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1
Divitiis, Bianca de. "Giuliano da Sangallo in the Kingdom of Naples." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 74, no. 2 (June 1, 2015): 152–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2015.74.2.152.
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In 1488 Giuliano da Sangallo arrived in Naples with his model for a new royal palace commissioned by Lorenzo de’ Medici for the king of Naples, Ferrante of Aragon. In Giuliano da Sangallo in the Kingdom of Naples: Architecture and Cultural Exchange, Bianca de Divitiis examines the design of this royal palace in the context of the cultural and diplomatic relationship between Naples and Florence, considering the architect’s attempt to respond to the ceremonial and practical requirements of the Neapolitan court and to integrate “foreign” models with elements derived from local antiquities. De Divitiis analyzes the origins of the palace design and other important projects by Florentine architects in Naples, such as the suburban villa Poggioreale. The article looks at the knowledge, stimuli, and contacts that Giuliano acquired during his sojourn in the Kingdom of Naples and the legacy he left there.
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Poplavskaya, Irina A. "The Kingdom of Naples and Russia at the Beginning of the 19th Century: Based on the Correspondence of the Bulgakov Brothers." Imagologiya i komparativistika, no. 17 (2022): 170–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/24099554/17/9.
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The article examines the activities of the Russian diplomatic mission in Naples in 1802-1808 based on the correspondence between brothers Alexander and Konstantin Bulgakov. In accordance with the tropological methodology of the historian Hayden White, tragic and novel metanarratives are distinguished in describing the relationship between the Kingdom of Naples, Russia, and the countries of Western Europe at the beginning of the 19th century. The narration of the events in accordance with the tragic plot reveals the confrontation between the hero and the world, Napoleon and the coalition of European states led by Austria, Britain, and Russia. At the same time, the transformation of the tragedy into the novel in historical terms presupposes a change in the established world order after the end of the era of the Napoleonic Wars, which the decisions of the Congress of Vienna consolidated in 18141815. The basis of the plot in the selected metanarratives is the life of Ferdinand IV, the king of Naples, and his family; Napoleon’s military actions in Italy; diplomatic and military assistance to Naples from Russia and the life of Russians in Naples and Palermo; the events of the Patriotic War of 1812; the messianic role of Emperor Alexander in the victory over Napoleon’s army. The influence of the actions of the allied forces in 1813-1815 and the decisions of the Congress of Vienna on the emergence of national liberation movements in Italy and the subsequent unification of the country is revealed. The spatial centers of the Bulgakovs’ epistolary works are Naples, Palermo, Rome, the capitals of four empires (Paris, Vienna, London, Petersburg), and related historical figures (King Ferdinand IV and his wife Maria Carolina of Austria (sister of Marie Antoinette, the French queen), Napoleon, Joseph Bonaparte, Joachim Murat, Austrian Emperor Francis II, Russian Emperor Alexander I, Pope Pius VII, Admiral and Secretary of State of the Kingdom of Naples John Acton, Russian envoys in Naples and Rome A.Ya. Italinsky and sine, and others. The article analyzes the conceptual sphere and poetics of the “Neapolitan” text of Russian literature. In the letters, the image of Naples is presented through the situation of a meeting of Southern and Northern Europe, Naples and Petersburg, monarchy and republic, Catholicism and Orthodoxy, history and modernity. Naples is perceived as a special communicative space associated with the diplomatic activities of both brothers, with their circle of communication, and aesthetically with a private letter as a kind of an ego-document. The perception of Naples as an island state, as an “earthly paradise at the foot of a volcano”, as a city of the Lazzaroni and carnival culture brings the correspondence between the Bulgakov brothers close with descriptions of this city in Russian travelogues of the late 18th - first third of the 19th centuries. The author declares no conflicts of interests.
3
Esposito, Salvatore. "From England to Italy: The Intriguing Story of Poli’s Engine for the King of Naples." Physics in Perspective 23, no. 2-3 (October 2021): 104–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00016-021-00277-1.
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AbstractAn interesting, yet unknown episode concerning the effective permeation of the scientific revolution in eighteenth-century Kingdom of Naples (and Italy more generally) is recounted. The intriguing story of James Watt’s steam engine, prepared to serve a Royal Estate of the King of Naples in Carditello, reveals a fascinating piece of the history of that kingdom, as well as an unknown step in the history of Watt’s steam engine, whose final entrepreneurial success for the celebrated Boulton & Watt company was a direct consequence. This story reveals that, contrary to what claimed in the literature, the first introduction in Italy of the most important technological innovation of the eighteenth century did not take place with the construction of the first steamship of the Mediterranean Sea, but rather thirty years before that, thanks to the incomparable work of Giuseppe Saverio Poli, a leading scholar and an influential figure in the Kingdom of Naples. The tragic epilogue of Poli’s engine accounts for its vanishing from historical memory.
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Sturm-Maddox, Sara. "Altissima verba: the Laureate Poet and the King of Naples." Viator 43, no. 1 (January 2012): 263–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.viator.1.102550.
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Nappi, Maria Rosaria. "Valerio Villareale a Napoli e la Repubblica del 1799." Diciottesimo Secolo 6 (November 9, 2021): 179–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/ds-11812.
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Valerio Villareale (Palermo, 1773-1854), the main neoclassic sculptor in Sicily, spent his young years between Naples and Rome. The paper highlights his training in Naples, where he met Filippo Tagliolini, and in Rome, where he knew Antonio Canova. Based on unpublished documents, the paper explores his participation in the Neapolitan Republic of 1799 and his activity during the reign of Gioacchino and Carolina Murat, when he sculpted the portraits of the King and the Queen as well as several stucco decorations and sculptures in the royal palaces in Caserta and Naples. At the restoration of the Borboni the Villareale returned to Palermo where he continued his career not only as a sculptor, but also as a teacher and art restorer.
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Selleri, Vincenzo. "Jews in the Piazza: Jewish Self-government in the Fifteenth-century Kingdom of Naples." European Journal of Jewish Studies 11, no. 1 (April 6, 2017): 24–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1872471x-12341301.
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This study intends to make a contribution to the literature on Jewish autonomy in the Late Middle Ages by analyzing Jewish political life in the Kingdom of Naples in the fifteenth century. Contrary to Italian and European scholarship which has interpreted Jewry policy in the Kingdom of Naples in the fifteenth century as a direct emanation of the ‘good heart’ of the Aragonese kings, I argue that Jewish charters must be considered the product of Jewish agency. I suggest that the Jewish ruling elites, not the king nor the municipal governmets sought the administrative and juridical separation of the iudece (Jewish Communities) from the municipal governement of southern cities. Considering that Jewish political action, and the administration of the iudeca mirrored that of cities, I argue that Jewish Communities fit perfectly into the Aragonese administrative puzzle.
7
Schut, Kirsten. "Jews and Muslims in the Works of John of Naples." Medieval Encounters 25, no. 5-6 (November 18, 2019): 499–552. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12340055.
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Abstract This article seeks to shed light on attitudes towards Jews and Muslims in the Kingdom of Naples during the early fourteenth century by examining references to non-Christians in the quodlibets, disputed questions, and sermons of the Dominican theologian John of Naples (Giovanni Regina, d. ca. 1348). John’s patron, King Robert of Naples (r. 1309–1343) has traditionally been portrayed as a more tolerant monarch than his predecessor Charles II, and John’s views seem to accord well with Robert’s: he does not advocate conversion, but rather allows Jews and Muslims a limited place within Christian society. Treating topics as diverse as biblical exegesis, blasphemy, sorcery, slavery, mercenaries, and medical ethics, John’s writings on Jews and Muslims were inspired both by traditional scholastic questions and contemporary events. While his views on non-Christians are far from positive, John stops short of disseminating the more virulent polemics of his time.
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Licht, Meg. "Elysium: A Prelude to Renaissance Theater." Renaissance Quarterly 49, no. 1 (1996): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2863263.
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In late spring of 1473 an elaborate wooden building was constructed in the piazza before the Roman church of Ss. Apostoli. This structure was to provide the setting for entertainments offered in honor of the marriage of Eleonora of Aragon, daughter of Ferrante, king of Naples, to Ercole d'Este, duke of Ferrara. The bride and her Neapolitan retinue, together with the Ferrarese contingent sent to Naples to fetch her, stayed in Rome for five days, from 5 June to 9 June. They were the guests of nephews of Sixtus IV: Pietro Riario, the cardinal of San Sisto, and Giuliano della Rovere, the cardinal of San Pietro in Vincoli.
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Janeković Römer, Zdenka. "Dubrovnik i aragonsko Napuljsko Kraljevstvo u 15. stoljeću: uloga obitelji Kotrulj." Radovi Zavoda za hrvatsku povijest Filozofskoga fakulteta Sveučilišta u Zagrebu 52, no. 3 (December 14, 2020): 101–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.17234/radovizhp.52.23.
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During the first half of the 15th century, the Republic of Dubrovnik sought to establish diplomatic and trade relations with the powerful state of Naples. Economic exchanges and political connections expanded, as evidenced by documents from both Dubrovnik and Naples, and also in a different way also by Ragusan merchant and diplomat Benedict Kotrulj, in his famous work Del arte dela mercatura. The government of Dubrovnik was well informed about the king of Aragon, Alfonso V, and communicated with him during the reign of Queen Joanna II. Alfonso’s first charter to Ragusans, on the freedom of trade and compensation for damages inflicted on them by pirates, was issued in 1428, followed by numerous new privileges and exemptions. During the reign of Alfonso and his successor, Ferrante, the people of Dubrovnik became the most privileged merchants in the Kingdom of Naples, surpassing the Venetians. After securing the throne, Alfonso embarked on the reconstruction of the Kingdom of Naples and elevated it militarily, economically and culturally. Among the many foreign traders and companies, the Ragusans secured their place in the kingdom. Moreover, since the beginning of Alfonso’s reign, Dubrovnik became a vital diplomatic and intelligence stronghold for the king in his endeavours to fulfil to his considerable political ambitions in the eastern Adriatic seaboard and throughout the Balkan Peninsula, especially in his anti-Ottoman campaigns. The king’s diplomacy also entailed relations with Dubrovnik’s enemies, such as Duke Stjepan Vukčić Kosača, but the Dubrovnik government tolerated this, because its advantageous position in the kingdom far outweighed any drawbacks. In trade and diplomacy between Dubrovnik and the Aragonese countries, the Kotrulj family of Ragusa enjoyed the most prominent position. In the first half of the 15th century, Jacob Kotrulj, in addition to his extensive mercantile activities in the Kingdom of Naples, obtained a high number of privileges for his republic. He was also the governor of the mint in Naples. His business was continued by son Benedict just as Alfonso ascended to the throne. He was very well situated in the Aragonese court of Naples, under the protection of both Alfonso and Ferrante. As a merchant, he exploited this to his advantage, overseeing a lucrative business in southern Italy and Catalonia between Ragusan, Florentine and Catalan merchants. In addition, as his father before him, he was the governor of the mint in Naples and L’Aquila. Although he was at odds with the Republic of Dubrovnik in a lengthy commercial dispute, his immunity as an envoy of Alfonso and then Ferrante kept him safe from litigation in his home city. The reigns of Alfonso and Ferrante in the Kingdom of Naples was marked by peace and economic and cultural progress. A number of humanists and scholars of the time gathered at Alfonso’s court, including Benedict Kotrulj, a merchant, diplomat and the author of several significant works. He, his family, and the entire Republic of Dubrovnik profited from Aragonese rule in the Kingdom. Their privileged status attracted many merchants from Dubrovnik to Naples and other cities in the kingdom. In the latter half of the 15th century, privileges in the Kingdom of Naples allowed the republic to overcome the crisis caused by Ottoman conquests in the Balkan hinterland. During that period, the people of Dubrovnik reach a settlement with the Ottoman Empire, gaining great privileges there and the status of mediators between the empire and the West, in the first instance the Kingdom of Naples. The benefits were also political, as Dubrovnik was one of the important strongholds of Aragonese policy in the eastern Adriatic seaboard and in the wider hinterland. The French conquest of Naples in 1395 ended the glorious period of the Aragonese government, initiated by Alfonso’s triumph in 1442, and even the people of Dubrovnik had to alter policies and seek new alliances in southern Italy.
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Gaeta, Raffaele, Valentina Giuffra, and Gino Fornaciari. "Atherosclerosis in the Renaissance elite: Ferdinand I King of Naples (1431–1494)." Virchows Archiv 462, no. 5 (March 29, 2013): 593–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00428-013-1400-x.
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Venetz, Gabriela H. "Il Codice Aragonese (1458-1460): la distribuzione delle tre lingue napoletana, catalana e latina." Zeitschrift für Katalanistik 22 (August 8, 2023): 273–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/zfk.2009.273-292.
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Summary: This article is devoted to a 15th century’s codex from Naples under the Catalan-Aragonese Crown of King Ferran. To a sociocultural background I investigate the function of the three varieties involved (Catalan, Neapolitan and Latin) in general and as preferred correspondence languages. Furthermore, and in comparison to a hypothesis by the editor Armand-Adolphe Messer, I show that the use of Catalan and Neapolitan depends on the linguistic knowledge of the receiver and, in the case of bilingual receivers, on the author’s intention. By comparing the two varieties we observe a certain tendency to apply the Neapolitan language to objective messages while Catalan tends to be used for more personal or ‘urgent’ communications [Keywords: Catalan, Neapolitan, Naples, Catalan-Aragonese Crown, chancellery, sociolinguistics, trilingualism].
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Vagnoni, Mirko. "Frederick II of Hohenstaufen (1208–1250)." Encyclopedia 1, no. 3 (August 3, 2021): 710–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/encyclopedia1030055.
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Frederick II of Hohenstaufen, King of Sicily (1208–1250). Frederick II of Hohenstaufen was the second king of the Swabian dynasty to sit on the throne of Sicily. He was crowned in 1198, but, in consideration of his young age, he only ruled independently from 1208 to 1250 (the year of his death). He not only held the title of King of Sicily but also was the King of Germany (or of the Romans), the King of Jerusalem, and, above all, Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire. His most relevant and innovative iconographic representations were in Southern Italy. For this reason, we focus on the images in this geographical context. In particular, we have nine official (that is, those commissioned directly by him or his entourage) representations of him: the bull (in three main versions), the seal (in three main versions), five coins (four denari and one augustale), the statue of the Capua Gate, and the lost image of the imperial palace in Naples.
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Jovanović, Neven. "Pohvalni govor Pavla Paladinića za Fridrika Aragonskog (1496)." Radovi Zavoda za hrvatsku povijest Filozofskoga fakulteta Sveučilišta u Zagrebu 52, no. 3 (December 14, 2020): 321–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.17234/radovizhp.52.28.
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In 1496, Pavao Paladinić (Paolo Paladini, Paulus Paladinus, c. 1465 – c. 1513), a humanist from Hvar, composed his longest preserved text, The Oration of Pavao Paladinić of Hvar delivered in Taranto, in praise of the divine Frederick, Prince of Altamura, Illustrious Admiral of the Kingdom of Sicily and Governor-General. The text survives in a codex held today in Valencia (Universitat de València, Biblioteca Històrica, MS 132). The manuscript was a gift for Frederick of Aragon (1451–1501), the second son of the king of Naples, Ferdinand I (Ferrante). Frederick himself became king of Naples in October 1496. The paper introduces both Paladinić and Frederick, outlines the rhetorical features of Paladinić’s panegyric, and evaluates two modern editions of the Latin text (VALERIO 2001, GRACIOTTI 2005). The panegyric is provided in Latin and Croatian translation. Frederick of Aragon was the last king of Naples from the House of Aragon, ruling briefly in 1496–1501, after French King Charles VIII seized Naples in February 1495 and claimed the kingdom’s crown. Frederick spent much time abroad and refused to take part in the revolt of the barons, remaining loyal to his father, brother, and nephew. As king, he was forced to abdicate when confronted with the treaty of Granada in 1500. He had a keen interest in the arts and literature; in 1476 Lorenzo de’ Medici presented him with the gift of the Libro di Ragona, a collection of 500 poems by Dante, Cavalcanti, Cino da Pistoia, Pulci, and Boiardo. In the preface Frederick is compared to Peisistratos of Athens, who organised the transcription of Homer’s poems. Frederick’s court at Naples included a number of Petrarchist poets. The Paladinić family came to the Adriatic island of Hvar at around 1430 from Lecce, which in 1463 became directly subject to the Aragonese Kingdom of Naples. In Hvar the Paladinići became one of the richest families. Nikola Paladinić (born ca. 1419), Pavao’s father, served as the sopracomito of the Hvar galley in the Venetian navy several times between 1471 and 1497. In 1475 he was awarded the Order of Saint Mark. He had three sons: Pavao, Toma (killed in 1514 during the Hvar Rebellion) and Frano. Pavao accompanied his father in military expeditions, taking part in the capture of Monopoli in 1495 and in the battle at the Bocca d’Arno in 1497. In 1510, he composed a report (in Italian) on the crucifix from Hvar that perspired blood. Pavao Paladinić was in contact with the Dalmatian and Italian humanist poets Ilija Crijević, Tideo Acciarini, Frano Božićević Natalis, Pietro Contarini and Cassandra Fedele. The little known humanist Joannes Perlotus wrote De Nicolai Palladini Pharii equitis aurati Paulique eius filii militia ac memorabilibus gestis historiola per Joannem Perlotum edita, a brief celebration of the military achievements of Nikola and Pavao in 1475–1497 (preserved today as a manuscript in the National and University Library of Split); Nikola and Pavao were praised briefly in the Latin oration by Vinko Pribojević, De origine successibusque Slavorum (delivered in Hvar in 1525, printed in Venice in 1532). Pavao Paladinić praised Frederick of Aragon during the siege of Tarento, undertaken by joint forces of Naples and Venice, with a clear political goal: Frederick had to be persuaded to spare the city of Taranto, whose citizens were eager to surrender to Venice (and even to the Ottomans) to avoid massacre and destruction by the Aragonese army. For this reason, Paladinić insisted on the humanitas of the Aragonese prince. Paladinić’s panegyric follows the chronology of Frederick’s life, but mentions important events of that life only in very vague terms. The main themes of the panegyric are Frederick’s activities at home and abroad; there are remarks on the dignity of the human soul, on the best form of governance, on the island of Hvar and the Paladinić family, on his travels, and on the Necessity which rules human life. Paladinić cited or mentioned a number of names from Greek and Roman Antiquity (Tibullus, Xenocrates, Porphyry of Tyre, Plotinus, Augustine, Cicero, Strabo, Polybius, Aristotle, Apuleius and Hermes Trismegistus, Seneca, Pliny the Elder, Pythagoras, Vergil); while VALERIO 2001 identified most of Paladinić’s sources, I have been able to prove that Paladinić used – without naming it – the popular Italian commentary on Petrarch’s Trionfi by Bernardo da Siena (Bernardo Illicino, ca. 1430), first printed in 1475. Of the two modern editions of Paladini’s Latin panegyric, VALERIO 2001 is more reliable philologically, while GRACIOTTI 2005 is better on the Dalmatian context, and edits both Paladini’s prose and poetry from the Valencia codex.
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Fornaciari, Gino, Silvia Marinozzi, Valentina Gazzaniga, Valentina Giuffra, Malayka Samantha Picchi, Mario Giusiani, and Massimo Masetti. "The Use of Mercury against Pediculosis in the Renaissance: The Case of Ferdinand II of Aragon, King of Naples, 1467–96." Medical History 55, no. 1 (January 2011): 109–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025727300006074.
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The hair samples of Ferdinand II of Aragon (1467–1496), King of Naples, whose mummy is preserved in the Basilica of San Domenico Maggiore in Naples, showed a high content of mercury, with a value of 827ppm. Furthermore, examination using a stereomicroscope and a scanning electron microscope (SEM) of head and pubic hairs of Ferdinand II, revealed a lice infestation. The reasons for the massive presence of the mercury in the king's hair are discussed and contemporary literature regarding the use of this metal in medical therapies and in cosmetic practices is analysed. As a result, the high value of mercury in the hair of Ferdinand II can be attributed to antipediculosis therapy, applied as a topic medicament. This case represents an important finding for the history of medicine, because demonstrates that in the Renaissance mercury was applied locally not only to treat syphilis, as well attested by direct and indirect sources, but also to prevent or eliminate lice infestation.
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Cataldi, Matteo, Vincenzo Emanuele, and Aldo Paparo. "Elettori in movimento nelle comunali 2011 a Milano, Torino e Napoli." Quaderni dell'Osservatorio elettorale QOE - IJES 67, no. 1 (June 30, 2012): 5–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-9775.
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In 2011 Italian local elections we observed high electoral mobility: in Milan, for example, the center-left gained his first-time victory in the Berlusconi era, while in Naples there was a significant split voting in the first round and a huge turnaround between the first and the second ballot. A general research question emerged: are the shifts in the results understandable trough a left-right axis (political nature hypothesis of these elections) or were there cross-cutting mechanisms (local nature hypothesis of the elections with a strong role of personal aspects)?To answer the question we analyze the voting ecological estimates in the three biggest cities involved in 2011 elections: Milan, Naples and Turin. For every matrix we generated the estimates both applying the traditional Goodman model (for the whole city and splitting by district) and the hierarchical multinomial-dirichlet model developed by Rosen, Jiang, King and Taner.The most important result of our study is the strong political polarization of the vote in the two northern cities and a great importance of the local factors in Naples, where only a dominant role of the candidates can make sense of the detected shifts in voting behaviour.
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Peco, Almir. "The 1444 Treaty between King Alfonso V of Aragon and Grand Duke Stjepan Vukčić." Journal of the Faculty of Philosophy in Sarajevo (History, History of Art, Archeology) / Radovi (Historija, Historija umjetnosti, Arheologija), ISSN 2303-6974 on-line 7, no. 2 (December 10, 2020): 73–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.46352/23036974.2020.2.73.
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This article discusses a famous agreement between King Alfonso V of Aragon
and Naples and the Grand Duke of Bosnia, Stjepan Vukčić Kosača signed on 19 February
1444, as a result of both political and millitary circumstances that had brought, in that
particular moment, the local interests of one Bosnian lord and the foreign policy plans and
ambitions of the most powerful Mediterranean ruler to the same level. It also offers a new
interpretation of this treaty in terms of its practical application, as well as its re-reading and
translation, based on a high-resolution facsimile.
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Vitolo, Paola. "Joanna I of Anjou (1343–1382)." Encyclopedia 1, no. 4 (December 8, 2021): 1303–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/encyclopedia1040097.
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Joanna I of Anjou (1325–1382), countess of Provence and the fourth sovereign of the Angevin dynasty in south Italy (since 1343), became the heir to the throne of the Kingdom of Sicily, succeeding her grandfather King Robert “the Wise” (1277–1343). The public and official images of the queen and the “symbolic” representations of her power, commissioned by her or by her entourage, contributed to create a new standard in the cultural references of the Angevin iconographic tradition aiming to assimilate models shared by the European ruling class. In particular, the following works of art and architecture will be analyzed: the queen’s portraits carved on the front slabs of royal sepulchers (namely those of her mother Mary of Valois and of Robert of Anjou) and on the liturgical furnishings in the church of Santa Chiara in Naples; the images painted in numerous illuminated manuscripts, in the chapter house of the friars in the Franciscan convent of Santa Chiara in Naples, in the lunette of the church in the Charterhouse of Capri. The church of the Incoronata in Naples does not show, at the present time, any portrait of the queen or explicit reference to Joanna as a patron. However, it is considered the highest symbolic image of her queenship.
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Maria Musella, Alessio, and Tiziana Di Cimbrini. "The role of experts in the "hierarchical observation" of a philanthropic educational institution: The case of the Conservatorio di San Pietro a Majella in Naples (19th century)." CONTABILITÀ E CULTURA AZIENDALE 24, no. 1 (June 2024): 103–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/cca2024-001006.
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Introduction: The study compares the accounting system of the Conservatorio di San Pietro a Majella (CSPM) in Naples before and after its renovation imposed by King Ferdinand II in 1856 with the royal decree of 21 July. The decree, promulgated during the political crisis of the Bourbon monarchy, was aimed at strengthening the control of this charitable-educational institution of the city of Naples, to retain power over the city. Aims of the work: The paper aims at understanding which aspects of the accounting system were used as a lever to increase control of the CSPM. Methodological approach: The paper adopts Miller and Rose's framework concerning the role of "experts" in the exercise of power, and a qualitative research method rooted in archival research as well as a case study approach. It relies on primary sources kept in the Historical Archive of the CSPM and the State Archive of Naples as well as on secondary sources reconstructing the political climate of the period under investigation. Main findings: The real novelty resulting from the reform lies in the introduction of experts into the apparatus of accounting surveillance on the CSPM, making the case study an example of the use of experts for control by political power.
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HARDI, ĐURA. "MARIA FOLLIA, A COURT LADY OF THE HUNGARIAN QUEEN ELIZABETH ŁOKIETEK, ACCOMPANYING HER MISTRESS ON A JOURNEY TO ITALY." ИСТРАЖИВАЊА, no. 29 (December 26, 2018): 48–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/i.2018.29.48-62.
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The journey and stay of the Hungarian queen Elizabeth Łokietek, mother of King Lajos the Great and widow of King Charles Robert, to the Kingdoms of Naples and Rome from June 1343 until May 1344, is a well-researched topic in historiography. On that journey the queen was accompanied, as a Hungarian chronicler noted, by her court, numerous ladies-in-waiting, girls of noble origin, Hungarian barons, knights and servants. Yet, of all the women accompanying the queen, only the identity of one of her court ladies is known, that of aristocrat Maria Follia. Her presence in the (closest) surrounding of the queen is testified by two diplomatic sources, one of Hungarian and another of Naples provenance. Maria was the widow of a recently deceased Hungarian palatine William Drugeth (who died in September 1342). The author in this paper investigates the causes and complex circumstances under which Maria Follia participated in the Italian journey of her mistress. The issue is all the more interesting since it is known that, after the death of palatine William, the Drugeth family, until then the most powerful Hungarian baron family, lost their wealth, fortune and positions in the royal court. One of the possible answers to this question is a conclusion that the palatine’s widow, independent of her husband’s family, stayed in good relations with Queen Elizabeth and kept her positions in the royal court.
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Vagnoni, Mirko. "Robert of Anjou (1309–1343)." Encyclopedia 1, no. 3 (August 16, 2021): 812–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/encyclopedia1030062.
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Robert of Anjou King of Sicily (1309–1343). Robert of Anjou was the third king of the Angevin dynasty on the throne of Sicily. He ruled from 1309 to 1343, but, in these years, Sicily was under the domain of the Aragonese dynasty and, hence, his authority was limited to the continental land of the Kingdom and his court was mainly focused in the city of Naples. From an iconographic point of view, he is particularly interesting because, between his official representations (namely, commissioned directly by him or his entourage), he was the first king of Sicily who made use not only of stereotyped images of himself, but also of physiognomic portraits. In particular, this entry focuses on these latter items, comprising the following four artworks: Simone Martini’s altarpiece, the Master of Giovanni Barrile’s panel, the Master of the Franciscan tempera’s canvas, and the so-called Lello da Orvieto’s fresco.
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Anna Noto, Maria. "Charles of Bourbon, King of Naples: the Royal Sites and the Representation of Sovereignty." CHEIRON, no. 2 (February 2019): 201–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/che2017-002008.
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Marchetti, Antonio, Silvia Pellegrini, Generoso Bevilacqua, and Gino Fornaciari. "K-RAS mutation in the tumour of Ferrante I of Aragon, King of Naples." Lancet 347, no. 9010 (May 1996): 1272—nil. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(96)90798-9.
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Grgin, Borislav. "Kraljica Beatrica Aragonska i ugarsko-hrvatsko-napuljski odnosi u posljednjoj četvrtini 15. stoljeća." Radovi Zavoda za hrvatsku povijest Filozofskoga fakulteta Sveučilišta u Zagrebu 52, no. 3 (December 14, 2020): 189–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.17234/radovizhp.52.24.
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Based on published sources and relevant secondary literature, this paper attempts to present a comprehensive overview of the historical role of, and actions connected to, the Hungarian and Croatian Queen Beatrice of Aragon (she was queen in the last quarter of the fifteenth century). The bulk of the analysis focuses on her role in the external political affairs of the Hungarian-Croatian Kingdom at the time. The other part covers her role and activities in connection to the medieval Croatian lands. Until now, historiography focused primarily on her role in the spread and development of Renaissance culture in the Hungarian court and its various manifestations throughout the kingdom. One might conclude that the main reason for the queen’s complete marginalization at the beginning of the sixteenth century, as well as her ultimate return to her native Italy, was first of all her inability to produce a legitimate heir to the throne, both for King Matthias Corvinus and for King Wladyslaw II. The second major reason was the shift in King Wladyslaw’s foreign policy priorities at the turn of the sixteenth century. It would be important for Croatian historiography to further research various modes and forms of contact between the members of the Croatian social elite and Naples through Queen Beatrice’s mediation. In this respect, the leading Croatian magnates, namely the Frankapani, played a special role. Thanks to the queen, the Hungarian-Croatian Kingdom of that time in many occasions found itself involved, volens-nolens, in the troubled, mutable and often contradictory mutual relations between the main Italian centres of power, as willing or coerced allies of the queen’s Neapolitan relatives. However, such an external political orientation of the kingdom was completely abandoned after 1500. It then became clear that, in the meantime, the Adriatic had definitively turned into the Golfo di Venezia and that Naples did not have the necessary forces to alter that situation in alliance with Hungary and Croatia. King Wladyslaw realized that continued reliance on the Aragonese was a losing prospect, while at the same time Ottoman pressure on the kingdom’s south-eastern frontiers mounted and rivalry with the Habsburgs in Central Europe intensified. Therefore, the king ruthlessly expelled Beatrice back to her native Italy, with significant papal support. All of this stands in sharp contrast to the stereotypical popular image of King Wladyslaw as an indolent and indifferent ruler.
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Marazzi, Massimiliano, Natalia Bolatti Guzzo, and Leopoldo Repola. "Neue Untersuchungen zu den Felsreliefs von Sirkeli." Altorientalische Forschungen 46, no. 2 (November 6, 2019): 214–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2019-0015.
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Abstract The rock reliefs of Sirkeli represent an important testimony among the Hittite monuments with hieroglyphic inscriptions. In addition to the relief of King Muwatalli, a second relief was identified in 1994, whose hieroglyphic inscription seemed irretrievably lost. Based on a cooperation between the Swiss Archaeological Mission at Sirkeli and the Centro Interistituzionale Euromediterraneo of the University Suor Orsola in Naples, a 3D survey with technologically advanced instruments was carried out in 2017. This contribution presents the first results of this project and the new perspectives that they offer for further research.
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Soranzo, Matteo. "Reading Marsilio Ficino in Quattrocento Italy. The Case of Aragonese Naples." Quaderni d'italianistica 32, no. 2 (April 9, 2012): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/q.i..v32i2.16307.
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This essay focuses on the reception of Marsilio Ficino’s works and ideas in Naples at the time of the Aragonese domination, and it offers a preliminary discussion of this neglected area of Renaissance Neoplatonism. Based on a contextualization of Ficino’s letters to Giovanni d’Aragona, four manuscripts produced at the Aragonese library and other pieces of evidence such as Pierantonio Caracciolo’s Farsa de l’Imagico and Giovanni Pontano’s dialogue Actius, it argues that the works and ideas of Marsilio Ficino did circulate at king Ferrante’s court, but were criticized by Giovanni Pontano and his elite of followers. In particular, the essay provides new evidence about the existence of a Ficinian workshop based at the King’s library, and about some of its protagonists such as the scribe and scholar Ippolito Lunense.
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Isailović, Neven. "Partnerstvo u pokušaju – temeljne značajke odnosa Alfonsa V. i Stjepana Vukčića Kosače." Radovi Zavoda za hrvatsku povijest Filozofskoga fakulteta Sveučilišta u Zagrebu 52, no. 3 (December 14, 2020): 37–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.17234/radovizhp.52.30.
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The relationship between King Alfonso V of Aragon during his reign in Naples (1442-1458) with the Bosnian Grand Voivode and later Duke Stjepan (Stephen) Vukčić Kosača has been the topic of numerous research papers and monographs, but there are still possibilities for further insights on this matter. Along with Skanderbeg and Serbian Despot Đurađ (George) Branković, Kosača was considered the most prominent ally of the Neapolitan king, although the results of their cooperation were relatively modest at the level of military projects and foreign policy, and significantly greater in terms of commerce and exchanges of cultural models and political symbolism. This paper provides an overview of all aspects of the relationship between Alfonso V and Stjepan Vukčić, with particular emphasis on issues which remained insufficiently clarified or ignored by previous researchers. This includes the development of diplomacy and court culture, Vukčić’s ducal title, marital strategies and economic ties between Bosnia and Apulia. It may be concluded that the partnership was most likely initiated at Kosača’s initiative because both parties shared enmity for Venice, and the Bosnian magnate was under attack from various sides in 1443 and 1444. After ten years, the pact was renewed in 1454 after the fall of Constantinople, when the Ottoman threat became a regional problem. However, no mutual Crusade was ever organised. In the meantime, Alfonso helped Stjepan in mediation with the key players in South East European politics, but also by providing him with mercenaries and, occasionally, with more limited naval support. Kosača refrained from taking part in the war between Naples and Venice (1449-1450), while Alfonso similarly did not come to Stjepan’s aid in his war against Dubrovnik (1451-1454). Both of them acted in such a way to avoid trouble in their own states. Meanwhile, Grand Voivode Stjepan assumed the title of Duke of St. Sava, possibly influenced by his relations with his Neapolitan senior. He and his courtiers, especially those acting as ambassadors, acquired knighthood and membership in Neapolitan (and other) chivalric orders. It is also possible that Duke Stjepan’s second wife, Barbara de Payró, was of Catalan origin, although this is little more than speculation. Commerce was based on the trade in people and goods. The Kingdom of Naples, especially Apulia, could offer grain, salt and wool, but also mercenaries and military equipment, while Bosnia supplied Alfonso’s kingdom with lead and “slaves,” usually used as household servants. The relationship forged by King Alfonso and Duke Stjepan was maintained by their heirs and it ended only in 1480s, when the land of the Kosačas was completely overrun by the Ottomans.
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Luscombe, David. "François De Meyronnes and Hierarchy." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 9 (1991): 225–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900001952.
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François de Meyronnes, of the Order of St Francis, has long been respected as an important figure in the history of later medieval philosophy and theology, but Père de Lapparent, in 1940-2, first revealed in full the vigour and the extent to which François also devoted himself, in his teaching and publishing and in his other activities, to the cause of the Angevin Kingdom of Naples. François was born in Angevin territory, at Meyronnes, near Barcelonnette, in the valley of the Ubaye in Provence. He studied under Duns Scotus in Paris and taught there alongside Pierre Roger, later Pope Clement VI. On 24 May 1323 Pope John XXII wrote to the Chancellor of the University, at the request of Robert, King of Sicily (1309-43), to ask for the licentia docendi to be bestowed upon François, who was then Bachelor of Theology. John XXII also sought François’ opinion on the question of the poverty of Christ and of the Apostles before publishing the Bull Quia quorundam (19 November 1324), and in the same year, 1324, he sent François to Gascony with instructions to negotiate peace between King Charles the Fair and King Edward II of England.
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D'Amora, Rosita. "Gift Exchanging Practices between the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies and the Ottoman Empire: ‘Cose Turche’ and Strange Animals." Cromohs - Cyber Review of Modern Historiography 24 (June 8, 2022): 108–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/cromohs-13645.
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Between August 1741 and the spring of 1743, following the conclusion of a treaty between the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies and the Porte, Naples became the stage of a series of attentively choreographed events starring two special guests: Hacı Hüseyin Efendi, an envoy of the sultan Mahmud I and an elephant, presented as a sultan's gift to the King Charles of Bourbon. Both guests became a public spectacle, aroused great curiosity, and generated many written and visual responses. Resorting to both the Neapolitan court-sponsored textual and visual reconstructions and to unpublished archival documents, this article shows how the both on- and off-stage performances arranged to present the envoy, and the sultan's gifts, had the clear intent of leaving a long-lasting impression on the new Ottoman ally, but also aimed to assert the power of the Bourbon king inspiring sentiments of wonder, admiration and devotion in his subjects.
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Schinto, Jeanne. ""Deviled Ham Untouched by Hands": Food-Related Vintage Stereoviews." Gastronomica 2, no. 4 (2002): 53–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2002.2.4.53.
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This is an essay about depictions of food in vintage stereoviews, i.e., three-dimensional photographs mass-marketed in the 19th and early 20th centuries. The piece, illustrated with striking examples from the author's collection, offers a look at a unique resource. Images include meat processors working in Chicago at the time of Upton Sinclair;Italians drying spaghetti on racks in the streets of Naples; East-End Londoners readying themselves for a banquet to honor King Edward VII; and a Liberty Bell made entirely of California apples. The author introduces to Gastronomica's readers this immensely rich,largely undiscovered store of visual information about food history and culture.
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Fonseca, Adir. "The king and the beast: Political and poetic shifts in Boccaccio's Alcestus." Forum Italicum: A Journal of Italian Studies 56, no. 1 (February 25, 2022): 3–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00145858221078839.
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Alcestus is the sixth among fifteen eclogues in Giovanni Boccaccio's Buccolicum carmen (c. 1362–63). Like most poems in this book, Alcestus presents an allegorical narrative based upon a specific historical episode. More particularly, Alcestus takes the form of a political panegyric in honour of Louis of Taranto (the husband of Queen Johanna), who returned to Naples in 1348, after a long conflict involving a vendetta for the murder of Andrew of Hungary (Johanna's first husband), in 1345. This article aims to offer, first, an overview of Boccaccio's Alcestus; and then, provide a closer examination of this work. Taking into consideration its historical background, as well as its literary strategies, I will focus on the different kinds of shifts that emerge in the text – from winter to spring, absence to return, sorrow to happiness, and peace to fear. As I will try to demonstrate, these shifts, besides reflecting the political instability that marked the Neapolitan Trecento, also reveal Boccaccio's literary models for this eclogue – mainly Virgil's Eclogues 5 and 8.
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Coronella, Stefano, Gianluca Risaliti, Teresa Izzo, and Ludovica Evangelista. "Management of the Neapolitan Public Banks' Crisis in the Late XVIIIth Century: The Model of "Banco Generale" as an Instrument of Going Concern Settlement." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 19, no. 22 (August 31, 2023): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2023.v19n22p93.
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The troubled political and financial events of the Kingdom of Naples under the Bourbon dominion in the late 18th century outline the environmental perimeter in which the business phenomenon, subject of this investigation, will be deepened: the unification of the Neapolitan public banks under the shared aegis of “National Bank of Naples” in 1794. The analysis will aim to examine thoroughly the complex reasons underlying the last and irreversible crisis of the ancient Neapolitan public banks highlighting how the structural, functional as well as conceptual characteristics of these institutes changed in response to the socio-economic scenario shifts. Particularly, the contribution intends to critically discuss the social and political implications of the extensive reform promulgated by the central government, under King Ferdinand IV, for the restoration of the Neapolitan banking system.
The normative corpus was reconstucted basing on a large collection of primary sources, collated through meticulous archival research, and secondary ones, arising from historiographical and academic literature. For this purpose, the work integrates into the research unit of History of Companies and Public Institution, by adopting a theoretical perspective of historical-administrative origins. According to the examined sources, the inadequacy of the royal measures led to a deep systemic crisis, which resulted to be fatal for the ancient Neapolitan banks.
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Allinson, Louise. "Two Accounts for the Chapel of René of Anjou (1449–54)." Royal Musical Association Research Chronicle 26 (1993): 59–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14723808.1993.10540962.
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René of Anjou (1409–80) was a major figure in the French royal family in the fifteenth century. He inherited some of his titles and lands from his brother Louis III, held previously by his father Louis II and grandfather Louis I (the second son of John II, King of France). But marriage and politics had also increased the wealth and power of the Angevins, adding to the Dukedom of Anjou the Dukedoms of Lorraine and of Bar, the County of Provence, the Kingdoms of Sicily and of Naples, and the title of King of Jerusalem. In the later phases of the Anglo-French conflicts of the fifteenth century René initially supported the Anglo-Burgundian alliance, but later (by 16 July 1429) he transferred his allegiance to the French crown. Captured by the Burgundians at the Battle of Bulgneville on 2 July 1431, he was held prisoner at Dijon until 1437. He was granted provisional liberty between 1432 and 1434, and again in 1435, and was finally released in 1437 after payment of a large ransom.
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Năstăsoiu, Dragoş Gh. "Symbolic Actions and Anti-royal Propaganda during a Political Crisis." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 66, no. 1 (2021): 179–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2021.111.
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On Christmas Eve 1402, Hungarian noblemen gathered in the Cathedral of Nagyvárad, where St. Ladislas’ tomb was located, and swore an oath on the holy king’s relics. They proclaimed thus their allegiance to King Ladislas of Naples and conspired against the ruling King Sigis mund of Luxemburg. By swearing an oath on St. Ladislas’ relics, the conspirators united their minds and forces around the ideal figure of the holy king and knight who became the symbol of a political cause and the embodiment of the kingdom which King Sigismund was no longer suited to represent. The symbolic gesture of oath-swearing on St. Ladislas’ relics took place in the midst of a three-year political crisis (1401–1403) that seized the Kingdom of Hungary as a consequence of the barons’ dissatisfaction with King Sigismund’s measures, which jeopardized their wealth and political influence. By relying on both written accounts and visual sources, the present paper examines the utilizing by Hungarian noblemen during this political crisis of important political and spiritual symbols associated with the Kingdom of Hungary. These included: the cults, relics, and visual representations of St. Ladislas, the Hungarian Holy Crown, or the kingdom’s heraldry. The propagandistic usage of these spiritual and political symbols was reinforced by their insertion into elaborated rituals and symbolic actions, such as coronations or oath-swearing on relics. By activating the link between secular and religious spheres through these rituals and symbolic actions, their performers hoped to attract the divine approval. By discussing such instances, the present paper seeks to illustrate how the ideal figure of St. Ladislas became the catalyzing force behind a political cause.
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Maléth, Ágnes. "The Legation of Gui de Boulogne in the Hungarian Kingdom." Specimina Nova Pars Prima Sectio Medaevalis 10 (April 27, 2022): 95–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/spmnnv.2019.10.05.
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Following the first Italian campaign of Louis I, the papal court tried to prevent the Hungarian king from attacking the Kingdom of Naples for the second time. Pope Clement VI sent a prominent member of the papal curia as legatus a latere to Louis I to negotiate: Gui de Boulogne, cardinal presbyter of S. Caecilia. As the consequence of the shortness of his stay in the Hungarian Kingdom, the legatine activity of the cardinal has rather been neglected by the historiography until now. The main aim of this present study is therefore to examine Gui dé Boulogne’s légation in Hungary in detail, as well as to propose a new approach for the analysis and consider the topic from the institutional-historical point of view.
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Corp, Edward. "STUART AND STUARDO: JAMES III AND HIS NEAPOLITAN COUSIN." Papers of the British School at Rome 83 (September 16, 2015): 221–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246215000094.
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King Charles II's first illegitimate son, the little-known Jacques de La Cloche, married a lady in Naples and had a posthumous son, born in 1669 and known as Don Giacomo Stuardo. Although his father was illegitimate and he himself a Catholic, Stuardo hoped that he might one day become King of England. The Glorious Revolution resulted in opposition between supporters of the Protestant Succession to the British thrones and supporters of the exiled Catholic Stuarts, James II and then his son James III. When the Protestant Queen Anne was succeeded by the unpopular Hanoverian George I in 1714, James III was still unmarried and had no children, so Stuardo hoped that James might recognize him as the Jacobite heir. When James married and had two sons, Stuardo hoped that his cousin would at least receive him as a Stuart prince. All his attempts to meet James III and secure recognition were unsuccessful, and he died disappointed and in poverty in about 1752. In the tercentenary of the Hanoverian Succession, enough archival information finally has emerged to provide a study of the life of this alternative claimant to the British thrones.
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Crowe, Fletcher. "The Voynich Manuscript: Decoded." Journal of Historical Archaeology & Anthropological Sciences 7, no. 3 (November 22, 2022): 94–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.15406/jhaas.2022.07.00262.
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The Voynich Manuscript (VM) is an illustrated codex hand-written in a unique writing system whose pages have been carbon-dated to 1404-1438 CE. The document has been studied by numerous cryptographers, but until this time no one has demonstrably deciphered the text. The Voynich Manuscript has been called "The World's Most Mysterious Manuscript" and "The Book Nobody Can Read.” Sections of the manuscript appear to deal with strange plants and flowers, naked women lounging in pools of water, celestial bodies such as stars, the moon and the Sun, and kitchen spices and herbs. This research shows that the strange Voynich symbols code for Arabic. An equivalency table between Arabic letters and the Voynich characters is developed, and large sections of the Voynich text are translated, including pages picturing flowers, stars, spices and women. A 600-word dictionary of Arabic-Voynich-English was developed. Translation reveals that the text deals exclusively with the Cathars, a religious heresy prominent in the south of France in the 12th – 13th centuries. A hypothesis is developed that the patron funding production of the Voynich Manuscript may have been Alfonso V, king of Aragon/Catalonia and, King of Naples.
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Prof. Asoc. Dr. Muhamet Qerimi. "The City Of Durres Under The Anjou’s Rule 1272-1320." Journal of Namibian Studies : History Politics Culture 35 (August 10, 2023): 4060–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.59670/jns.v35i.4364.
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Expelled from Constantinople by Michael Palaiologos, Baudouin gives back to the king of Naples, Charles Anjou, the direct possession of the lands that the despot Michael had given to his daughter, Helen, when she married Manfred (1267). These lands given for dowry, consist of Butrint, Sibot, Kanina, Vlora and Corfu. Michael Palaiologos died in 1270 and, a year later, confident in his right, Charles Anjouine, sent Jean Clare to take possession of these lands.
Independent themselves of the emperors of Constantinople, the inhabitants of Durres and the suburbs offer their obedience to Charles Anjou, provided they are guaranteed their old privileges. Charles gives them all the inherited rights, and when the Palaiologans later wanted to regain Durrës, the population of Durrës fought against the army of the Byzantine Empire.
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DOMÍNGUEZ, JOSÉ MARÍA. "Corelli, Politics and Music during the Visit of Philip V to Naples in 1702." Eighteenth Century Music 10, no. 1 (February 6, 2013): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478570612000371.
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ABSTRACTThis article discusses and places in historical context a newly discovered set of letters between Cardinal Pietro Ottoboni and his agent in Naples during the visit of King Philip V of Spain to the city in 1702. These letters, in part transcribed in an Appendix, clarify several details concerning Corelli's visit to the city and confirm that he was accompanied by the violinist Matteo Fornari as well as by a third musician, the cellist Pippo Amadei, instead of G. L. Lulier, as hitherto supposed. With new facts that augment information already known from other sources, such as the correspondence of Cardinal Francesco Maria de' Medici, the article sheds new light on disputes that occurred at this time between other musicians and their patrons, such as those involving G. B. Stuck and the Giudice family. Considering these facts in the wider context of the War of the Spanish Succession, I argue that Corelli's visit was the subject of significant political calculations on the part of Cardinal Ottoboni and members of the Spanish and Neapolitan nobility.
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Jordano Barbudo, María Ángeles. "Henry II of Trastámara (1366–1367, 1369–1379)." Encyclopedia 2, no. 1 (January 24, 2022): 237–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/encyclopedia2010015.
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Henry II of Castile, also known as Henry of Trastámara, from the Latin “Tras Tamaris” (or beyond the Tambre River), King of Castile and León (1366–1367, 1369–1379) was the first king of the Trastámara Dynasty. In summary, it was a minor branch of the house of Burgundy (or an “Iberian extension” of it), with presence in the kingdoms of Castile, Aragon, Navarre, and Naples. Most notably, it began playing an essential role in the kingdom of Castile, but after the Compromise of Caspe, its power extended decisively to the kingdom of Aragon (1412). Henry II was the illegitimate son of Alfonso XI and his lover Leonor de Guzmán. He waged a civil war against his stepbrother, Peter I, legitimate heir to the throne, as the son of Alfonso XI and Maria of Portugal, Queen of Castile. Henry’s determination to be recognized as king led him to employ the arts in a campaign to discredit his stepbrother and tarnish his image, portraying himself as a defender of the faith with the right to rule. He built the Royal Chapel (1371) in the main church of Córdoba (today’s Mosque/Cathedral) for the burial of his father and grandfather, Ferdinand IV, in order to underscore his connection to the royal line, and refurbished the Puerta del Perdón (Gate of Forgiveness) in 1377, the main entrance to the church, for use as a dramatic stage for public events.
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Kiss, Gergely. "Staying in the Family? The Role of the Vienne Kinship in Reclaiming the Neapolitan Heritage under King Charles I." Hungarian Historical Review 13, no. 1 (2024): 3–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.38145/2024.1.3.
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Recent years of research have provided a much clearer understanding of the diplomatic relations of King Charles I. In the dynastic relations of the Angevin rulers of Hungary, the building and exploitation of kinship ties can be seen as an important tool. In this context, previous studies have completely neglected the role of Charles I’s two sisters, Beatrix and Clementia, although the former, as the wife of John II, dauphin of Vienne, and the latter, as the wife of the French king Louis X, had considerable diplomatic potential. The present study examines in more detail the network of relationships that developed through Beatrix. Beatrix is perhaps the more significant of the two sisters in part relations with Clementia were much more limited and also because attempts to recover the Neapolitan inheritance were more indirect in the relations with Clementia. This was not the case with the kinship of Vienne, through which Charles I tried to assert the interests of the Angevins of Hungary in the Neapolitan throne. The present study aims to show the role played by Beatrix’s husband, John II, lord of Tour de Pins, dauphin of Vienne, and his younger son, Humbert II, in achieving the objectives of the Angevins of Naples in Hungary.
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Belozerskaya, Marina. "Jan Van Eyck's Lost Mappamundi-a Token of Fifteenth-Century Power Politics." Journal of Early Modern History 4, no. 1 (2000): 45–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006500x00132.
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AbstractAccording to Bartholomco Fazio, humanist and secretary to King Alfonso I of Naples, Jan van Eyck painted a mappamundi for Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy. The passage regarding this map appears in De viris illustribus, a eulogy of great men of the fifteenth century, and furnishes the only record of this work. The brevity and ambiguity of Fazio's description have prompted scholars to debate the appearance, location, function, and even the authorship of the elusive map. In this article I not only revisit these problems, refuting previous conjectures, but seek to go further in order to gain a wider view of this lost work by a renowned master at the nexus of cartography, diplomacy, commerce, religion, and learning that linked fifteenth-centuty Europe into a community of shared tastes, interests, and concerns-perspectives from which it has not been addressed.
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Qerimi, Muhamet, and Fidan Zeneli. "The State of The Topiaj During 14th Century." Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental 18, no. 5 (March 13, 2024): e05400. http://dx.doi.org/10.24857/rgsa.v18n5-006.
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Purpose: The paper provides historical context on the Topias family's role in Naples' political and religious landscape, detailing their break from Byzantium, alliances with Anjouans, and power dynamics.
Methods: The paper discusses the Topias family's historical context, indicating that historical scholars used a combination of archival research, primary source analysis, comparative analysis, contextualization, and narrative storytelling to understand their interactions, relationships, and historical context. These methods were likely used to gather and analyze information about the family's history.
Results and Conclusion: The paper provides a narrative account of the Topias family's historical significance, their break from Byzantium, and their role as vassals to the king of Naples. It highlights their resilience and adaptability in medieval European politics, highlighting the complex dynamics of political and religious spheres.
Research implications: The paper provides a rich historical account of the Topias family, highlighting their political strategies, interfaith relations, vassalage, Anjouan influence in the Balkans, and the influence of clergy in politics. It also highlights the importance of examining the historical narrative and its potential to contribute to ongoing scholarly discussions on medieval European history, politics, and culture.
Originality/value: The paper provides valuable insights into medieval Balkan politics, interfaith relations, and vassalage dynamics in medieval Europe. It focuses on lesser-known actors like the Topias family, their religious conversion, Angevin influence in the Balkans, and the complexities of feudal relationships. The narrative also highlights the intersection of clerical and political power, enhancing our understanding of medieval governance and interfaith relations.
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Tetaj, Luan. "Interegional Assembly of Mat 1594." Human and Social Studies 7, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/hssr-2018-0002.
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Abstract On November 7, 1594, an Assembly was held in the Monastery of St. Mary in Mat, and was attended by “Governors and General Guardians of the Macedonian and Albanian Kingdoms”. The Assembly was attended by leaders representing the Albanian provinces, such as: Gjergj Skura from Rodoni, Gjek Lalësi from Dukagjini, Vlash Koreshi from Kruja, Domenik Jonima from Mati, Jeronim Mamëli from Elbasan, and bishops of Stefaniakë and Sapas etc. A detailed project was drafted for the liberation of the country from the Ottoman invaders, addressed to the Western nations, to the Pope, the Kingdom of Naples etc. in order to seek material and military support. The action plan and the demands examined during the assembly meeting were entrusted to Tomë Plezha as the almighty delegate of the Pope to the king of Spain and other European princes. It was thought that he had authority over the peoples of these parts.
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Fornaciari, Gino, Valentina Giuffra, Silvia Marinozzi, Malayka Samantha Picchi, and Massimo Masetti. ""Royal" pediculosis in Renaissance Italy: lice in the mummy of the King of Naples Ferdinand II of Aragon (1467-1496)." Memórias do Instituto Oswaldo Cruz 104, no. 4 (July 2009): 671–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0074-02762009000400026.
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Năstăsoiu, Dragoş Gh. "Royal Saints, Artistic Patronage, and Self-representation among Hungarian Noblemen." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 66, no. 3 (2021): 810–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2021.308.
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During the 1401–1403 political crisis in the Kingdom of Hungary, the magnates who were hostile to the ruling King Sigismund of Luxemburg and supported instead the Angevin King Ladislas of Naples deployed a wide range of propaganda tools for proving the legitimacy of their political cause. In a previous study published in this journal (Vestnik of SPbSU. History, 2021, vol. 66, issue 1, рp. 179–192), I have focused on the Hungarian noblemen’s anti-royal propaganda through the utilizing of political and spiritual symbols (i. e., the Holy Crown of Hungary and the cult, relics, and visual representations of St. Ladislas), symbolic actions (coronations and oath-swearing on holy relics), and heraldic self-representation (the Árpádian double cross). The present study approaches the same topic of anti-royal propaganda in the troubled political context of the early 15th century, but from the perspective of the elites’ self-representation strategies via the cult of Hungarian royal saints, artistic patronage, and heraldic self-representation. The two leaders of the anti-royal movement, Archbishop of Esztergom John Kanizsai and Palatine of Hungary Detre Bebek, repeatedly commissioned works of art (i.e., seals, stained-glass windows, and wall paintings) which featured prominently the images of the three Holy Kings of Hungary (Sts Stephen, Emeric, and Ladislas) or displayed the realm’s coat of arms (the Árpádian two-barred cross). The reliance of John Kanizsai and Detre Bebek on the cults and images of the patron saints of the country blended harmoniously the commissioners’ personal piety with their political ambitions. In the context of the early-15th century political crisis, the appropriation of the ideal figures of the sancti reges Hungariae became the driving force behind the Hungarian noblemen’s political cause.
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Bliznyuk, Svetlana V. "Letter of King Hugh IV of Cyprus and its Interpretation in the 17th-Century Russian Literature." Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 23, no. 2 (2021): 96–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2021.23.2.028.
Full textAbstract:
This article contains two sources concerning the history of Russia and Cyprus: an unknown and previously unpublished letter of King Hugh IV of Lusignan of Cyprus to Giovanna, Queen of Naples, and a work of an unknown Russian author of the seventeenth century about the victory of the Cypriot Christian army over the Turks. A textual and comparative analysis of both sources carried out in the article proves a borrowing of information by the Russian author from the letter of the Cypriot king. The work of the anonymous author is an almost liberal literary translation of Hugh’s letter. At the same time, the Russian translator did not borrow the plot of the letter directly, but most likely through later Cypriot literature, in which the story told by the Cypriot king was probably extremely popular. The events of the history of Cyprus of different times intertwine in the Russian text in order to show the heroic past of Cyprus. The Russian author dates his story to 552 and connects it with Emperor Justinian I, the most revered and heroic Byzantine ruler. He cannot separate the history of Cyprus from the history of Byzantium, just as the Cypriot and Greek-Byzantine authors of the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries could not do it. However, both texts speak of Latin Crusaders, who are fighting against the Turks under the leadership of the King of Cyprus. The Russian author remains faithful to the Orthodox tradition of rejection of the idea of crusades and replaces the idea of martyrdom of a crusader in the name of the Lord with heroic battle scenes traditional for Russian literature. He acknowledges that warriors are fighting for the Christian faith and for the church but denies the idea of guaranteed salvation and eternal life for military feats. At the end of the article, the full text of the letter of Hugh IV of Lusignan based on a manuscript of the fifteenth century kept in the manuscript department of the Bavarian State Library is published.
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Mandel, Michael. "A Brief History of the New Constitutionalism, or “How We Changed Everything So That Everything Would Remain the Same”." Israel Law Review 32, no. 2 (1998): 250–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700015661.
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The Italians have a word for what I want to say about modern constitutionalism: “gattopardesco,” that is “leopardesque”, not as in the animal but as in the novelThe Leopardby Tomasi di Lampedusa. The novel is about a noble Sicilian family at the time of the unification of Italy in the mid-nineteenth century. Italian unification was mainly a matter of the northern Savoy monarchy of Piemonte conquering the peninsula and vanquishing the various other monarchs, princes, etc., including the Bourbon rulers of Sicily and Naples. But there were other elements about and stirring up trouble, anti-monarchist and even socialist elements. In a scene early in the novel, the Sicilian Prince of Salina, the main character, is shocked to learn that his favourite nephew, Tancredi Falconeri, is off to join the invading northerners. He remonstrates with the boy:You're crazy, my son. To go and put yourself with those people … a Falconeri must be with us, for the King.
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Špoljarić, Luka. "Zov partenopejskih princeza: Kosače i Frankapani u bračnim pregovorima s napuljskim kraljem Ferranteom." Radovi Zavoda za hrvatsku povijest Filozofskoga fakulteta Sveučilišta u Zagrebu 52, no. 3 (December 14, 2020): 121–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17234/radovizhp.52.29.
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In 1471-1472 Ferrante King of Naples (r. 1458-1494) ushered in an ambitious political program with clear imperial overtones. This project was centered (at least initially) on countering the Ottoman advance and was based on a complex system of marriage alliances set up through Ferrante’s numerous legitimate and illegitimate children as well as his nieces. This paper shows how Ferrante used his nieces, the daughters born of his sister Eleonora and the disgraced baron Marino Marzano, to draw in a select group of magnates from the eastern, “Illyrian” coast of the Adriatic. These were magnates with previous connections to the Aragonese regime that had been established by Ferrante’s father, Alfonso King of Aragon and Naples (r. 1416/1442-1458). However, after the Ottoman conquest of Bosnia in 1463, they found themselves in a desperate state, as they came under pressure not only from Ottoman raids but also from the centralizing politics of their overlords. Vlatko Kosača, Duke of St. Sava, an Ottoman tributary; Count Stjepan Frankapan of Modruš, a subject of the King of Hungary; and Count Ivan Frankapan of Krk, a Venetian vassal. This paper examines the political circumstances that drove these magnates to respond to Ferrante’s calls and traces the dynamic of the marriage negotiations that transpired between them. The marriage negotiations of Vlatko Kosača are by far the best attested of the three and seem to have been carried out with the least obstacles. Drawing on previously unpublished or simply unknown sources (published in Appendix 1), this paper reconstructs the complex three-way communication that transpired from December of 1472 till June of 1473 between the Neapolitan court, Duke Vlatko in (Herceg-)Novi, and, finally, Vlatko’s sister Catherine, the exiled Queen of Bosnia, who, together with Nicholas bishop of Modruš, helped broker the deal from Rome. The result was the marriage of Duke Vlatko and Ferrante’s niece Margherita Marzano, celebrated in May of 1474. Ivan Frankapan of Krk and Stjepan Frankapan of Modruš established direct contacts with the Neapolitan court as early as October of 1472, when an unnamed Neapolitan envoy — perhaps Ferrante’s resident ambassador in Venice, Anello Arcamone — arrived in Croatia as part of the joint Venetian-papal-Neapolitan mission to reconcile the Croatian magnates (extensive documents related to which are published in Appendix 2). It is argued, however, that both the Frankapani of Krk and the Frankapani of Modruš, much like Costanzo Sforza of Pesaro, were first presented with an opportunity to marry Ferrante’s nieces at the wedding of Ferrante’s older daughter Eleonora d’Aragona and Duke Ercole d’Este in Ferrara in July 1473, which tellingly they both attended. Their experiences with the Neapolitan court thereafter were quite different, as revealed, among other things, by new archival evidence regarding their contacts with Italian courts (the most extensive of which are published in Appendix 3). Ivan Frankapan thus seems to have begun the discussions regarding the marriage of his son Nikola with a Neapolitan princess at the end of 1473 or in the first half of 1474, making use of the growing Neapolitan-Venetian enmity over Cyprus. His plan of secretly sending his son to the Neapolitan court was, however, foiled by Venice, as was his subsequent plan to marry him off to the daughter of Ferrante’s captain general, Federico da Montefeltro. Stjepan Frankapan, on the other hand, had a tense relationship with his overlord, King Matthias of Hungary, but, though he constantly maintained independent contacts with the Italian courts, he only responded to Ferrante’s proposal after September 1474, when the Neapolitan-Hungarian marriage alliance was agreed. The result was the marriage of Stjepan’s son Bernardin to Luisa Marzano, which was celebrated in Naples in summer of 1476, just before the per procuram marriage of Beatrice d’Aragona and King Matthias. This marriage, finally, after a decade of tense relations, brought the Frankapani of Modruš back into their king’s grace. Ultimately all three lords turned to King Ferrante for political reasons and all three hoped that marriages to his nieces would also be followed by the establishments of Aragonese bridgeheads on the eastern Adriatic coast, whether south in Dubrovnik (per the hopes of the Kosače) or north in Senj (per the hopes of the Frankapani). At the same time, it is also clear that there were other non-political questions that were important to the magnates. Probably the most important was the beauty and youth of the bride; not all the Marzano sisters were considered equally attractive. Also, it is interesting that Ferrante insisted on the magnates paying the dowries themselves, since he believed that the protection and prestige that came with marrying into royalty was enough of an incentive. The fact that Bernardin Frankapan of Modruš and Vlatko Kosača agreed to this shows that they did indeed consider them an investment. In the end the Neapolitan heritage became an important element of their family identity even after the collapse of the Aragonese regime.
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Quirós Rosado, Roberto. "La construcción de un cursus honorum diplomático en tiempos de Carlos II: Francesco del Giudice (1684-1700) = The Construction of a Diplomatic Cursus Honorum in the Time of Charles II of Spain: Francesco del Giudice (1684-1700)." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie IV, Historia Moderna, no. 31 (December 14, 2018): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfiv.31.2018.21148.
Full textAbstract:
Entre los consejeros de Estado elegidos en la remesa de 1699 se encontraba un único eclesiástico, oriundo de una familia titulada del reino de Nápoles: Francesco del Giudice (1647-1725). El presente artículo ofrece una visión sistemática sobre la carrera que, tanto al servicio de los pontífices romanos como del rey de España, permitió al purpurado alcanzar uno de los mayores cargos de representación política de la Monarquía. A través de redes diplomáticas, negociados en la curia romana y clientelas fundamentadas en lealtades, correspondencias y regalos, se podrán comprender los motivos por los que Del Giudice logró el favor del cardenal Portocarrero y, por tanto, el de Carlos II en la difícil coyuntura de fin-de-siècle.Among the Spanish councilors of State chosen in 1699 was an only one churchman, who was born in a new-aristocratic family of the Kingdom of Naples: Francesco del Giudice (1647-1725). This paper offers a portrait about a career that, based on the service to the Pope and the King of Spain, allowed the cardinal to reach one of the most important dignities in the Monarchy. Through diplomatic networks, Roman politics, and strong patronages linked to loyalties, letters and gifts, it could be possible to understand the reasons why Del Giudice got the sympathy and favour of the Queen Maria Anna of Neuburg, the Cardinal Portocarrero and, of course, the King Charles II in the fin-de-siècle.
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Filipović, Emir O. "O aragonskom viteškom redu Stole i vaze u srednjovjekovnoj Bosni." Radovi Zavoda za hrvatsku povijest Filozofskoga fakulteta Sveučilišta u Zagrebu 52, no. 3 (December 14, 2020): 69–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.17234/radovizhp.52.22.
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The admittance of individuals into a chivalric order was an important tool of late medieval diplomacy which contributed significantly to the reinforcement of political and cultural ties between the order’s leader and admitted member and between their respective social circles. Therefore, this paper analyses the presence of such chivalric orders in medieval Bosnia, with special emphasis placed on the Aragonese Order of the Stole and Jar through the prism of an alliance concluded between King Alfonso V of Aragon (r. 1416-1458) and Stjepan Vukčić (r. 1435- 1466), the Grand Duke of Bosnia who later became the Duke of St. Sava. The most of the individuals admitted to this Order were diplomats who visited Alfonso’s court in Naples. However, the privileges granted to Duke Stjepan Vukčić in 1444 constitute an exceptional case. According to a preserved document, he was granted the right to accept fifty new members and provide them with the insignia of the Order. The paper further contains an analysis and transcription of the text as well as a photographic reproduction of an authorized copy of this charter.