Academic literature on the topic 'Kidnapping wave'

This paper examined the problem of kidnapping and its consequences in Nigeria. Kidnapping has the potential of creating social tension, psychological trauma (mental and emotional problems), insecurity, untimely death and others in the society. It has been observed and identified that kidnapping is not a new crime in Nigeria and other countries of the world. But the apparent problem of kidnapping is the current growth rate in all parts of the country and the benefits the perpetrators are deriving from this criminal activity. In this study, some challenges were identified. They include: poverty, unemployment, politics and religion. The mode of kidnappers' operations have been identified and its prevalence, apart from the causes attributed to the laxity in the implementation process to prosecute the offenders. As a result of these findings, it is suggested that the issue of ransom payment by the families/relatives of the victims to kidnappers should be seriously condemned. Government on their part, should endeavour to create employment for the teeming population of youths as this will help to reduce the proliferation of kidnappers. Security agents should be well equipped with sophisticated guns to wage war against kidnappers. This will no doubt help to restore peace and security in the country.

The guerrillero towers over the history of Colombian cinema for their glaring absence. Despite the country's decades-long civil war, the rank-and-file members of the armed militias that have dominated the local cultural imaginary in daily newscasts about massacres, kidnappings, and rural confrontations have been mostly absent from the canon of Colombian film. Using Alejandro Landes's 2019 film, Monos, as his case study, Manuel Betancourt offers a cursory history of the guerrilla film in the Latin American country (and the attendant conversation it's sparked within Colombia's own film critic community), arguing that a new wave of Colombian filmmakers are marrying nonfiction and novelistic techniques to finally grapple with a figure that's long been a punchline at best and a nebulous ‘Other’ at worst.

Unemployment in Nigeria has assumed disturbing proportions despite fifteen years of sustained economic growth outcomes between 2000 and 2014. This needs very urgent attention from policy makers since the problem has further resulted in other social vices like: armed robbery, kidnapping, political thuggery, pipe-line vandalisation, and social unrest.Unfortunately, policy makers have approached the deep-rooted problems with only tactical and superficial methods. There has been no serious attempt to target employment based on the economic fundamentals; and, the interdependencies and the interconnectedness of the various sectors and the working of the economy.Using Johansen co-integration, and applying Vector Error Correction Model (VECM) regression to time series sectoral economic data of Gross Value Added (GVA), employment, interest rate, wage rate, and inflation rate, collected from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) this study constructed a framework that policy makers can use to target growth and employment simultaneously.

This study is greatly based on article 7 of the “Universal Declaration of Human Rights” that states: “All are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to equal protection of the law.” Latin America is viewed as a place where injustices and atrocities tend to be the order of the day: violent processes of conquest and colonization, military dictatorships, drug trafficking, kidnappings, the increase in crime and insecurity, etc. Such violations have generated frequent waves of emigration (often irregular) to the United States where they seek protection and freedom but, too often, they find neither, thus producing a vicious cycle in the inter-American literature of US Latino authors. The focus is to examine three distinct groups: immigrants, homosexuals and women.

Abstract Most systems of speaker recognition work on speech feature primarily classified of being a low level which considerably relies on speaker physical characteristics and, to the lower extent, the acquired speaking habits. In this paper present a system to recognition and identification in Arabic speaker. It includes two phases (training phase and testing phase) each phase includes the using of audio features (Mean, Standard Division, Zero Crossing, Amplitude). after get the feature, the recognition step is using (J48, KNN, LVQ),) where the Nearest Neighbor (KNN) applied o get the similarity of the data training and data testing , LVQ neural network used for Speech Recognition and Arabic language Identification. This sentence contains words especially kidnappings and kidnappers are ten sentences and pronounce these sentences by 10 people, five men and five women of different ages and each of the ten pronunciation of all sentences, so a total of 100 samples and the samples were recorded on audio and wave. The results of the sentences pronounced by women are higher than the results of the same sentences pronounced by men. They achieved better recognition rate 85, 93, 96.4%

2010 was a significant year for immigration issues along the United States-Mexico border. In April, Arizona signed the most extreme law against undocumented immigrants. In August, 72 hopeful migrants were massacred in Tamaulipas by alleged drug traffickers, and the Arizona desert claimed a record 252 lives in fiscal year 2010. These events were part of the trend that began with border militarization in the mid-1990s and escalated in the wake of 9/11, resulting in the extremely violent character of the undocumented border crossing experience. This is manifest, not only in the frequent reports of abuses by various actors along the border, but also in the consolidation of undocumented migration with the trafficking of narcotics. The authors have documented many cases of robbery, kidnapping, physical abuse, rape, and manipulation by drug traffickers. In this article, we discuss these different manifestations of violence by understanding both the structural constraints that create and characterize violence, as well as the individual reactions to the factors. The authors propose the conceptualization of “post structural violence” as a manner of enhancing the discussion of agency within and as a reaction to the structural conditions generated by border security and immigration policy.

Our Youths presently live in an environment predominant with the influences of parents, schools, peer groups, government policies, social values and the wave of internet related issues. All these work to shape the thinking and direction of our youths positively or negatively. In the positive sense, the mind and thought of these youths become properly and positively directed to face the issues of life, while the reverse becomes the opposite. The need to create value in the lives of our Youths special young women has given rise to various calls for inculcating entrepreneurship skills amongst them. Since women entrepreneurship involves wealth creation leading to gainful employment and advancing society, the need therefore to strengthen entrepreneurship programmes. We are aware that if the youth women are mobilized to embrace entrepreneurship it would go a long way to reduce societal crimes like armed robbery, kidnapping, drug abuse, immoral behaviours etc. The need of the day is to develop culture. The objectives of the study are to study the entry barriers to entrepreneurship as perceived by the young women in Gujarat. To analyze the career preference and its influencing factors of the women under study in Gujarat. To explore the perception about the possible support system required by the young women for the establishment of entrepreneurship in the areas under study. To study the awareness of policies, programmes, institutional networks and support agencies in promoting women's entrepreneurship in Gujarat. The research design is descriptive in nature. Data will be collected through a self structured questionnaire. Data has been analyzed using various techniques and tools of research. Data has been analyzed and interpreted with the help of R Software. The study here concentrates on measuring impact of culture, education and environment on the on women entrepreneurship. Due to government efforts to empower women, they have reached a good level but does that lead to realization of better opportunities and does result it in better efficient way. The study focuses upon collecting data from different parts of country and try to bring out social challenges and other challenges of our country.

Nigeria is a complex society with a rapid growing population of roughly 200 million people. The country has around 500 different languages and 250 distinct ethnic groups. Thus, uniting these complex groups into one unified political entity since the amalgamation of the country in 1914 proved difficult. Comparatively, Nigeria is one of the secured and peaceful nations in the West African sub-region; however, contemporarily, this endowed nation suddenly plunged into waves of kidnapping and other heinous crimes such as armed robbery and banditry. The phenomenon has escalated and led to numerous lives lost, which also crippled socio-economic activities. Generally, as enshrined in chapter 2, section 14(2b) of the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria, the security of lives and property is one of the primary responsibility of the state. This study aims to identify the causes of kidnapping in Nigeria and offer some strategic solution to the problem. The study adopted a Qualitative method and also adopt both Marxian and strain theories of crime. The study`s findings through descriptive and historical method shows that abject poverty, corruption and fraud, political influence, joblessness, terrorism, lack of capital punishment by the government, the changing value system and quick-money syndrome are the major causes of kidnapping in Nigeria. Finally, the study went further to profound remedies that will stop the ugly menace of kidnapping in Nigeria, such as job creation, New policy adaptation and implementation, public awareness and empowerment programs, Sim cards registrations, quitting ransom payment, re-modified community policing and stoppage of small and light arms proliferation in the country. Considerably, by adopting such measures, we hope that the menace will perish in Nigeria for a better and productive society.

North Korea is a tinderbox where pride and paranoia go hand in hand. The gung-ho confrontational approach and creation of a new world order divided into good and evil, those for us and those against us, as adopted by the Bush administration, is surely the last thing the world needs in dealing with the DPRK. One thing I did learn from two brief visits there in l994, just three months after Kim Il Sung’s death virtually paralyzed the country, and again in 1996, after floods and famine, was that the people are exceedingly nationalistic and determined to defend their notions of independence and self-reliance, however little is left of these visions in reality. Predictions of a collapse of North Korea have been made for the past ten years, but it still has not happened. They are a very resilient people. South Koreans know this and a sudden collapse of the North is the last thing they want. My contact was admittedly limited and mainly through the arts. (I was there twice as a guest of the biannual Pyongyang International Film Festival of Non-aligned and Other Developing Countries, showing my feature film Aya in 1994.) North Korean film and performance is often focused on the threat from outside. The belief in such a threat was echoed by people I met, and when constantly reinforced through state-controlled media, it becomes part of a nation’s psyche. To use such a threat to boost the need for unity under one strong leader is, however, a strikingly familiar practice of the DPRK’s enemy number one, the US. Few North Korean films have achieved distribution in the West. One exception is Hong Kil Dong (1985), a popular tae kwan do romance story, based on a legend well-known both in North and South Korea. It was released in France and Finland. A long-running series, The Nation and Destiny, described as ‘a multi-part feature film’ is akin to a string of linked mini-series of feature films, each bloc focussed on a fictionalized character from recent history. The heroes are often people who have served the dictatorship in the South and become disillusioned and defected to the DPRK. Or Korean War heroes such as Ri Jong Mo, who served 34 years in prison in South Korea before he was freed and allowed to return to the North. Most North Korean films end with a suggestions that whatever heroic deed or sacrifice the hero(ine) made, it was all for the sake of the Great Leader, and an exhortation to fight to defend the country and its honour. They may conjure up old Soviet films, hardly the trendy programming our festivals or SBS want in order to boost their ratings. But we should be allowed to see them. The very propaganda that the North Korean people are subjected to can tell us much about the attitudes in the North toward the South and the outside world. However flawed or limited, this is a perspective we never hear or see. It struck me when I watched the South Korean blockbuster Swiri four years ago that the portrayal of the North Korean agents bore a striking resemblance to those of South Korean agents that appear in so many of the North Korean films I had seen. If we look at older films made in Seoul that deal with the divided nation, their melodramatic stories and caricature portrayal of the communist villains are not dissimilar to those we see in North Korea. In the context of much publicized account of the kidnapping of South Korean filmmakers, a story that has been around for some time, and has been questioned by many film industry insiders in Seoul, and the more recently admitted kidnappings of Japanese, we forget that kidnappings were widely practiced by the dictators in Seoul as well. Well-known composer Isang Yun was kidnapped in Germany, transported to Seoul, imprisoned, tortured and released only after international intervention. He is only one example. Former president Kim Dae-jung is another. Isang Yun’s story has also been fictionalized in four episodes of The Nation and Destiny. In the last couple of years South Korean films have come a long way in their more nuanced portrayal of characters from both sides. And films dealing with the Korean War now attract audiences in Korea, which was not the case some years ago. But we forget that a film such as JSA – Joint Security Area (directed by Park Chan-wook and shown in the Melbourne International Film Festival 2001) could not have been made before the introduction of Kim Dae-jung’s ‘sunshine policy’ and that it is only in recent years that South Koreans can express their opinions openly about North Korea. To make direct contact with North Koreans still requires permission. SBS has in the past four years belatedly jumped on the bandwagon and shown several films of the South Korean new wave, after ignoring Korea for years. Yet, despite a substantial film industry in North Korea, including animation both locally made and on commission for countries like France, Italy, Japan, we have not to date seen a single North Korean feature film on our multicultural broadcaster, or on any other channel or in any of our film festivals in recent years. 2003, marking the 50th anniversary of the end of the Korean War, would have been the perfect opportunity to show films from both sides. It does seem extraordinary that no festival or broadcaster here has attempted to take up the challenge. Of course it is not the filmmakers or artists who decide on reactivating the nuclear weapons program, and this is not usually what their films deal with. But seeing their work, however controlled it might be by the system, can help us in some small way to understand that we are dealing with an enormously proud people who feel under siege, even more so after being designated as part of ‘the axis of evil’. It can also give us a perspective on their sense of history through the stories that the people are subjected to in their media. It is not only they who are subjected to propaganda, but our audience, as well, when we are deprived of such insight in this climate of a new world order. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Hoaas, Solrun. "The Celluloid Divide." M/C Journal 7.6 (2005). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0501/12-hoaas.php>. APA Style Hoaas, S. (Jan. 2005) "The Celluloid Divide," M/C Journal, 7(6). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0501/12-hoaas.php>.

This research examined the nature of arms proliferation and militancy in the administrations of Governors Chibiuke Rotimi Amaechi and Ezenwo Nyesom Wike in Rivers State, Nigeria. The objectives were to determine the nature of arms proliferation and militancy in Rivers State in the two administrations. This research became necessary owing to the increasing rate of insecurity in Rivers State. The inability of security agencies to mitigate the security challenges confronting the State and the politicisation of the security of the State makes this research inevitable. Two key areas of concerns were discernable. First, the proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) in the State has led to militancy of destructive proportion. Second, arms proliferation and militancy have undermined socio-economic and political development of the people of the State. The security challenges arising, therefore, have created an inhabitable state triggered by fear, intimidation, armed robbery, assassinations, cultism, kidnapping for ransom, arms smuggling, political thuggery, electoral violence, intimidation and destruction of lives and property across the 23 local government areas of the State. The Frustration-Aggression theory and the Realist Theory were used to establish a correlation between arms proliferation and militancy, on one hand, and deprivation, marginalisation, environmental degradation and lack of physical and human capital development for sustainable livelihood of the people of Rivers State which triggered arms proliferation and militancy in the state, on the other hand. This study used descriptive research design to examine the nature and justification, through psychological approach of comparison, of arms proliferation and militancy in both Amaechi and Wike’s administrations. A trend analysis, through historical investigation, was also used to determine the nature of arms proliferation and militancy prior to Amaechi’s administration in 2007. Secondary data were mostly used. Through content analysis and review of relevant literature, this research observed that the upsurge of arms proliferation and militancy in Rivers State started as part of the agitation for resource control and self-determination of the Niger Delta people. Redistribution of arms to political thugs and cultists after the 2009 Federal Government’s Amnesty which has made elections in Rivers State nasty, bloody and brutal, and lives useless and short, instigated the new waves of arms proliferation and militancy in Rivers State under Amaechi and Wike’s administrations. This research concluded that unless there are conscious efforts by the State Actors to comprehensively mop-up of arms and ammunition in Rivers State and bring pepertrators of these heinous crimes to book, the search for peace, stability, and security of lives and property of Rivers State people and residents alike would be too far to realise.

Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-04-28T18:33:00Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTAÇÃO BEBITO MANUEL ALBERTO.pdf: 2127253 bytes, checksum: cf40cc1172ac28723c52d5e8b5c3e7cb (MD5)
Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela (anapoli@ufba.br) on 2016-04-29T19:42:36Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTAÇÃO BEBITO MANUEL ALBERTO.pdf: 2127253 bytes, checksum: cf40cc1172ac28723c52d5e8b5c3e7cb (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T19:42:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTAÇÃO BEBITO MANUEL ALBERTO.pdf: 2127253 bytes, checksum: cf40cc1172ac28723c52d5e8b5c3e7cb (MD5)
CNPq
A violência tem sido inequivocamente um fenômeno que afeta muitas cidades brasileiras. Em Moçambique, as cidades de Maputo e Matola têm experimentado também várias formas de manifestação da violência. É neste contexto que em 2011 emergem os sequestros, como uma “nova” manifestação da violência urbana. Uma das características principais era a captura de cidadãos de nacionalidade moçambicana ou não e de origem asiática ligados ao setor empresaria ou comercial. Os sequestro tinham apenas por objetivo, a obtenção de vantagens de natureza econômica com o pagamento dos resgates. O fenômeno atingido o seu pico, em termos de ocorrência sistemática em 2013. Não ocasião, várias reações sociais e institucionais, excetuando a acadêmica foram observadas um pouco pelo país. Daí que o presente estudo é uma das primeiras contribuições de natureza acadêmica sobre o fenômeno. O objetivo da dissertação é analisar e compreender as dinâmicas sociais desse fenômeno e os possíveis determinantes da sua ocorrência sistemática nas duas cidades. Para o efeito, foi adotada uma abordagem qualitativa, com recurso a entrevistas às vítimas e/ou seus familiares e profissionais da polícia investigativa que lidam com fenômeno no seu cotidiano e, pesquisa documental, baseada em documentos institucionais e informações midiáticas. De uma maneira geral, os resultados demostram que o silêncio tanto das vítimas e/ou seus familiares, quanto do poder pública foi evidente nesse período e, uma vez que essa prática criminal em Moçambique é altamente “lucrativa”, os praticantes continuaram se dedicando de forma engajada. Por outro, houve atração de outros criminosos que se dedicavam em outras práticas criminais, como por exemplo, roubos com recurso à arma de fogo. Violence is clearly a phenomenon that affects many Brazilian cities. In Mozambique, the cities of Maputo and Matola also have been experiencing many manifestation ways of violence. It is in this context that in 2011 emerged kidnappings, as a "new" manifestation of urban violence. One of the key features was the capture of citizens from Mozambican nationality or not and from Asian origin linked to business or commercial sector. The objectives of those kidnappings were only to obtain economic advantages through the payment of the ransoms. The phenomenon reached its peak in terms of systematic occurrence in 2013. This period has observed many social and institutional reactions at a little over the country, except the academic. Hence, this study is one of the first academic contributions. The main objective of this work is to analyze and understand the social dynamics of this phenomenon and the possible determinants of the systematic occurrence in both cities. To achieve this purpose, was adopted a qualitative approach, based in interviews with the victims and/or their families and investigative police professionals who daily deal with phenomena and, documentary research based on institutional documents and media information. In general, the results demonstrated that the silence of both the victims and/or their families, and the public power was evident during this period and, as this criminal practice in Mozambique is highly "profitable", their practitioners continued engaged on it. On the other hand, it attracted other criminals who were acting in other criminal practice, such as, robbery with a gun use.

El artículo analiza una supuesta «ola de secuestros» que la prensa escrita limeña reportó entre septiembre y octubre de 2003, y cuyo punto más alto fue el secuestro, por más de un mes, del menor Luis Guillermo Ausejo (LGA). Este evento permite documentar y analizar la forma en que se construye desde la prensa una imagen distorsionada del crimen y cómo puede afectar la percepción del público y las autoridades. En este caso se aprecia cómo la prensa seria de Lima exageró al reportar algunos secuestros producidos en la ciudad, incrementando la emergencia social, además de atraer el interés político sobre el tema.

This in-depth examination of one of the most controversial episodes in U.S.-Cuba relations sheds new light on the program that airlifted 14,000 unaccompanied children to the United States in the wake of the Cuban Revolution. Operation Pedro Pan is often remembered within the U.S. as an urgent “rescue” mission, but Deborah Shnookal points out that a multitude of complex factors drove the exodus, including Cold War propaganda and the Catholic Church’s opposition to the island’s new government. Shnookal illustrates how and why Cold War scare tactics were so effective in setting the airlift in motion, focusing on their context: the rapid and profound social changes unleashed by the 1959 Revolution, including the mobilization of 100,000 Cuban teenagers in the 1961 national literacy campaign. Other reforms made by the revolutionary government affected women, education, religious schools, and relations within the family and between the races. Shnookal exposes how, in its effort to undermine support for the revolution, the U.S. government manipulated the aspirations and insecurities of more affluent Cubans. She traces the parallel stories of the young “Pedro Pans” separated from their families—in some cases indefinitely—in what is often regarded in Cuba as a mass “kidnapping” and the children who stayed and joined the literacy brigades. These divergent journeys reveal many underlying issues in the historically fraught relationship between the U.S. and Cuba and much about the profound social revolution that took place on the island after 1959.

Seiichi Higashide was not an agent of the Japanese emperor or a pro-Axis immigrant, and yet he and more than 1,800 other Japanese Peruvians got caught up in a wave of anti-Japanese hysteria during World War II that led to their kidnapping, forced migration, and incarceration in hastily erected camps in Texas and New Mexico. Higashide and his family were detained as “illegal aliens” in an Immigration and Naturalization Service detention facility in Texas alongside thousands of other foreigners in other camps spread across the Southwest. After the war, Higashide and his family worked at Seabrook Farms, a food processing complex in New Jersey, which was essentially a prison work camp. In the 1950s, the Higashides became US citizens, but the trauma of detention and racism remains with the family. The Higashides’ story reveals the intersection between US empire, national security, and immigrant detention.

After receiving a series of ominous threats in the wake of her alleged kidnapping, Reatha has been compelled to leave Los Angeles with her parents; this chapter begins with her arrival in the remote town of El Centro, California. Longing for Los Angeles, Reatha returns alone and startles her friends and newspapers with an announcement that she was married to an Arizona rancher named Jack Lytelle and widowed soon after. The rest of the chapter focuses upon Reatha’s emerging dancing talent, her escapades in the city’s cabarets, and her father’s appeal to juvenile authorities to rescue her from what he believes to be her imminent ruin. Pronouncing seventeen-year-old Reatha “too beautiful” to remain alone in Los Angeles and threatening her with imprisonment, the chief juvenile officer forces her to return to her parents in El Centro.

The story of Operation Pedro Pan (or Operation Peter Pan) and the Cuban Children’s Program remains a highly contested one, still regarded in Miami as an urgent humanitarian “rescue” mission while in Havana it is viewed as a scheme that hoodwinked parents into sending their offspring out of the country as unaccompanied minors and sometimes even described as a mass kidnapping. This book moves beyond Cold War tropes about threats to the Cuban family by the revolutionary government and uses the episode to examine in detail the social reforms that unfolded in the wake of the 1959 Cuban Revolution and how these changes encouraged a new revolutionary youth culture of political activism and challenged the United States’ historical, political, and economic control and cultural influence in Cuba. By focusing on the generation of young Cubans who came to maturity in the early 1960s and tracking the parallel trajectories of the Pedro Pan children and their siblings, friends, and classmates who stayed on the island (100,000 of whom participated in the 1961 national literacy campaign), this book for the first time takes a broader view and presents a more nuanced explanation of this history.