Journal articles on the topic 'Kielce, Poland (City). Palace'

In the frame of Action 2.1. “Sustainable urban transport” of the II Priority Axis of the Eastern Poland 2014-2020 Operational Programme, the community of Kielce submitted two applications of investment projects of the total value of 295 mln PLN, 220 mln out Submissions of the total amount are going to be covered by programme funds. The main aim of submitted projects is to support complex investments in ecological and integrated public transportation system. Eastern Poland Operational Programme includes five voivodeships in the area of Eastern Poland macroregion : lubelskie, podkarpackie, podlaskie, świętokrzyskie i warmińsko-mazurskie. As an additional territorial instrument of financial support, programme is oriented on complementing implementation of regional and national operational programmes. Programme is also based on the main aims and priorities of “The Strategy of Social and Economic Development of Eastern Poland to 2020” approved by the Council of Ministers in Poland on 11th of July 2013 and is one of the instruments of strategy implementation..

The potential Kielce metropolis, located between well-developed Warsaw and Cracow metropolises, is not highly competitive when compared with domestic ones. Focusing on selected components of the economy, thanks to which a specialization is strived for, determines a bigger chance of arising in the settlement ordination of Poland and allows using a potential as well as simplifies actions in promotion and information ventures. In progressive metropolization it is necessary to increase competitiveness of regions to make them attractive areas not only for local people but especially for foreign and domestic VCs. According to The Conception of Spatial Development of Kielce Functional Area in Metropolis Progress Aspect the formation of Kielce metropolitan functions, especially the replacement of industrial centre as a city function by administrative and service sector centre, is dated to early 90s. These functions are generated by, among other things, dynamically developing trade fair centre, expansion of the higher education and financial institutions sector, administrative institutions, well-developed trade and service chain, presence of business support institutions and units, the presence of international concerns, developing culture, strong media and publishing services sector, well-developed sport base and finally strong relations between the city and nearby communes. Kielce area is non-competitive with other metropolises especially because of adverse demographic trends, insufficiently functioning domestic and European communication, low technological innovativeness, only a few international agencies and lack of specialized congressional service. There are sectors in Kielce Metropolis Area that are especially important for its balanced and dynamic development or are an essential advantage over regional contenders in rivalry for recruitment of foreign VCs. These are: constructional sector, trade fair sector and other services connected with it, stadiums and other sports facilities activity.

Abstract The systemic transformation of Poland after 1989 led to an acceleration of restructuring processes both in the national economy and in individual regions. The dynamics of changes was exceptionally high in rural areas. The most rapid changes occurred in areas which are situated within the range of the direct influence of bigger cities. This paper strives to compare the changes in entrepreneurship which took place in the suburban areas of Kielce and Radom during the transformation period, before and after the introduction of the administrative reform in Poland. We sought answers to the following questions: – What differences occur in the dynamics of changes of the entrepreneurship indicator in sub-urban areas in case of two cities of a similar size, of which only Kielce has remained the regional (voivodship) capital? – What differences occur in the dynamics of changes of the entrepreneurship indicator in relation to the distance from the central city? In order to answer the above questions, the entrepreneurship indicators for agriculture, industry and service sectors were calculated for the analysed areas between 1995 and 2005.

The palace in Kukizów of King of Poland John III Sobieski is known only to a narrow group of architecture and art historians. The palace and park complex ceased to exist in the 19th century. The architecture of the palace is known especially from the descriptions in the inventory documents from the early 18th century. Although the authorship of the palace design belongs to the well-known artists of the era – Augustyn Wincenty Locci and Piotr Beber, its architecture has not yet been reconstructed. A specific feature of the royal residence in Kukizów was the construction of royal buildings and town buildings in a wooden material. The intention to create a city complex and an entirely wooden residence was a unique experiment in the field of European architecture and urban planning of the 17th century. In the paper we present the results of our research on the architecture of the palace and town for the end of the 17th century.

Urbanisation changes the water cycle and affects the parameters of transported, suspended and dissolved matter, especially in small river catchments. This paper presents the reasons why river runoff and fluvial transport rapidly increase during rainfall-induced summer floods in the stretch of the Silnica River that flows through the centre of Kielce, a city with a population of 200,000. Examples of implemented hydrotechnical solutions that aim to reduce the height of flood waves and eliminate water accumulation are also presented. The 18.05 km long Silnica River drains a catchment area of 49.4 km2. It flows through areas of varied land use, which have determined the location of five hydrometric stations (outlets) at different sub-catchments: Dabrowa(forest), Piaski (suburbia) and Jesionowa (includes a reservoir), as well as Pakosz and Bialogon (largely impervious areas in the city centre). Specific runoff, suspended and dissolved solids concentration and the specific load of these two types of fluvial transport were determined. It was found that the maximum specific runoff in the outlets of urban sub-catchments was significantly higher during floods than those of the sub-catchments upstream of the city centre; the suspended solids concentration was several times higher, and the suspended solids load was approximately 200 times higher. Recognition of the basic parameters of rainfall-induced flood waves, as well as the dynamics and size of fluvial transport at the hydrometric stations, especially at the outlets of sub-catchments with a large proportion of impervious area (approximately 30%), has become the basis for the development and implementation of modernisation projects and the construction of hydrotechnical facilities and devices in the river channel in the centre of Kielce.

The paper presents an analysis of the noise recorded by the two road traffic noise-monitoring stations. The stations were located in Kielce, Poland, at the road No. 74: on the outskirts of the city and near the center. Based on the experimentally recorded data, an equivalent sound level and acoustic pressure were determined for three sub-intervals of the day: nights, days and evenings. The conducted analyses showed that the average annual values (depending only on the time sub-intervals) of the median do not differ significantly between stations. A similar conclusion can be drawn based on simulations of the median and the C90 percentile of the sound pressure . However, the maximum relative differences in the C99 percentile of the acoustic pressure between stations are around 13%. The maximum relative differences in median pressure between stations are around 15% (for the time sub-interval nights).

Unconventional drive systems of the urban buses become more and more popular. The reason is clear: reduction of the harmful emissions as well as the fuel consumption reduction. Environmental aspects are becoming of the great importance. Local governments of large cities are “pushing” conventional buses away from city centres, trying to substitute them by the other more environmentally friendly urban vehicles. The goal of the contribution is to present a comparison of the selected types of the urban buses equipped with alternative drive systems under conditions of medium size city. The first part of the paper presents the methodology and construction of urban bus driving cycles prepared for Kielce city (Poland). The next part shows fuel economy and energy consumption obtained from simulation of urban buses powered by conventional diesel engine and hybrid electric drive under the developed driving cycles. The last part presents results of the Total Cost of Ownership (TCO) calculations estimated for selected urban buses.

The paper analyzes the influence of meteorological conditions (air temperature, wind speed, humidity, visibility) and anthropogenic factors (population in cities and in rural areas, road length, number of vehicles, emission of dusts and gases, coal consumption in industrial plants, number of air purification devices installed in industrial plants) on the concentration of PM2.5 and PM10 dusts in the air in the region of Kielce city in Poland. Spearman correlation coefficient was used to evaluate the relationship between the mentioned independent variables and air quality indicators. The calculated values of the correlation coefficient showed statistically significant relationships between air quality and the amount of installed air purification equipment in industrial plants. A statistically significant effect of the population in rural settlement units on the increase in air concentrations of PM2.5 and PM10 was also found, which proves the influence of the so-called low emission of pollutants on the air quality in the studied region. The analyses also revealed a statistically significant effect of road length on the decrease in PM2.5 and PM10 air content. This result indicates that a decrease in traffic intensity on particular road sections leads to an improvement in air quality. The analyses showed that despite the progressing anthropopression in the Kielce city region the air quality with respect to PM2.5 and PM10 content is improving. To verify the results obtained from statistical calculations, parametric models were also determined to predict PM2.5 and PM10 concentrations in the air, using the methods of Random Forests (RF), Boosted Trees (BT) and Support Vector Machines (SVM) for comparison purposes. The modelling results confirmed the conclusions that had been made based on previous statistical calculations.

Abstract The article presents the results of preliminary geochemical and mineralogical studies of technogenic soils (Technosols) of abandoned iron ore mines on the Ławęczna Hill near Miedziana Góra in the Holy Cross (Świętokrzyskie) Mountains, southcentral Poland. The results of chemical analyses (XRF) were used to calculate the soil enrichment factors of arsenic, copper, iron, lead and zinc, and compare the element concentrations to their levels in uncontaminated soils across Poland and in the city of Kielce. The highest values of soil enrichment factors of metals (As 27.699, Ni 26.455, Cu 9.353, Zn 3.344, Pb 0.62) were recorded for the sand fraction composed of iron oxyhydroxides and hematite, whereas the lowest (Ni 0.22, Cu 0.069, Zn 0.007, Pb 0.028) for the clay–silt and sand fractions, which were primarily composed of calcite and quartz as well as for gravel fraction. The clay-silt fraction shows the highest enrichment in arsenic (27.69). The examined metals and arsenic show positive geochemical anomalies.

The paper presents the analysis of the area and reach of the Silnica river catchment and its six subcatchments delineated using GIS in three different variants: DEM (from Computerized Information System of Country Protection project; Polish: ISOK) in one-meter resolution, the Database of Topographic Objects (Polish: BDOT) in 1 : 10 000 scale and the Geodetic Utilities Network System (Polish: GESUT). A topographic map in 1 : 10 00 scale was also compared with the Map of Hydrographic Division of Poland (Polish: MPHP) and the differences in the catchment reach resulting from this comparison were also examined. The course of delineated drainage divides varied in each variant resulting in differences in the area and reach of the analyzed catchments. The best results in urban catchments delineation were obtained in GIS using DEM and corrected vector data from BDOT and GESUT databases. In this case, the catchments’ reach overlapped with the existing drainage network. Traditional methods with the use of topographic maps and data from MPHP 1 : 10 000 scale proved to be less accurate as far as the reach of the Silnica river catchment was concerned and were useless in delineating the Silnica sub-catchments in Kielce city center.

This paper presents the outcomes of two international conferences: ‘On the way to architectural education and the profession of the future’ and ‘Genesis and development directions of the future architecture in the Eastern Europe’, which took place on 28 November 2018 and 28 November 2019, respectively, at the Lviv Polytechnic National University. During the conference, educationalists, researchers, experts from architectural and artistic schools of Ukraine from Lviv, Kyiv, Odessa, Chernivtsi, Dnipro, Lutsk; Poland - from the city of Kielce; Germany - from Dresden University of Technology; Canada - from the city of Toronto, discussed what had to be done and done unquestionably so that we could not only dream about an architecture of the future but also actively create it. Not asking a formal request of the speakers to present what came out of the predictions of the architects / futurists of the twentieth century directed, according to their understanding, into close (the 1970s and 80s), non-distant (the 1990s) and distant future (the turn of the twenty-first century). Instead, they wanted to plant into the architectural reality of modern Eastern Europe, and Ukraine, Poland, Germany in particular, those sprouts of the new in architecture which are associated with ‘the architecture of the future’ and that are currently being born and their blooming can be expected in the Eastern Europe and the world in the future.

The dynamics of processes affecting the quality of stormwater removed through drainage systems are highly complicated. Relatively little information is available on predicting the impact of catchment characteristics and weather conditions on stormwater heavy metal (HM). This paper reports research results concerning the concentrations of selected HM (Ni, Cu, Cr, Zn, Pb and Cd) in stormwater removed through drainage system from three catchments located in the city of Kielce, Poland. Statistical models for predicting concentrations of HM in stormwater were developed based on measurement results, with the use of artificial neural network (ANN) method (multi-layer perceptron). Analyses conducted for the study demonstrated that it is possible to use simple variables to characterise catchment and weather conditions. Simulation results showed that for Ni, Cu, Cr, Zn and Pb, the selected independent variables ensure satisfactory predictive capacities of the models (R2 > 0.78). The models offer considerable application potential in the area of development plans, and they also account for environmental aspects as stormwater and snowmelt water quality affects receiving waters.

AbstractProperty prices, including, in particular, residential properties, vary across local markets. For example, according to the National Bank of Poland, in late 2018, the average unit price of an apartment on the secondary market stood at PLN 8,700 in Warsaw, 6,100 in Poznań, 4,800 in Szczecin, and 3,800 in Kielce and Zielona Góra. The level of prices on particular markets is affected by a variety of factors, primarily those of a social and economic nature. Earlier research work on the influence of such factors on the level of apartment prices was carried out on a random basis, and their results were also published in the Real Estate Management and Valuation journals (Kokot 2018). This article presents study results that help deepen and broaden such analyses, seeing as how the research work: –covers a period of 12 years (2006-2018),–proposes and then applies a city wealth synthetic measure (SMZM) in the analyses,– classifies cities according to the criterion of socio-economic factors and of average housing prices,–examines relationships within the groups of cities identified via classification.The obtained results indicate that it is justified to consider the impact of socio-economic factors on housing prices precisely in the context of their appropriate classification. Moreover, they may be an indicative tool of identifying so-called comparable or parallel real property markets.

Kielce and Olsztyn are two different urban ecosystems. They differ from each other in terms of geological and climatic conditions, as well as spatial development and industrial past. The aim of this article is to assess and compare the degree of lead contamination of the natural environment in both cities based on the conducted tests of soils, as well as a common dandelion’s roots and leaves. For this study’s purpose, 60 samples of soils and common dandelion’s roots and leaves were collected in each city, according to four land-use types, namely industrial areas, urban green areas, urban allotment gardens, and urban forests. Basic physico-chemical properties and concentrations of lead, i.e., total content and bioavailable content were determined in the soils, using speciation analysis. Lead concentrations in the roots and leaves of common dandelion were, in turn, determined using the ICP-OES method. By using kriging models, spots with excessive lead concentrations differing from the geochemical background were identified in each city. The number of spots was comparable for both cities; however, the values for this metal differed significantly. No relationship has been found between land-use types and concentrations of lead in soils and common dandelions. The results of the study, as well as statistical and spatial analyses show that this species may be recommended as an indicator for biomonitoring of urban environments.

Kielce and Olsztyn are two different urban ecosystems. They differ from each other in terms of geological and climatic conditions, as well as spatial development and industrial past. The aim of this article is to assess and compare the degree of lead contamination of the natural environment in both cities based on the conducted tests of soils, as well as a common dandelion’s roots and leaves. For this study’s purpose, 60 samples of soils and common dandelion’s roots and leaves were collected in each city, according to four land-use types, namely industrial areas, urban green areas, urban allotment gardens, and urban forests. Basic physico-chemical properties and concentrations of lead, i.e., total content and bioavailable content were determined in the soils, using speciation analysis. Lead concentrations in the roots and leaves of common dandelion were, in turn, determined using the ICP-OES method. By using kriging models, spots with excessive lead concentrations differing from the geochemical background were identified in each city. The number of spots was comparable for both cities; however, the values for this metal differed significantly. No relationship has been found between land-use types and concentrations of lead in soils and common dandelions. The results of the study, as well as statistical and spatial analyses show that this species may be recommended as an indicator for biomonitoring of urban environments.

The paper presents experimental results of a study on indoor thermal environment in selected educational buildings located in the city of Kielce (Poland). The volunteers in the investigated rooms were asked to fill in the anonymous questionnaires containing questions on their thermal sensation, thermal preference and thermal acceptability votes as well as humidity assessment and humidity preference votes. In total, 83 people completed the questionnaires. Simultaneously, the indoor air parameters were measured with a microlimate meter equipped with precision sensors to measure air and globe temperatures, air velocity and relative humidity. The analysis of the obtained results provides information on the subjective assessment of the thermal environment in the considered rooms. It allowed to assess whether the guidelines given in the standard are consistent with the real feeling of comfort of the respondents. Research in the performed scope has shown that the feelings of the respondents and the standard guidelines diverge. It was noticed that that the subjects definitely felt better in the rooms where the temperature was around 22.5°C. The subjects felt worse at the temperature of 25.3°C and the worst of 27.6°C.

Signed on 28 June 1919 in the Hall of Mirrors of the Palace of Versailles, this peace treaty established a new political order in Europe. Poland gained the Poznań lands, excluding Wschowa, Babimost, Międzyrzecz and Skwierzyna, and a larger part of the Royal Prussia (a total of 45 463 km2 and a little over three million inhabitants). Determining Polish borders was a process largely affected by the British Prime Minister, David Lloyd George, who was reluctant in his attitude towards Poland. He opposed any solution that would increase the role of France in Europe. The final shape of the borders was to be a task of the Allied and Associated Powers. After a heated debate, the Legislative Sejm of Poland ratified a peace treaty with Germany on 31 July 1919. It took effect on 10 January 1920. The peace treaty also arranged a plebiscite in parts of Eastern and Western Prussia, which was to determine the Polish or German affiliation of Warmia, Masuria and Powiśle. Only after that event the Boundary Commission began its delimitation works. The results of the plebiscite were unfavourable for Poland as it gained only small territories. The commission in the field focused on establishing the borders in the light of the peace treaty, so along the former German-Russian border until the Vistula river and then along it up to the Free City of Danzig.

The processes that affect sediment quality in drainage systems show high dynamics and complexity. However, relatively little information is available on the influence of both catchment characteristics and meteorological conditions on sediment chemical properties, as those issues have not been widely explored in research studies. This paper reports the results of investigations into the content of selected heavy metals (Ni, Mn, Co, Zn, Cu, Pb, and Fe) and polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs) in sediments from the stormwater drainage systems of four catchments located in the city of Kielce, Poland. The influence of selected physico-geographical catchment characteristics and atmospheric conditions on pollutant concentrations in the sediments was also analyzed. Based on the results obtained, statistical models for forecasting the quality of stormwater sediments were developed using artificial neural networks (multilayer perceptron neural networks). The analyses showed varied impacts of catchment characteristics and atmospheric conditions on the chemical composition of sediments. The concentration of heavy metals in sediments was far more affected by catchment characteristics (land use, length of the drainage system) than atmospheric conditions. Conversely, the content of PAHs in sediments was predominantly affected by atmospheric conditions prevailing in the catchment. The multilayer perceptron models developed for this study had satisfactory predictive abilities; the mean absolute error of the forecast (Ni, Mn, Zn, Cu, and Pb) did not exceed 21%. Hence, the models show great potential, as they could be applied to, for example, spatial planning for which environmental aspects (i.e., sediment quality in the stormwater drainage systems) are accounted.

Abstract. One of the key parameters constituting the basis for the operational assessment of stormwater systems is the annual number of storm overflows. Since uncontrolled overflows are a source of pollution washed away from the surface of the catchment area, which leads to imbalanced receiving waters, there is a need for their prognosis and potential reduction. The paper presents a probabilistic model for simulating the annual number of storm overflows. In this model, an innovative solution is to use the logistic regression method to analyze the impact of rainfall genesis on the functioning of a storm overflow (OV) in the example of a catchment located in the city of Kielce (central Poland). The developed model consists of two independent elements. The first element of the model is a synthetic precipitation generator, in which the simulation of rainfall takes into account its genesis resulting from various processes and phenomena occurring in the troposphere. This approach makes it possible to account for the stochastic nature of rainfall in relation to the annual number of events. The second element is the model of logistic regression, which can be used to model the storm overflow resulting from the occurrence of a single rainfall event. The paper confirmed that storm overflow can be modeled based on data on the total rainfall and its duration. An alternative approach was also proposed, providing the possibility of predicting storm overflow only based on the average rainfall intensity. Substantial simplification in the simulation of the phenomenon under study was achieved compared with the works published in this area to date. It is worth noting that the coefficients determined in the logit models have a physical interpretation, and the universal character of these models facilitates their easy adaptation to other examined catchment areas. The calculations made in the paper using the example of the examined catchment allowed for an assessment of the influence of rainfall characteristics (depth, intensity, and duration) of different genesis on the probability of storm overflow. Based on the obtained results, the range of the variability of the average rainfall intensity, which determines the storm overflow, and the annual number of overflows resulting from the occurrence of rain of different genesis were defined. The results are suited for the implementation in the assessment of storm overflows only based on the genetic type of rainfall. The results may be used to develop warning systems in which information about the predicted rainfall genesis is an element of the assessment of the rainwater system and its facilities. This approach is an original solution that has not yet been considered by other researchers. On the other hand, it represents an important simplification and an opportunity to reduce the amount of data to be measured.

<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> The issue touched upon in the research is connected with the interdisciplinary attitude towards the study of the constantly changing landscape in the nineteenth century Central Europe. Such interdisciplinarity results from the combination of the historical approach with the geographical attitude towards the examination of the past presented by unique cartographic materials.</p><p>The aim of the research was to work out the method of employing cartographic sources and adapting other sources of spatial information for the study and presentation of the landscape transformations in the nineteenth century that occurred as a result of the industrialization process in Europe.</p><p>Prussian manuscript topographic maps at 1&amp;thinsp;:&amp;thinsp;25&amp;thinsp;000 scale along with early nineteenth-century maps depicting the pre-industrial landscape constitute a significant cartographic source of knowledge. Apart from city plans and other maps, also space descriptions, preserved statistical data, documents, inventories and archives were utilized as sources of spatial information. Photographs, postcards and prints depicting the nineteenth-century landscape were another relevant source of information. Moreover, the data collected during field work, e.g. pictures and short videos made in selected research areas, were also highly useful. The research was conducted, for example, in towns of Greater Poland of different level of economic development. A few types of settlement units were selected, i.e. the village, the town with a mansion (palace), the ‘Olęder’ settlement and the town.</p><p>On the basis of maps and archives collected for the research area the multimedia method of presentation of landscape types and their transformations, with the employment of geoinformation tools, was suggested. That methodology of multimedia integration of historical materials allowed one to demonstrate consecutive stages of the transformation characteristic of the nineteenth-century landscape.</p><p>As a result, it became possible to define landscape types for the areas of different level of transformation and preserve the pre-industrial state. Short videos consisting of several sequences that demonstrated the changing form of specific topographic objects, elements of the landscape from the nineteenth century till this day, were the effect of the work. On the basis of the nineteenth-century topographic maps that employed the hatching method for the demonstration of the relief the models of the terrain were generated, which allowed one to create the transition from the parallel perspective to the bird’s eye view that was employed to depict the pre-industrial landscape.</p>

AbstractThe closeness of a work from Rubens' studio in the English Royal Collection, known as Equestrian Portrait of a Knight of the Golden Fleece (Fig. I, Note 1), to two equestrian portraits painted by Van Dyck during his stay in Genoa, from 1621 to 1626 (Figs. 2, 3, Note 2) has led to the identification of the sitter. A number of other pictures from the circle of Rubens and Van Dyck show horses and/or riders in related poses and the dates on some of them reveal them to have been painted before Van Dyck's portraits. This applies to The Riding School by or after Rubens, which is generally dated 1610-12 (Fig. 4, Note 3), a Paradise Landscape by Jan Brueghel of 1613 (Note 4) and Sight dated 1617 by the same artist (Fig.5, Note 5), which features a horseman known as Archduke Albert. A number of undated paintings inspired by the same model include six supposed to be of Archduke Albert (Notes 6, 10), three by Casper de Crayer (Fig. 6, Note 13) and eguestrian portraits of Louis XIII (Note 14) and Ladislaw IV of Poland. Thus it seems likely that these followers of Rubens', Van Dyck included, based themselves on one and the same equestrian portrait by their teacher. Since Van Dyck almost certainly painted the two equestrian portraits in Genoa during his stay in that city, his model or a replica of it must also have been there between 1621 and 1626. In fact, probably at the request of his patrons (Note 17), he often used models by Rubens, who had worked in Genoa for a time in 1606 (Note 16). However, his two equestrian portraits are not based on the only Genoese one by Rubens now known, that of the Marchese Doria (Fig. 7, Note 18), which is very different and has a liveliness quite, unlike Van Dyck's quiet static compositions. The equestrian portrait in the English Royal Collection was bought by George I in 1723 as a Rubens. The sitter is clad in the Spanish costume of the early 17 th century while the towers in the background could be those of Antwerp (Note 36). The sitter has been identified as the Archduke Albert, but he actually bears no resemblance to other portraits of the Archduke, who was also much older than this at the time of Ruberas' stay in Genoa in 1606. The most likely candidate is Ambrogio Spinola (Note 32) , the statesman and general, of whom both Rubens and Van Dyck painted more than one portrait. Spinola was commander of the Spanish troups in the Southern Netherlands, a friend of Rubens and Knight of the Golden Fleece, and he also came from Genoa, where this portrait could have been painted during a visit he made to the city in 1606 (Notes 33, 34). Stylistically too the portrait seems to fit in with the series of portraits painted by Rubens in Genoa in that year. The physiognomy of the sitter is certainly close to that of the known portraits of Spinola (Figs. 8-1, Note 35), while the details of Spinola's life also support the identification. Spinola (1569-1630), who was Marquis of Sesto and Venafro, belonged to one of the group of closely related, families of bankers who held key positions in Genoa. He arrived in the Netherlands around 1602 at the head of a large and unusually well-trained body of troops. In 1603 he provided funds to prevent a mutiny among the Spanish troups and after his capture of Ostend in 1604 he was appointed second in command to Archduke Albert. He was made a Knight of the Golden Fleece on I March 1605 and in the same year he was put in charge of military finances. From 1606 until his departure for Spain in 1628 he was superintendent of the military treasury and' mayordomo mayor' to the Archdukes Albert and Isabella. After the death of Albert in 1621 he became principal adviser to Isabella and thus the most powerful man in the Spanish Netherlands. His amiable character brought him many friends, even among the ranks of the enemy, notably the Princes Maurice and Frederick Henry, with whom he had a great deal of contact during the Twelve Years Truce. It was probably one of them who bought the Portrait of Spinola by Van Miereveld (Fig. 8). After a disappointing mission to Spain in 1628, Spinola was relieved of his command of the Army of Flanders and put in charge of the Spanish troups in Lombardy. He died in his castle in Piedmont in 1630. During the years 1603-5 and later Spinola made several visits to Madrid, where he will undoubtedly have met the powerful Duke of Lerma and probably also seen the equestrian portrait that Rubens painted of him in 1603 (Fig. 12, Note 39). He must also have known of the portraits Rubens painted in Genoa in 1606, since at least three and probably five of them are of members of the Spinola family, while there survives a letter to Rubens from Paolo Agostino Spinola on the subject of portraits (Note 40). All this makes it likely that Spinola would have had his own Portrait painted too and that Rubens may well have painted his first portrait of the man who was to become his lifelong friend as early as 1606. Although Rubens was sometimes irritated by Spinola's lack of interest in his work (Note 41) , he admired him greatly (Note 42). He cultivated Spinola's friendship after his return to Antwerp in 1608 and will doubtless have introduced Van Dyck to him. Van Dyck later painted more than twenty pictures for the five Spinola palaces (Note 43) in Genoa and his work also became known in Madrid via Spinola and his son-in-law Don Diego Felipez Messia Guzman de Legañes, who owned many works by Van Dyck (Note 44). The presumed equestrian portrait of Spinola was much copied, as were other portraits of him by Rubens. Spinola was admired all over Europe and that may have been why other commanders and princes wanted to have themselves portrayed in the same way. The original or a replica may have hung in Spirtola's palace in Brussels, where the first to have seen it would have been Archduke Albert, which may explain the many equestrian portraits of him by Rubens' followeers which were based on it. Another possibility is that Rubens himself may have painted an equestrian portrait of the Archduke very similar to that of Spinola around 1610, but that this is no longer known. Caspar de Crayer of Brussels, a friend, though not a pupil of Rubens, was also influenced by the Spinola equestrian portrait. Furthermore, when he was invited to paint a set of equestrian portraits for the Huis ten Bosch, he sent the young Antwerp painter Thomas Willeboirts Bosschaert to The Hague in his place (Note 46) and it was in this way that Rubens' model came to the Northern Netherlands, where it was copied only once, by Isaac Isacsz. in his equestrian portrait of William the Silent (Note 47). The equestrian portrait of Sigmund III of Poland (Fig. 13), a cousin of Archduke Albert, could also have been painted in Van Dyck's studio in Genoa, which was probably visited by his son Prince Ladislaw in 1624 (Note 48). This picture too still owes much to Rubens' model which Van Dyck used again ten years later for his equestrian portraits of Charles I of England (Fig. 14, Note, 50) and Francisco de Moncada (Note 51).

This work aimed to present the diversity of fungal species in the Poznań- Radojewo park. It was characterized based on literature data, unpublished master’s theses, the authors’ data, as well as data collected during two mycological trips organized by the Mycological Section of the Polish Botanical Society. Between 1980 and 2017, as many as 333 species of macromycetes have been found within the park in Poznań-Radojewo (among them 19% are rare and endangered), including eight protected species (<em>Mitrophora </em><em>semilibera</em>, <em>Morchella esculenta </em>(var. <em>esculenta </em>and var. <em>umbrina</em>), <em>Geastrum corollinum</em>, <em>G. fornicatum</em>, <em>Hericium coralloides, </em>and <em>Myriostoma coliforme</em>), as well as two species new to the Polish mycobiota: <em>Psathyrella bipellis </em>and <em>P. larga</em>. The park in Poznań-Radojewo is very important for maintaining a high species diversity of fungi within the city of Poznań. During revitalization works, it is of paramount importance to take the needs of rare, threatened, and protected species under consideration and to preserve the natural character of plant communities. It is also vital to ensure the presence of coarse woody debris at different decomposition phases, which serves as an important substratum type for rare fungi.

IntroductionFor over five years, Romanians have been using their bodies in public spaces to challenge politicians’ disregard for the average citizen. In a region low in standards of civic engagement, such as voter turnout and petition signing, Romanian people’s “citizenship of the streets” has stopped environmentally destructive mining in 2013, ousted a corrupt cabinet in 2015, and blocked legislation legalising abuse of public office in 2017 (Solnit 214). This article explores the democratic affordances of collective resistive walking, by focusing on Romania’s capital, Bucharest. I illustrate how walking in protest of political corruption cultivates a democratic public and reconfigures city spaces as spaces of democratic engagement, in the context of increased illiberalism in the region. I examine two sites of protest: the Parliament Palace and Victoriei Square. The former is a construction emblematic of communist dictator Nicolae Ceaușescu and symbol of an authoritarian regime, whose surrounding area protestors reclaim as a civic space. The latter—a central part of the city bustling with the life of cafes, museums, bike lanes, and nearby parks—hosts the Government and has become an iconic site for pro-democratic movements. Spaces of Democracy: The Performativity of Public Assemblies Democracies are active achievements, dependent not only on the solidity of institutions —e.g., a free press and a constitution—but on people’s ability and desire to communicate about issues of concern and to occupy public space. Communicative approaches to democratic theory, formulated as inquiries into the public sphere and the plurality and evolution of publics, often return to establish the significance of public spaces and of bodies in the maintenance of our “rhetorical democracies” (Hauser). Speech and assembly, voice and space are sides of the same coin. In John Dewey’s work, communication is the main “loyalty” of democracy: the heart and final guarantee of democracy is in free gatherings of neighbors on the street corner to discuss back and forth what is read in the uncensored news of the day, and in gatherings of friends in the living rooms of houses and apartments to converse freely with one another. (Dewey qtd. in Asen 197, emphasis added) Dewey asserts the centrality of communication in the same breath that he affirms the spatial infrastructure supporting it.Historically, Richard Sennett explains, Athenian democracy has been organised around two “spaces of democracy” where people assembled: the agora or town square and the theatre or Pnyx. While the theatre has endured as the symbol of democratic communication, with its ideal of concentrated attention on the argument of one speaker, Sennett illuminates the square as an equally important space, one without which deliberation in the Pnyx would be impossible. In the agora, citizens cultivate an ability to see, expect, and think through difference. In its open architecture and inclusiveness, Sennett explains, the agora affords the walker and dweller a public space to experience, in a quick, fragmentary, and embodied way, the differences and divergences in fellow citizens. Through visual scrutiny and embodied exposure, the square thus cultivates “an outlook favorable to discussion of differing views and conflicting interests”, useful for deliberation in the Pnyx, and the capacity to recognise strangers as part of the imagined democratic community (19). Also stressing the importance of spaces for assembly, Jürgen Habermas’s historical theorisation of the bourgeois public sphere moves the functions of the agora to the modern “third places” (Oldenburg) of the civic society emerging in late seventeenth and eighteenth-century Europe: coffee houses, salons, and clubs. While Habermas’ conceptualization of a unified bourgeois public has been criticised for its class and gender exclusivism, and for its normative model of deliberation and consensus, such criticism has also opened paths of inquiry into the rhetorical pluralism of publics and into the democratic affordances of embodied performativity. Thus, unlike Habermas’s assumption of a single bourgeois public, work on twentieth and twenty-first century publics has attended to their wide variety in post-modern societies (e.g., Bruce; Butler; Delicath and DeLuca; Fraser; Harold and DeLuca; Hauser; Lewis; Mckinnon et al.; Pezzullo; Rai; Tabako). In contrast to the Habermasian close attention to verbal argumentation, such criticism prioritizes the embodied (performative, aesthetic, and material) ways in which publics manifest their attention to common issues. From suffragists to environmentalists and, most recently, anti-precarity movements across the globe, publics assemble and move through shared space, seeking to break hegemonies of media representation by creating media events of their own. In the process, Judith Butler explains, such embodied assemblies accomplish much more. They disrupt prevalent logics and dominant feelings of disposability, precarity, and anxiety, at the same time that they (re)constitute subjects and increasingly privatised spaces into citizens and public places of democracy, respectively. Butler proposes that to best understand recent protests we need to read collective assembly in the current political moment of “accelerating precarity” and responsibilisation (10). Globally, increasingly larger populations are exposed to economic insecurity and precarity through government withdrawal from labor protections and the diminishment of social services, to the profit of increasingly monopolistic business. A logic of self-investment and personal responsibility accompanies such structural changes, as people understand themselves as individual market actors in competition with other market actors rather than as citizens and community members (Brown). In this context, public assembly would enact an alternative, insisting on interdependency. Bodies, in such assemblies, signify both symbolically (their will to speak against power) and indexically. As Butler describes, “it is this body, and these bodies, that require employment, shelter, health care, and food, as well as a sense of a future that is not the future of unpayable debt” (10). Butler describes the function of these protests more fully:[P]lural enactments […] make manifest the understanding that a situation is shared, contesting the individualizing morality that makes a moral norm of economic self-sufficiency precisely […] when self-sufficiency is becoming increasingly unrealizable. Showing up, standing, breathing, moving, standing still, speech, and silence are all aspects of a sudden assembly, an unforeseen form of political performativity that puts livable life at the forefront of politics […] [T]he bodies assembled ‘say’ we are not disposable, even if they stand silently. (18)Though Romania is not included in her account of contemporary protest movements, Butler’s theoretical account aptly describes both the structural and ideological conditions, and the performativity of Romanian protestors. In Romania, citizens have started to assemble in the streets against austerity measures (2012), environmental destruction (2013), fatal infrastructures (2015) and against the government’s corruption and attempts to undermine the Judiciary (from February 2017 onward). While, as scholars have argued (Olteanu and Beyerle; Gubernat and Rammelt), political corruption has gradually crystallised into the dominant and enduring framework for the assembled publics, post-communist corruption has been part and parcel of the neoliberalisation of Central and Eastern-European societies after the fall of communism. In the region, Leslie Holmes explains, former communist elites or the nomenklatura, have remained the majority political class after 1989. With political power and under the shelter of political immunity, nomenklatura politicians “were able to take ethically questionable advantage in various ways […] of the sell-off of previously state-owned enterprises” (Holmes 12). The process through which the established political class became owners of a previously state-owned economy is known as “nomenklatura privatization”, a common form of political corruption in the region, Holmes explains (12). Such practices were common knowledge among a cynical population through most of the 1990s and the 2000s. They were not broadly challenged in an ideological milieu attached, as Mihaela Miroiu, Isabela Preoteasa, and Jerzy Szacki argued, to extreme forms of liberalism and neoliberalism, ideologies perceived by people just coming out of communism as anti-ideology. Almost three decades since the fall of communism, in the face of unyielding levels of poverty (Zaharia; Marin), the decaying state of healthcare and education (Bilefsky; “Education”), and migration rates second only to war-torn Syria (Deletant), Romanian protestors have come to attribute the diminution of life in post-communism to the political corruption of the established political class (“Romania Corruption Report”; “Corruption Perceptions”). Following systematic attempts by the nomenklatura-heavy governing coalition to undermine the judiciary and institutionalise de facto corruption of public officials (Deletant), protestors have been returning to public spaces on a weekly basis, de-normalising the political cynicism and isolation serving the established political class. Mothers Walking: Resignifying Communist Spaces, Imagining the New DemosOn 11 July 2018, a protest of mothers was streamed live by Corruption Kills (Corupția ucide), a Facebook group started by activist Florin Bădiță after a deadly nightclub fire attributed to the corruption of public servants, in 2015 (Commander). Organized protests at the time pressured the Social-Democratic cabinet into resignation. Corruption Kills has remained a key activist platform, organising assemblies, streaming live from demonstrations, and sharing personal acts of dissent, thus extending the life of embodied assemblies. In the mothers’ protest video, women carrying babies in body-wraps and strollers walk across the intersection leading to the Parliament Palace, while police direct traffic and ensure their safety (“Civil Disobedience”). This was an unusual scene for many reasons. Walkers met at the entrance to the Parliament Palace, an area most emblematic of the former regime. Built by Communist dictator, Nicolae Ceaușescu and inspired by Kim Il-sung’s North Korean architecture, the current Parliament building and its surrounding plaza remain, in the words of Renata Salecl, “one of the most traumatic remnants of the communist regime” (90). The construction is the second largest administrative building in the world, after the Pentagon, a size matching the ambitions of the dictator. It bears witness to the personal and cultural sacrifices the construction and its surrounded plaza required: the displacement of some 40,000 people from old neighbourhood Uranus, the death of reportedly thousands of workers, and the flattening of churches, monasteries, hospitals, schools (Parliament Palace). This arbitrary construction carved out of the old city remains a symbol of an authoritarian relation with the nation. As Salecl puts it, Ceaușescu’s project tried to realise the utopia of a new communist “centre” and created an artificial space as removed from the rest of the city as the leader himself was from the needs of his people. Twenty-nine years after the fall of communism, the plaza of the Parliament Palace remains as suspended from the life of the city as it was during the 1980s. The trees lining the boulevard have grown slightly and bike lanes are painted over decaying stones. Still, only few people walk by the neo-classical apartment buildings now discoloured and stained by weather and time. Salecl remarks on the panoptic experience of the Parliament Palace: “observed from the avenue, [the palace] appears to have no entrance; there are only numerous windows, which give the impression of an omnipresent gaze” (95). The building embodies, for Salecl, the logic of surveillance of the communist regime, which “created the impression of omnipresence” through a secret police that rallied members among regular citizens and inspired fear by striking randomly (95).Against this geography steeped in collective memories of fear and exposure to the gaze of the state, women turn their children’s bodies and their own into performances of resistance that draw on the rhetorical force of communist gender politics. Both motherhood and childhood were heavily regulated roles under Ceaușescu’s nationalist-socialist politics of forced birth, despite the official idealisation of both. Producing children for the nationalist-communist state was women’s mandated expression of citizenship. Declaring the foetus “the socialist property of the whole society”, in 1966 Ceaușescu criminalised abortion for women of reproductive ages who had fewer than four children, and, starting 1985, less than five children (Ceaușescu qtd. in Verdery). What followed was “a national tragedy”: illegal abortions became the leading cause of death for fertile women, children were abandoned into inhumane conditions in the infamous orphanages, and mothers experienced the everyday drama of caring for families in an economy of shortages (Kligman 364). The communist politicisation of natality during communist Romania exemplifies one of the worst manifestations of the political as biopolitical. The current maternal bodies and children’s bodies circulating in the communist-iconic plaza articulate past and present for Romanians, redeploying a traumatic collective memory to challenge increasingly authoritarian ambitions of the governing Social Democratic Party. The images of caring mothers walking in protest with their babies furthers the claims that anti-corruption publics have made in other venues: that the government, in their indifference and corruption, is driving millions of people, usually young, out of the country, in a braindrain of unprecedented proportions (Ursu; Deletant; #vavedemdinSibiu). In their determination to walk during the gruelling temperatures of mid-July, in their youth and their babies’ youth, the mothers’ walk performs the contrast between their generation of engaged, persistent, and caring citizens and the docile abused subject of a past indexed by the Ceaușescu-era architecture. In addition to performing a new caring imagined community (Anderson), women’s silent, resolute walk on the crosswalk turns a lifeless geography, heavy with the architectural traces of authoritarian history, into a public space that holds democratic protest. By inhabiting the cultural role of mothers, protestors disarmed state authorities: instead of the militarised gendarmerie usually policing protestors the Victoriei Square, only traffic police were called for the mothers’ protest. The police choreographed cars and people, as protestors walked across the intersection leading to the Parliament. Drivers, usually aggressive and insouciant, now moved in concert with the protestors. The mothers’ walk, immediately modeled by people in other cities (Cluj-Napoca), reconfigured a car-dominated geography and an unreliable, driver-friendly police, into a civic space that is struggling to facilitate the citizens’ peaceful disobedience. The walkers’ assembly thus begins to constitute the civic character of the plaza, collecting “the space itself […] the pavement and […] the architecture [to produce] the public character of that material environment” (Butler 71). It demonstrates the possibility of a new imagined community of caring and persistent citizens, one significantly different from the cynical, disconnected, and survivalist subjects that the nomenklatura politicians, nested in the Panoptic Parliament nearby, would prefer.Persisting in the Victoriei Square In addition to strenuous physical walking to reclaim city spaces, such as the mothers’ walking, the anti-corruption public also practices walking and gathering in less taxing environments. The Victoriei Square is such a place, a central plaza that connects major boulevards with large sidewalks, functional bike lanes, and old trees. The square is the architectural meeting point of old and new, where communist apartments meet late nineteenth and early twentieth century architecture, in a privileged neighbourhood of villas, museums, and foreign consulates. One of these 1930s constructions is the Government building, hosting the Prime Minister’s cabinet. Demonstrators gathered here during the major protests of 2015 and 2017, and have walked, stood, and wandered in the square almost weekly since (“Past Events”). On 24 June 2018, I arrive in the Victoriei Square to participate in the protest announced on social media by Corruption Kills. There is room to move, to pause, and rest. In some pockets, people assemble to pay attention to impromptu speakers who come onto a small platform to share their ideas. Occasionally someone starts chanting “We See You!” and “Down with Corruption!” and almost everyone joins the chant. A few young people circulate petitions. But there is little exultation in the group as a whole, shared mostly among those taking up the stage or waving flags. Throughout the square, groups of familiars stop to chat. Couples and families walk their bikes, strolling slowly through the crowds, seemingly heading to or coming from the nearby park on a summer evening. Small kids play together, drawing with chalk on the pavement, or greeting dogs while parents greet each other. Older children race one another, picking up on the sense of freedom and de-centred but still purposeful engagement. The openness of the space allows one to meander and observe all these groups, performing the function of the Ancient agora: making visible the strangers who are part of the polis. The overwhelming feeling is one of solidarity. This comes partly from the possibilities of collective agency and the feeling of comfortably taking up space and having your embodiment respected, otherwise hard to come by in other spaces of the city. Everyday walking in the streets of Romanian cities is usually an exercise in hypervigilant physical prowess and self-preserving numbness. You keep your eyes on the ground to not stumble on broken pavement. You watch ahead for unmarked construction work. You live with other people’s sweat on the hot buses. You hop among cars parked on sidewalks and listen keenly for when others may zoom by. In one of the last post-socialist states to join the European Union, living with generalised poverty means walking in cities where your senses must be dulled to manage the heat, the dust, the smells, and the waiting, irresponsive to beauty and to amiable sociality. The euphemistic vocabulary of neoliberalism may describe everyday walking through individualistic terms such as “grit” or “resilience.” And while people are called to effort, creativity, and endurance not needed in more functional states, what one experiences is the gradual diminution of one’s lives under a political regime where illiberalism keeps a citizen-serving democracy at bay. By contrast, the Victoriei Square holds bodies whose comfort in each other’s presence allow us to imagine a political community where survivalism, or what Lauren Berlant calls “lateral agency”, are no longer the norm. In “showing up, standing, breathing, moving, standing still […] an unforeseen form of political performativity that puts livable life at the forefront of politics” is enacted (Butler 18). In arriving to Victoriei Square repeatedly, Romanians demonstrate that there is room to breathe more easily, to engage with civility, and to trust the strangers in their country. They assert that they are not disposable, even if a neoliberal corrupt post-communist regime would have them otherwise.ConclusionBecoming a public, as Michael Warner proposes, is an ongoing process of attention to an issue, through the circulation of discourse and self-organisation with strangers. For the anti-corruption public of Romania’s past years, such ongoing work is accompanied by persistent, civil, embodied collective assembly, in an articulation of claims, bodies, and spaces that promotes a material agency that reconfigures the city and the imagined Romanian community into a more democratic one. The Romanian citizenship of the streets is particularly significant in the current geopolitical and ideological moment. In the region, increasing authoritarianism meets the alienating logics of neoliberalism, both trying to reduce citizens to disposable, self-reliant, and disconnected market actors. Populist autocrats—Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Turkey, the Peace and Justice Party in Poland, and recently E.U.-penalized Victor Orban, in Hungary—are dismantling the system of checks and balances, and posing threats to a European Union already challenged by refugee debates and Donald Trump’s unreliable alliance against authoritarianism. In such a moment, the Romanian anti-corruption public performs within the geographies of their city solidarity and commitment to democracy, demonstrating an alternative to the submissive and disconnected subjects preferred by authoritarianism and neoliberalism.Author's NoteIn addition to the anonymous reviewers, the author would like to thank Mary Tuominen and Jesse Schlotterbeck for their helpful comments on this essay.ReferencesAnderson, Benedict R. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso, 2016.Asen, Robert. “A Discourse Theory of Citizenship.” Quarterly Journal of Speech 90.2 (2004): 189-211. 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