to their different responses to the relationship between Islam and the state.
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Zulkarnen, Zulkarnen. "Budaya Struktur Pemerintahan Republik Islam Iran." JURNAL Al-AZHAR INDONESIA SERI HUMANIORA 3, no. 1 (December 20, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.36722/sh.v3i1.194.
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<p><em>Abstrak</em> - <strong>Kelahiran Republik Islam Iran tidak lepas dari peran Ayatollah Imam Khomeini, pemimpin spiritual ulama, sekaligus pemimpin politik yang sangat dihormati di Iran. Imam Khomeini adalah salah satu tokoh terpenting di balik revolusi Iran dan kelahiran Republik Islam Iran. Karena perannya dalam memimpin revolusi Iran bahwa Imam Khomeini ditunjuk sebagai Pemimpin Revolusi Islam, sebagaimana tercantum dalam konstitusi Iran yang disahkan pada bulan Desember 1979. Salah satu gagasan paling menonjol dalam pemikiran politik Imam Khomeini adalah idenya tentang Wilayatul Faqih (tata kelola faqih) yang pada dasarnya menuntut kepemimpinan pada umumnya, termasuk kepemimpinan politik, harus berada di tangan yang terpercaya. Pemikiran politik Imam Khomeini tentang Wilayatul Faqih yang menjadi bagian terpenting dalam struktur politik Republik Islam Iran adalah menekan imamah yang didefinisikan sebagai kepemimpinan religius dan politis serta dilakukan oleh faqih. Wilayatul faqih merupakan kelanjutan dari doktrin Imamah dalam teori politik Syiah khususnya Shia Imami. Struktur ini bukanlah ide baru dalam pemikiran kalangan Syi'ah. Imam Khomeini yang kemudian mengembangkan dan mempraktikkan wilayatul faqih ke dalam sistem pemerintahan modern Iran. Dalam menerapkan gagasannya, Imam Khomeini berhasil menggabungkan struktur pemerintahan religius dengan institusi demokrasi. Namun, Imam Khomeini memiliki definisi demokrasi yang berbeda dengan demokrasi murni dan demokrasi liberal. Dia mengatakan bahwa kebebasan demokratis harus dibatasi dan kebebasan yang diberikan harus dilakukan dalam batas-batas hukum Islam. Meski demikian dapat dikatakan bahwa konsep Wilayatul faqih merupakan salah satu varian demokrasi. Dalam konsep keseimbangan dan mekanisme penyelarasan (checks and balances) ini harus berjalan, meski lembaga tersebut berada di bawah kewenangan wali faqih. Menurut Imam Khomeini tanpa pengawasan Wilayatul faqih, pemerintah akan lalim. Jika peraturan tersebut tidak sesuai dengan kehendak Tuhan dan jika Presiden dipilih tanpa arahan faqih, peraturan tersebut tidak berlaku. Sistem pemerintahan Republik Islam Iran dapat diklasifikasikan ke dalam sistem demokrasi agama, apapun istilahnya diberikan; baik istilah "Teo-Demokrasi" Maududi, "Theistic Democracy" Moh. Natsir "Islamo-Demokrasi" Nurcholis Madjid, Demokrasi, Islam atau apapun yang mencapnya pada dasarnya sama. Sebagai konsekuensi logis, Implikasi struktur gagasan Khomeini tentang demokrasi Islam adalah model dan bentuk pemerintahan alternatif yang bisa menjadi referensi bagi negara-negara Muslim lainnya di masa depan.</strong></p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong><em>Kata Kunci – </em></strong><em>Wilayatul Faqih, Implementasi, Sistem, Struktur</em></p><p> </p><p><em>Abstract</em><strong>-</strong><strong>The birth of the Islamic Republic of Iran can not be separated from the role of Ayatollah Imam Khomeini, a cleric's spiritual leader, as well as a highly respected political leader in Iran. Imam Khomeini was one of the most important figures behind the Iranian revolution and the birth of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Because of its role in leading the Iranian revolution that Imam Khomeini was appointed as Leader (leader) of the Islamic revolution, as listed in the Iranian constitution which was passed in December 1979.One of the most prominent ideas in the political thought of Imam Khomeini was his idea about Wilayatul Faqih (governance of the faqih) which basically calls for leadership in general, including political leadership, should be in trusted hands. Imam Khomeini's political thinking about Wilayatul Faqih who became the most important part in the political structure of the Islamic Republic of Iran is putting pressure on the Imamat which is defined as a religious and political leadership as well as carried by the faqih. Wilayatul faqih is a continuation of the doctrine of Imamat in Shi'i political theory in particular Shia Imami. This structure is not a new idea in the thinking among the Shi'a. Imam Khomeini who later develop and practice Wilayatul faqih into Modern Iranian system of government.In applying his ideas, Imam Khomeini succeeded in combining the religious government structure with democratic institutions. However, Imam Khomeini has a different definition of democracy with pure democracy and liberal democracy. He said democratic freedoms should be restricted and the freedom granted shall be exercised within the limits of Islamic law. Nevertheless it can be said that the concept Wilayatul faqih is one variant of democracy. In this concept of balance and alignment mechanisms (checks and balances) must be running, although the institution is located under the authority of guardians faqih. According to Imam Khomeini without the supervision of Wilayatul faqih, the government will be despotic. If the rule is inconsistent with God's will and if the President shall be elected without the direction of a faqih, the rule is not valid. System of government of the Islamic Republic of Iran can be classified into a religious democratic system, whatever the term is given; either the term "Teo-Democracy" Maududi, "Theistic Democracy" Moh. Natsir "Islamo-Democracy" Nurcholis Madjid, Democracy, Islam or anything that labeled him basically the same. As a logical consequence, Implications of the structure of Khomeini's notion of Islamic democracy is a model and an alternative form of government that could be a reference for other Muslim countries in the future. </strong></p><p><strong> </strong></p><strong><em>Keyword - </em></strong><em>Wilayatul Faqih, Implementation, System, Structure</em>
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Hojati, Afshin. "After Khomeini." American Journal of Islam and Society 27, no. 3 (July 1, 2010): 112–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v27i3.1313.
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Drawing on the sociology of revolution, Arjomand’s book is set onexplaining the political developments of Iran and its rollercoaster-likedomestic and foreign policy realities during the past two decades. Accordingto the author, the greatest misconception about post-revolutionary Iran isthe notion that the revolution ended with the establishment of a “Brintonian”Thermidor through the rise to power of the pragmatist presidentHashemi-Rafsanjani (1989-97) and/or the reformist president Khatami(1997-2005). In contrast, “this book argues that the Islamic revolution didnot end with Khomeini’s death and that there was no return to ‘normalcy’the day after. Massive revolutionary violence abated while the revolutioncontinued” (p. 5) ...
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Khomeini"
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Naser, Davodi. "Ayatollah Khomeini : De rättslärdas styre." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-245781.
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A large part of the Iranian population resented the west, in particular USA and Great Britain, during the Islamic revolution in Iran 1979. The people were also resenting the adverse effects of the trumped up frame made in Iran. The last shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi was detested by many in Iran for its west-oriented regime. The resentment among many Iranians is a consequence of the violations of e.g. the lack of political and civil rights, there were no existing legal security in the society, there were no economic distribution and the regime of Mohammad Reza Shah violated the human rights. The resolution from an Iranian perspective for riot is not new, during the last centuries the abomination against the despotic kings have been existing varyingly and big riots have been raised. The Islamic revolution in 1979 was new because the revolution added adverse effects of west, the population detested west and expressed it by protesting through demonstration. The significance of the revolution in 1979 was also attributable to Islam. The statements and onsets that raised against west by the citizens of Iran was not merely support of the regime from the west, nevertheless to the same extent also for the western culture and civilization. The proponents of the Islamic revolution were Islamic in spirit, and were against western values, culture, and civilization. The proponents claimed that the Iranians should not inquire for western civilization. The ideals projected went back in time, namely to the beginning of Islam. The recent government hoped to deviate from the regime of the shah, the new government should be comprised by the divine laws. The thesis will depict why Khomeinism was growing fiercly and in addition illustrate the religious and theological doctrines of Khomeini.
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Bruno, Bruna Moura. "Espiritualidade política no governo de Khomeini." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFSC, 2014. https://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/129509.
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Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia Política, Florianópolis, 2014.Made available in DSpace on 2015-02-05T21:10:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 327210.pdf: 1139985 bytes, checksum: 07b774d44d8d2b3e536b48757ec653fd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014
O propósito desta dissertação é a compreensão da dinâmica do sistema político do Irã nos dias de hoje, pensado e construído no decorrer das décadas de 1970 e 1980. A partir de uma série de confrontos com a monarquia que ocasionaram diversos momentos de tensão no país e enfraqueceram o papel do Xá, o sistema político iraniano e todo o modelo de organização social passa a ser questionado e repensado. Muitas foram as personalidades de destaque nesse processo, entre elas Khomeini, que, com seu discurso carismático, conseguiu reunir em torno de si diferentes grupos e classes sociais do Irã, fortalecendo seu projeto de Governo Islâmico ao resgatar a essência do Islã. Por essa razão, Khomeini e suas principais obras serviram de fonte de pesquisa para a construção deste estudo. Muitos também foram os intelectuais, pesquisadores e cientistas que acompanharam os acontecimentos iranianos à época, entre eles Michel Foucault, que viajou ao país e escreveu sobre o testemunho da ideia de espiritualidade política no Irã. Foucault é um dos autores utilizados neste trabalho, com o intuito, principalmente, de sugerir um novo caminho de interpretação do acontecimento iraniano. Foi importante, da mesma forma, o contato com obras de autores islâmicos, como Ali Gheissari, Vali Nasr, Benazir Bhutto, Sayyd Abdul A'la Al-Maudidi, dentre outros. Esses autores foram fundamentais para manter esse trabalho dentro do seu principal propósito, quer seja, apresentar uma versão em nada etnocêntrica do movimento revolucionário iraniano e dos seus desdobramentos. Após a Revolução Iraniana de 1979, serão esses fatores - o papel de Khomeini, o resgate do Islã em sua essência tradicional e política e o conceito de espiritualidade política - que nos farão compreender o surgimento da República Islâmica e do novo sistema político iraniano. Perceber as especificidades da sociedade muçulmana que se desdobram num novo modo de ser, de vivenciar, é fundamental para compreender as dinâmicas e tensões de muitos países muçulmanos e suas relações com o Ocidente.
Abstract : The purpose of this dissertation is to understand the dynamics of today's Iranian political system, designed and built during the 1970s and 1980s. From a series of confrontations with the monarchy, which caused several moments of tension in the country and weakened the role of the Shah, the Iranian political system and the entire model of social organization began to be questioned and rethought. Many were the prominent personalities in this process, including Khomeini, who, with his charismatic speech, managed to gather around him different groups and social classes in Iran, strengthening his project of Islamic government by rescuing the essence of Islam. Therefore, Khomeini and his major works were used as source of research for the construction of this study. In addition, many were the intellectuals, researchers and scientists who followed the events in Iran at the time, among them Michel Foucault, who traveled the country and wrote, in excited manner, about the testimony of the idea of political spirituality in Iran. Foucault is one of the authors used in this work, aiming mainly to suggest a new way of interpreting the Iranian event. Equally important was the contact with Islamic authors such as Ali Gheissari, Vali Nasr, Benazir Bhutto, Sayyid Abdul A'la Al - Maudidi , among others. These authors were critical to keep this work within its main purpose: to present a non-ethnocentric version of Iranian revolutionary movement and its outcomes. After the 1979 Iranian Revolution, these factors - the role of Khomeini, the rescue of traditional and political Islam and concept of political spirituality -were and are fundamental to make us understand the emergence of the Islamic Republic and the Iranian new political system. Understand the specifics of Muslim society that unfold in a new way of being, of experiencing, is essential for understanding the dynamics and tensions of many Muslim countries and their relations with the West.
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Taffazoli, Parasto. "Khomeini and Sufism : Ayatollah Khomeini’s influence on the oppression against Sufi Orders in the Islamic Republic of Iran." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-106476.
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Since the 1979 Islamic revolution in Iran many Shia Sufi Orders, who are religious groups that exercise the mystical and spiritual elements of Shia Islam, have been forced to exile due to oppression from the government. The largest Sufi Order, The Nematollahi Soltan Alishahi Gonabadi are still in the country, but are oppressed by the Islamic regime; From an arson attack in central Tehran in 1980; The Iranian government being blamed to have imprisoned 11 members of the Soltan Alishahi Order for peaceful activities in 2013 (HRW, 2013); To the odd arrests and physical abuses of the Order’s members in March 2014. The oppression against this Sufi Order has thus been continuing in the Republic, although it is in contradiction to the written documentations that have been declared in the constitution. Ayatollah Khomeini’s view on Sufism may be a reason to why the Sufi Orders today are oppressed and not perceived as formal citizens of the Republic, since it is his ideology as the founding father and the Supreme Leader that is the map the Republic governs through. The definition of who is a formal citizen in Iran goes under Article 12, 13 and 41; where The Soltan Alishahi Order are members of the Twelver Shia Religion, can be understood as with regard to their treatment by the Iranian government, neither formal nor approved citizens in the eyes of Islamic Republic. A critical discourse analysis have been made from the 21 volume anthology of Khomeini’s speeches, messages, interviews, decrees, religious permissions and letters that are texts written by Khomeini himself. The contexts of the words ‘Sufi’, ‘Dervish’, ‘Gnostic’ and ‘Mystic’ have been the focal point, which are extended words of Sufism.From the result found, it is evident that Khomeini’s perception of Sufism could be a possible reason to why Sufi Orders are oppressed; the words ‘Sufi’ and members of Sufi Orders ‘Dervishes’ are negatively described by Khomeini, whilst ‘Gnostic’ and ‘Mystic’ is almost in every case associated with positive ways of approaching God and Islam. This linguistic distinction by Khomeini can therefore be based upon on a personal hostile stance against Sufism and Sufi Orders, which in turn outflows into the Islamic Republic and the Islamic government of Iran
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Asmal, Muhammad Zakaria. "From Afghani to Khomeini : the state in modern Islamic political thought." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/13417.
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PERTEGHELLA, ANNALISA. "LA TRASFORMAZIONE DELL'AUTORITA' POLITICO-RELIGIOSA IN IRAN DA KHOMEINI A KHAMENEI." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/11373.
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Lo studio analizza la relazione tra diversi principi di legittimazione dell’autorità in Iran dopo la rivoluzione del 1979. La tripartizione weberiana dei tre idealtipi di autorità legittima (carismatica, tradizionale, razionale-legale) viene utilizzata come strumento di indagine per analizzare la fase rivoluzionaria, con l’emergere del suo leader carismatico, ayatollah Khomeini, e la successiva fase di istituzionalizzazione della rivoluzione concretizzatasi nell’edificazione della Repubblica islamica. Dopo una riflessione preliminare sul concetto di autorità nel pensiero politico occidentale, utile a individuare le categorie che vengono spesso utilizzate quando si analizza la Repubblica islamica, il fuoco dell’indagine si sposta sul contesto iraniano, nella sua doppia componente identitaria pre-islamica e islamica sciita, utile a individuare e comprendere che cosa si possa intendere per autorità religiosa tradizionale. La ricerca prosegue poi con l’analisi del momento rivoluzionario; l’ayatollah Khomeini viene studiato come leader religioso e politico e come portatore di un messaggio rivoluzionario, di rottura non solamente con l’ordine politico precedente ma anche e soprattutto con la tradizione religiosa sciita. Si analizza poi la fase di istituzionalizzazione del decennio 1979-1989, a partire da una riflessione sulla Costituzione del 1979 e sui suoi emendamenti del 1989. Il capitolo conclusivo muove proprio da questi emendamenti: le difficoltà dell’istituzionalizzazione – identificata come dissonant institutionalization – emergono durante il mandato di Ali Khamenei, attuale Guida suprema, aprendo un dibattito circa il futuro dell’autorità religiosa sciita tradizionale, marjayat, e circa il futuro del principio dell’autorità così come reinterpretato da Khomeini, velayat-e faqih.This thesis investigates the relation between different principles of legitimate authority in Iran after the 1979 revolution. Weber’s tripartite classification of authority (charismatic, traditional, rational-legal) is used as a tool for investigating ayatollah Khomeini’s charismatic revolution and the ensuing phase of institutionalization which culminated in the establishment of an Islamic republic. The first part of the thesis deals with the concept of authority, both in the Western and in the Iranian tradition. With specific reference to the Iranian context, the two elements that make up Iranian doctrine of authority, pre-Islamic and Shiite, are analyzed. The research then focuses on the analysis of the revolution: ayatollah Khomeini’s authority, in both its political and religious elements, is investigated. The dissonant institutionalization of the 1979-1989 decade is then examined, leading to a reflection on the difficulties of the Khamenei era. Among these, the growing concern about the future of Shiite traditional religious authority, marjayat, and, though indirectly, the growing doubts about the future of the Khomeinist doctrine of velayat-e faqih.
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PERTEGHELLA, ANNALISA. "LA TRASFORMAZIONE DELL'AUTORITA' POLITICO-RELIGIOSA IN IRAN DA KHOMEINI A KHAMENEI." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/11373.
Full textAbstract:
Lo studio analizza la relazione tra diversi principi di legittimazione dell’autorità in Iran dopo la rivoluzione del 1979. La tripartizione weberiana dei tre idealtipi di autorità legittima (carismatica, tradizionale, razionale-legale) viene utilizzata come strumento di indagine per analizzare la fase rivoluzionaria, con l’emergere del suo leader carismatico, ayatollah Khomeini, e la successiva fase di istituzionalizzazione della rivoluzione concretizzatasi nell’edificazione della Repubblica islamica. Dopo una riflessione preliminare sul concetto di autorità nel pensiero politico occidentale, utile a individuare le categorie che vengono spesso utilizzate quando si analizza la Repubblica islamica, il fuoco dell’indagine si sposta sul contesto iraniano, nella sua doppia componente identitaria pre-islamica e islamica sciita, utile a individuare e comprendere che cosa si possa intendere per autorità religiosa tradizionale. La ricerca prosegue poi con l’analisi del momento rivoluzionario; l’ayatollah Khomeini viene studiato come leader religioso e politico e come portatore di un messaggio rivoluzionario, di rottura non solamente con l’ordine politico precedente ma anche e soprattutto con la tradizione religiosa sciita. Si analizza poi la fase di istituzionalizzazione del decennio 1979-1989, a partire da una riflessione sulla Costituzione del 1979 e sui suoi emendamenti del 1989. Il capitolo conclusivo muove proprio da questi emendamenti: le difficoltà dell’istituzionalizzazione – identificata come dissonant institutionalization – emergono durante il mandato di Ali Khamenei, attuale Guida suprema, aprendo un dibattito circa il futuro dell’autorità religiosa sciita tradizionale, marjayat, e circa il futuro del principio dell’autorità così come reinterpretato da Khomeini, velayat-e faqih.This thesis investigates the relation between different principles of legitimate authority in Iran after the 1979 revolution. Weber’s tripartite classification of authority (charismatic, traditional, rational-legal) is used as a tool for investigating ayatollah Khomeini’s charismatic revolution and the ensuing phase of institutionalization which culminated in the establishment of an Islamic republic. The first part of the thesis deals with the concept of authority, both in the Western and in the Iranian tradition. With specific reference to the Iranian context, the two elements that make up Iranian doctrine of authority, pre-Islamic and Shiite, are analyzed. The research then focuses on the analysis of the revolution: ayatollah Khomeini’s authority, in both its political and religious elements, is investigated. The dissonant institutionalization of the 1979-1989 decade is then examined, leading to a reflection on the difficulties of the Khamenei era. Among these, the growing concern about the future of Shiite traditional religious authority, marjayat, and, though indirectly, the growing doubts about the future of the Khomeinist doctrine of velayat-e faqih.
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Neary, Brigitte U. "Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi and Ayatollah Khomeini: in Light of Shi'i History." W&M ScholarWorks, 1986. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625376.
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Mavani, Hamid. "The basis of leadership : Khumaynī's claims and the classical tradition." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=56919.
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The central and pivotal doctrine of the Imamate in the Twelver Shii creed maintains that the Imams are endowed with the exclusive prerogative to assume the authority and functions of the Prophet in both the temporal and religious domains. This is so by virtue of explicit designation (nass) received by each Imam from his predecessor to act as custodian, protector and expositor of divine teachings. Unfavourable political circumstances during the 'Umayyad and 'Abbasid dynasties forced the Imams to adopt a quietist attitude and to opt for accommodation with the illegitimate authorites. The inaccessibility of the Imams and their inability to guide their followers in distant places resulted in delegation of certain functions of the the Imams to the 'ulama' to guide the community. The prolonged occultation of the twelfth Shii Imam led the jurists to arrogate to themselves the right to act as his indirect deputies (na'ib al-Imam). Establishment of Imami Shiism as the state religion by the Safavids in the early sixteenth century, the victory of the Usuli school over the Akhbaris and the formulation of the institutions of marja'iya and a'lamiya paved the way for Ayatullah Khumayni to lay the grounds for the jurist's assumption of all-comprehensive authority (al-wilaya al-mutlaqa) by extrapolating arguments from tradition reports. The combination of the marja'iya and leadership (rahbar) of the Islamic State in the person of Ayatullah Khumayni had the potential of marshalling the Shii 'ulama' and masses to support for a political cause. However, bifurcation of these two roles in the 1989 revised Constitution of Iran forebodes the separation of the secular and the religious spheres.
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Hedén, Tomas. "Shu'ubiyya taghyiir: Vem har rätt att tolka islam? : En jämförande studie av shu’ubiyya rörelsen på 1000-talet och 1980-talet. Kan AyatollahKhomeini anses tillhöra shu’ubiyya rörelsen, liksom Ibn Garcia gjorde, som den arabiskaeliten hävdar?" Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Religionshistoria, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-296214.
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The shu’ubiyya movement originates from the early days of Islam. Its main purpose was to challenge the Arabic elite by showing prominent abilities in non-Arabic groups. The movement disappeared in the eleventh century. In the twentieth century a new wave of shu’ubiyya thoughts reappeared called neo-shu’ubiyya. The twist however was that it was used by the Arabs as derogatory term against their rivals. One accused as a shu’ubiyya was Ayatollah Khomeini, the leader of the Iranian revolution. He never proclaimed to be shu’ubiyya yet the Arabic elite still used it against him. This study compares Ayatollah Khomeini’s speech Message to the Pilgrims from the 1980s with the shu’ubiyya member Ibn Garica’s risala from the eleventh century in al-Andalus. The purpose of the study is to question that Ayatollah Khomeini can be seen as a true shu’ubiyya. By examining their messages the study tries to understand how the shu’ubiyya discourse has evolved in fields such as the sacred, traditions, history and the surrounding world. The result shows that part of Ayatollah Khomeini’s argumentation is similar to that of Ibn Garcia, but that his main purpose deviates too much to be called shu’ubiyya. Ibn Garcia tries to turn the Arabic “us against them” upside down and show how superior the non-Arabs are in comparison. He argues that this should allow the non-Arabs to join the Arabic culture. Ayatollah Khomeini has no desire to enter the Arabic discourse instead he asks all Muslims to unite in his new discourse for the greater god of Islam. The claims of the Arabic elite that Iran is the enemy in a “us against them” scenario is not true according to Ayatollah Khomeini. He tries to change the established view of the Iranian as “them”, and instead make all Muslims “us” and the Americans “them” by showing their evil interactions in the middle east. He wants all Muslims to join together by the core of Islam. The trend goes from a more cultural approach to be completely theological.
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de, la Camara Andrea. "Women's rights in iran during the years of the shah, ayatollah khomeini, and khamenei." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2012. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/538.
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Women's rights have been a historically controversial issue. This is no exception in Iran, where the struggle between modernization and keeping with traditional Islamic values has been a topic of constant disagreement between political leaders. Women in Iran have experienced many changes in their personal rights and freedoms throughout the decades. This research focuses on religion and culture, the policies of the main leaders of Iran in the past decades, and the role of non-governmental organizations as factors that expand or limit the rights and freedoms of women. It attempts to identify which factor is mostly responsible for the position that women have been historically placed in. The intent of this thesis is to research the rights and conditions of women in Iran.In general the question could be proposed as "are the lives of women in Iran better off today than in the past?" In the western world there are many stereotypes that are oftentimes attached to women, such as the notions that they are not allowed to pursue an education or career and that they do not have any legal rights. Evidence shows that these notions are not accurate in contemporary Iran, and that women have made significant strides in gaining their rights and freedoms. Through the analysis of several case studies, literature reviews, and statistical evidence, this thesis seeks to identify the factors that most affect women's rights and freedoms. By analyzing the factors that have historically placed women at a disadvantage in Iranian society, and better understanding their lives, this thesis aims to fight the stereotypes placed upon them as well as raise awareness for the continuing plight of women in Iran today.B.A.
Bachelors
Sciences
International and Global Studies
Books on the topic "Khomeini"
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Souresrafil, Behrouz. Khomeini and Israel. 2nd ed. England: I Researchers Inc., 1989.
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Adib-Moghaddam, Arshin, ed. A Critical Introduction to Khomeini. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511998485.
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Ḥadād, Ḥusayn. بعد از تو: Majmūʻah-i qiṣṣah va shir-i nawjavānān darbārah-i Īmām Khumaynī. Tihrān: Chāp va Nashr-i ʻUrūj (vābastah bih Muʼassasah-ʼi Tanẓīm va Nashr-i Ās̲ār-i Ḥaz̤rat Imām Khumaynī), 2007.
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Quddus, Syed Abdul. Imam Khomeini towards Islamic world order. Lahore, Pakistan: Progressive Publishers, 1994.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Khomeini"
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Kuske, Silvia. "Khomeini." In Metzler Lexikon Religion, 173–75. Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-03703-9_62.
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Kuske, Silvia. "Khomeini." In Metzler Lexikon Religion, 705–7. Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-00091-0_252.
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Pargoo, Mahmoud. "Post-Khomeini." In Secularization of Islam in Post-Revolutionary Iran, 97–138. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. |: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003129608-4.
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Del Testa, David W. "Khomeini, Ruhollah." In Government Leaders, Military Rulers and Political Activists, 100. New York: Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315063706-99.
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Tayebipour, Meysam. "Khomeini and Nationalism." In Ayatollah Khomeini Through the Lens of the Iran-Iraq War, 81–109. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-14907-8_5.
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Cohen, Ronen A. "Danger Ahead: Challenging Khomeini." In The Hojjatiyeh Society in Iran, 97–129. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137304773_5.
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Esposito, John L. "Introduction: From Khomeini to Khatami." In Iran at the Crossroads, 1–11. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-07175-0_1.
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Chamankhah, Leila. "Khomeini as the Jurist and Wilāya." In The Conceptualization of Guardianship in Iranian Intellectual History (1800–1989), 201–42. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22692-3_6.
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Arjomand, Saïd Amir. "Dual Leadership and Constitutional Developments after Khomeini." In After Khomeini, 35–55. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195391794.003.0003.
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Abstract The assembly of leadership experts met on june 4, 1989, the morning after Khomeini’s death, and elected Sayyed ‘Ali Khamenei as Khomeini’s successor, the Leader of the Islamic Republic, by 60 out of 74 votes. Except for “Imam,” all of Khomeini’s political titles were transferred to Khamenei. This appears to have been in accordance with Khomeini’s wish. According to Hashemi-Rafsanjani’s later testimony, the day after he and Khamenei delivered the letter of dismissal as Khomeini’s successor to Ayatollah Montazeri in Qom at the end of March 1989, they had a meeting with the ailing Khomeini in the company of the President and Vice-President of the Assembly of Leadership Experts, in which they reportedly tried to change Khomeini’s mind on the grounds that there was no other suitable candidate for succession. They were all surprised, and Khamenei himself was “shocked,” when Khomeini pointed to the latter as his successor. It is interesting to note that in the June 4, 1989, meeting of the Assembly of Experts after Khomeini’s death, both Rafsanjani and Khamenei argued for a Leadership Council of three, which was still in the Constitution, but the majority decided to vote for one.
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Axworthy, Michael. "The Revolution of 1979." In Iran. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190232955.003.0005.
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Who was Ruhollah Khomeini and how did he come to wield such influence over Iranians? Ruhollah Musavi Khomeini was born in September 1902 in Khomein, a small town between Tehran and Isfahan. He came from a family that had been clerics for several generations and...
Conference papers on the topic "Khomeini"
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"Strategic Thinking of Ayatollah Khomeini in the Iranian Islamic Revolution." In International Relations on Indonesian Foreign Policy Conference 2022. Galaxy Science, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.11594/nstp.2023.3407.
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Monadi, Mohsen, and Mirali Mohammadi. "On the Total Load Sediment Transport of Urban Wastewater Flows." In The 20th International Conference on Transport and Sedimentation of Solid Particles. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Przyrodniczego we Wrocławiu (WUELS Publishing House)), 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.30825/4.14-010.2023.
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The objective of the present work is to determine the total load of the urban wastewater flow and compare the results with the proposed relations by previous researchers for calculating the total load. For this goal, the gradation curves of sediment have been analyzed. Field experimental data has been collected at the entrance grit chamber of the wastewater treatment plant in Khomein city, Iran. A rectangular concrete channel was prepared. The channel demonstrates a length of 18m, a width and depth of 0.5 m, and a longitude slope of 0.1%. The goal of this setup is to collect and measure the deposited sediment from the wastewater flow. A long-period accumulation test was planned to study the development of the sediment characteristics over 10 days. According to our observation, the PSDs range from 0.075 mm to 31 mm, and the solid particles are in the size range of 0.30 mm to 2 mm. For this goal, continuous hydraulic conditions were set up: flow rate, Q = 14.7 L/s, and longitude slope, S0 = 0.1% (0.001). Particle size distribution (PSD) was measured with use of gradation test. A total of 14 samples of the deposited material have been collected after 7 months at an interval of 15 days. Also, the mass rate of the total load of sediment transferred by the flow has been measured, and the results have been compared with 10 famous methods for calculating the total load by using d50. The results show that Ackers and White’s method [1] estimates the total load with a relative error of 9.34%. So, this method can be used to estimate the total load of the flow with high accuracy. Also, the distribution of sediment particle size in the urban wastewater flow has been achieved, and the range of particle diameters is between 0.075 mm to 31 mm.
Reports on the topic "Khomeini"
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Pick, Danial D. The Islamic Republic of Iran and the Importance of Khomeini's Mandate of the Jurist. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada544370.
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