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Journal articles on the topic 'King Antiochus III'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 2 June 2025

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Erickson, Kyle. "ANOTHER CENTURY OF GODS? A RE-EVALUATION OF SELEUCID RULER CULT." Classical Quarterly 68, no. 1 (2018): 97–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838818000071.

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This paper proposes that living Seleucid kings were recognized as divine by the royal court before the reign of Antiochus III despite lacking an established centralized ruler cult like their fellow kings, the Ptolemies. Owing to the nature of the surviving evidence, we are forced to rely heavily on numismatics to construct a view of Seleucid royal ideology. Regrettably, it seems that up until now much of the numismatic evidence for the divinity of living Seleucid rulers has not been fully considered. I argue that the evidence from silver coinage produced in the name of the Seleucid kings prese

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2

Scolnic, Benjamin. "Antiochus IV as the Scorned Prince in Dan 11:21." Vetus Testamentum 62, no. 4 (2012): 572–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341086.

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Abstract While most English translations render nbzh in Dan 11:21 as “contemptible, vile, despicable,” closer examination will demonstrate that this Biblical Hebrew word should be translated as “spurned, scorned, rejected.” Once one understands Dan 11:21 accordingly, other ancient sources can be brought to show that this verse states, in its own thinly-veiled code, that before his rise to power, Antiochus IV, son of the late king Antiochus III and brother of the current king Seleucus IV, had been scorned and had not been given appropriate royal honors. This verse should be seen as another elem

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3

Dreyer, Boris. "How to Become a "Relative" of the King: Careers and Hierarchy at the Court of Antiochus III." American Journal of Philology 132, no. 1 (2011): 45–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajp.2011.0002.

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4

Zelinskyi, Andrii. "Foreign Policy Orientation of the Bithynian King Ziaelas in Light of New Inscriptions from Kos." Journal of V. N. Karazin Kharkiv National University. Series: History, no. 60 (December 10, 2021): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2220-7929-2021-60-02.

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The appearance of this article was prompted by the discovery of a new block of inscriptions from the island of Kos, published in the 50th volume of the journal Chiron by D. Bosnakis and K. Hallof. Among these inscriptions, dating to 243 BC, of particular interest are two royal letters concerning the recognition of the right of asylum possessed by the temple of Asclepius in Kos. The first letter belongs to the king of Bithynia Ziaelas, and the second – to the Seleucid queen Laodice I, the mother of Seleucus II and Antiochus Hierax. Analysis of the contents of these documents compels us to rethi

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5

Fischer-Bovet, Christelle. "EGYPTIAN WARRIORS: THEMACHIMOIOF HERODOTUS AND THE PTOLEMAIC ARMY." Classical Quarterly 63, no. 1 (2013): 209–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000983881200064x.

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The role and status of the Egyptians in the army of Hellenistic Egypt (323–30b.c.) has been a debated question that goes back to the position within Late Period Egyptian society (664–332b.c.) of the Egyptian warriors described by Herodotus asmachimoi. Until a few decades ago, Ptolemaic military institutions were perceived as truly Greco-Macedonian and the presence of Egyptians in the army during the first century of Ptolemaic rule was contested. The Egyptians were thought of as being unfit to be good soldiers. Egyptians would have been hired only as late as 217b.c.to fight against the Seleucid

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6

Abakumov, Arkady Alexeevich. "Raphia, 217 BCE: The battlefield." Samara Journal of Science 13, no. 4 (2024): 54–57. https://doi.org/10.55355/snv2024134201.

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The Battle of Raphia (June 22, 217 BC), the main battle of the Fourth Syrian War between the Seleucid ruler Antiochus III and the Egyptian king Ptolemy IV, was one of the largest in Ancient history and at the same time one of the most underestimated. For a long time, based on Polybius'sfairly detailedaccount, researchers concluded that the generals lacked skill. Only in the late1970sB.Bar-Kochva and E.Galili in their publications did attempt to reassess the course of the battle and reconstruct it based on topographic data. Relying on the same quotes by Polybius and taking advantage of the fact

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7

СМИРНОВ, С. В. "A Female portraiture in the structure of the Seleukid Royal Iconography." Цивилизация и варварство, no. 11(11) (November 18, 2022): 146–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2022.11.11.005.

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В работе приводится обзор ключевых проблем царского женского портрета у Селевкидов. Несмотря на то, что женщины царских династий играли важную политическую роль в системе международных отношений эллинистических государств, их изображения немногочисленны. Исключение составляет династия Птолемеев, где женский портрет был устойчивой практикой, зародившейся еще в начале III в. до н.э. Напротив, у Селевкидов женские портреты появляются гораздо позже. Вопреки устоявшемуся в историографии мнению, самым ранним женским царским портретом у Селевкидов стоит считать изображение царицы Лаодики, жены царя А

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8

Korovchinskiy, Ivan N. "Types of Hellenistic Military Settlements in Royal Letters." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 6 (2021): 118. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080017553-5.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of information on Hellenistic military settlements, which can be found in the extant letters of Seleucid and Attalid kings. We mean the letter of Antiochus III preserved by Flavius Josephus in his Judean Antiquities, and three letters extant as inscriptions on stone: ‘Ikadion’s inscription’ from the island of Failaka in the Arabian Gulf (Kuwait, middle of the 3rd – early 2nd centuries BC), Antiochus V’s letter from Jamnia-on-the-Sea (Palestine, 163 BC) and Eumenes II’s letter from Kardakon Kome (Lycia, 181 BC). The material of the letters allows to conclu

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9

Coskun, Altay. "A New Book and Further Recent Scholarship on Seleukid Royal Women." Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies 5 (December 15, 2022): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.95.

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The article sets out by briefly surveying recent scholarship on the Seleukid kingdom and Hellenistic queenship. Two important works that fall into both fields: Women and Monarchy in the Ancient World edited by Beth Carney and Sabine Müller (2021) and Basilissa authored by Christiane Kunst (2022). The discussion, however, concentrates on the first monograph that systematically explores Seleukid queenship: Robin Hämmerling’s Zwischen dynastischem Selbstbild und literarischem Stereotyp. Königinnen der Seleukiden und der Mittelmächte Kleinasiens (2019). By investigating the roles of the sister and

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10

Berzon, Katherine. "The Seleukids and Elam in the 2nd c. BC." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 5 (2022): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080022677-1.

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The history of the Elymais is one of the poorly illuminated pages in the history of the Hellenistic Iran. This land was inherited by Alexander the Great from the Achaemenids, c. 311 BC it came under the rule of Seleukos I and remained the part of the Seleukid state until the middle 2nd century BC when Kamnaskires I, “the King of Elam” according to Babylonian cuneiform texts, founded the independent Kingdom of Elymais. However, the prehistory of these events is not well known. Our sources for the 3rd century BC do not provide any reliable data on separatist tendencies in the area. The events of

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11

Berzon, Katherine. "Between the Seleukids and the Arsakids: The Satrapy of Babylonia in the First Decade of Parthian Rule." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 6 (2024): 33. https://doi.org/10.31696/s086919080033236-6.

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The establishment of the Arsakid domination in Babylonia is usually dated to 141 BC in accordance with the dating formula of AD III -140A: o 1, but the conquest of these territories was not an event of one day. The Seleukids ceased to control their eastern satrapies already in the 140s BC. Astronomical Diaries also show that even after 141 BC the situation in Babylonia remained unstable throughout the first decade of Parthian rule. It can explain the political weight that the “generals above the four generals” acquired at this time. These changes were also reflected in the formula in the order

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12

Rybakov, A. L. "ОсобенностиканоническогостроягрузинскойправославнойцерквиифакторантиохиивцерковныхделахсредневековойГрузии". Istoricheskii vestnik, № 20(2017) part: 20 (30 серпня 2019): 106–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.35549/hr.2019.2017.35080.

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The church of Georgia, ever since its foundation in the early 4th century AD, was quite closely related to the Antioch church. These relations were based not only on religious matters but involved both politics and religion. Patriarchs of Antioch, vicars of the Chair of St Peter, the chief apostle, had always aspired to the leadership over all the other chairs in the Eastern Diocese of the Byzantium not only Georgia but Jerusalem as well. At the time of the Joint Monarchy in the 10th 15th centuries, the Georgian hierarchs had to resort to the summits of eloquence and knowledge in order to be a

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13

Gregory, Bradley C. "Historical Candidates for the Fallen King in Sirach 10,10." Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 126, no. 4 (2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zaw-2014-0038.

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Sirach 10,9–11 describes an arrogant king who comes to his death very suddenly. While previous scholarship has focused on Ptolemy IV and Antiochus III as the probable historical referents, it is argued here that the mysterious death of Alexander the Great is more likely to be the model.Sir. 10,9–11 décrit un roi arrogant qui voit sa mort survenir soudainement. Alors que la recherche antérieure y voyait les figures de Ptolémée IV et Antiochus III comme modèles historiques probables, la présente étude soutient que le modèle en est fourni par la mort mystérieuse d’Alexandre le Grand.Sir 10,9–11 b

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14

La Barbera, Paola Carmela. "Decreto onorario della città di Ilio per il re Antioco I." Axon, no. 1 (June 30, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/axon/2532-6848/2020/01/010.

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With this decree Ilion’s demos honours king Antiochus I because he made peace in the region disturbed by several rebellions and because of royal evergetism toward the city. The decree first presents Antiochus’ credits and then the manners by which Ilion honours him. The honour seems to be a royal cult: Ilion is ordered to pray gods, especially Athena and Apollon, for the king; to build a gold statue of him; finally to celebrate him during Panathenee. Even though nowadays it is sure that the decree was issued by Ilion and not by Sigeum, scholars still do not agree on the king’s identity (Antioc

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15

Rossini, Alessandro. "Inscription from Caria Mentioning Antiochus III, Ptolemy V, and Philip V." 7 | 2 | 2023, no. 2 (February 29, 2024). http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/axon/2532-6848/2023/02/005.

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The ‘Three Kings’ Inscription’ bears the fragment of a Rhodian arbitration between Bargylia and another town in Caria. It is an important document, for it described major political events which affected western Caria on the eve of the Second Macedonian War (200‑197 BC). Above all, it makes it evident that Rhodes eventually came to know about the same Syro-Macedonian connivance against Egypt and the child king Ptolemy V which Polybius (3.2.8; 15.20) later described in big words. After a detailed status quaestionis, the importance of comparing the Rhodian, Ptolemaic, and Polybian perspectives on

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16

Melloni, Maria Francesca. "Epistola relativa a un atto di manomissione con consacrazione a Sarapis." Axon, no. 1 (June 30, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/axon/2532-6848/2020/01/009.

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The inscription consists of an official letter, dated to the reign of king Antiochus I, sent by Evandros to Andragoras and Apollodotos, Seleucid officials, regarding the deed of manumission of the slave Hermaios, consecrated to the god Sarapis, and his exposure into the Sarapis sanctuary. The provenance of the stone, photographed by Ghirshman in 1959 in Teheran, is uncertain, however it can be considered Hyrcania, modern Gorgān. Andragoras, one of the addressees, might coincide with Andragoras, the satrap of Parthia and Hyrcania in the middle of the III century BC, defeated by king Arsaces I.

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17

Belenkiy, Ari. "The encounter of Simon the Just with Antiochus the Great: From Zenon of Rhodes to Josephus Flavius and the Talmud." February 9, 2015. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.15465.

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The story of the encounter of Alexander Macedon with the Jewish nation, reported by Josephus and the Babylonian Talmud, was a favorite topic of many generations of Judaica scholars but fell in complete disrepute in the last century due to several inconsistencies. To account for some of them, Solomon Zeitlin (1924) suggested that the Greek king of the encounter was King Antiochus III, not Alexander, however his idea did not receive the recognition it deserves. Here I enrich Zeitlin’s idea with several new insights. As Antiochus was accompanied by a historian of note, Z

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18

Eckhardt, Benedikt. "The “Charter for Jerusalem” and the Seleucid Conquest of the Southern Levant." Journal of Ancient Judaism, March 21, 2024, 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-bja10058.

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Abstract Written soon after the battle of Panium, the letter of Antiochus III to Ptolemy son of Thraseas is a central piece of evidence in any reconstruction of the Ptolemaic-Seleucid transition in the Southern Levant. Its preservation in Josephus’ Antiquities raises questions of transmission and authenticity that are here discussed in some detail. The article also considers wider questions pertaining to the use of this document as an exemplary source illustrating Seleucid rule in this region and beyond: is what we have here unusual or standard practice? What can we learn about the image of th

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19

Coşkun, Altay. "The Chronology of the Asylia Dossier from Kos Revisited in Light of Some Recent Epigraphic Discoveries." Journal of Philia, December 1, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36991/philia.202102.

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While the Third Syrian War was raging, the Koans deployed substantial diplomatic efforts to have the asylia of their Asklepieion and the panhellenic penteteric games recognized throughout the Mediterranean world. In the 1950s, Günther Klaffenbach and Mortimer Cham-bers presented what was to become the consensus chronology: they saw the theoroi visit sev-eral royal courts and many more Greek poleis largely in summer 242 BCE, before the first games were held at Kos around May 241 BCE. This consensus has now been challenged by Dimitris Bosnakis and Klaus Hallof (Chiron 50, 2020, 287–326), who sug

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