Journal articles: 'King of norway'

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Kapitan, Katarzyna Anna. "When a King of Norway Became a King of Russia." Scandinavian Studies 94, no. 3 (October 1, 2022): 316–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/21638195.94.3.03.

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Kapitan, Katarzyna Anna. "When a King of Norway Became a King of Russia." Scandinavian Studies 94, no. 3 (2022): 316–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3368/sca.94.3.0316.

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Lombardi, Maria Cristina. "Skaldic Poetry across Borders. Sigvatr Þórðarson’s Austrfararvísur." LEA - Lingue e Letterature d'Oriente e d'Occidente 12 (December 23, 2023): 331–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/lea-1824-484x-14937.

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The Austrfararvísur (Verses on a Journey to the East) could be defined as a poem of borders: in these vísur Sigvatr Þórðarson, the skald of Óláfr the Saint, narrates his crossing of various geographical, political, and religious borders. Austrfararvísur are preserved in Snorri Sturluson’s Óláfs saga helga and concern the famous episode of Sigvatr’s visit to Västergötland, where he attempted to mediate a peace deal between King Óláfr Haraldsson of Norway and the king of Sweden. The text describes dramatic moments and inhospitable places that Sigvatr experienced in his travel from Norway to Sweden, where an immense forest still serves as a natural border today. This was also the natural border that the Norwegian dynasty traversed when, in prehistoric times, Swedish kings moved from Sweden to Norway. Now Sigvatr follows the same path, but in the opposite direction.

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Morawiec, Jakub. "Magnus Barefoot — the Last Viking King of Norway?" Średniowiecze Polskie i Powszechne 12 (December 15, 2020): 27–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/spip.2020.16.02.

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In common opinion, Harald Hardrada’s death in the battle of Stamford Bridge in 1066 is perceived as a symbolic end of the Viking Age. However, that moment could be moved to 24 August 1103, when, after ten years of his reign in Norway, Harald’s grandson, Magnus dies in an ambush in Ulster. Some of Old Norse records that describe Magnus’s reign compare both rulers and depict Magnus as the true and determined follower of his grandfather. For that reason it is not surprising that the circumstances of Magnus’s death are often shown as the fullest manifestation of that picture, including both its positive and negative facets. The king of Norway appears to be deeply interested in making his reign perceived as a direct continuation of Harald Hadrada’s times. That tendency concerns not only his political actions in general, but also the area of propaganda. The latter was in turn dominated by skalds composing for the king.

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Marti, Suzanne. "King Arthur's journey north: translation in medieval Norway." Translation Studies 6, no. 1 (January 2013): 19–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14781700.2012.721578.

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Bawer, Bruce. "Letter from Norway: It's Good to Be the King." Hudson Review 54, no. 1 (2001): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3852805.

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Coroban, Costel. "Power, ideology and piety in high medieval Norway: The King’s Mirror." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 8, no. 1 (August 15, 2016): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v8i1_2.

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This paper explores the concepts of piety and power in the work entitled Konungs skuggsjá (King’s Mirror or Speculum Regale), a writing that dates from circa 1250 issued under King Hákon Hákonarson (1217-1263) of Norway and issued for the education of his son, King Magnús lagabœtir (1263-1280). Konungs skuggsjá is utilitarian and didactic, unlike other examples of literature such as saga. It is presented in the form of a dialogue between an authoritative “Father” and the “Son” and is presumably authored by one of the priests, monks or chaplains at the Norwegian court, given the extensive theological knowledge expressed in it. The text bears similar characteristics to other pieces of mirror literature that is characteristic to the High Middle Ages. Piety, which can be considered a universal value in medieval times, was also required of kings and of all men, as The Homily Book (Hómilíubók) of the time prescribed obedience as a vital ingredient for salvation. In his exploration of Norwegian kingship in the High Middle Ages, the scholar Hans Jacob Orning begins by highlighting the difference between Christian piety, in which nothing can be asked of God in return for servitude towards him, and the old pagan beliefs, wherein the gods were often addressed various requests at occasions such as sacrifices.

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Conklin, Janine R., and James C. Sellmer. "Flower and Seed Production of Norway Maple Cultivars." HortTechnology 19, no. 1 (January 2009): 91–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/hortsci.19.1.91.

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Mature specimens of the norway maple (Acer platanoides) and cultivars Columnare, Crimson King, Emerald Queen, Faasen's Black, Globosum, and Rubrum were evaluated over a 3-year period to determine flower and seed production and to understand their invasive potential using seed yields. Flower and seed yield data were collected each year and were used to estimate whether differences existed among cultivars and if variation in these traits occurred from year to year. For this study, it was observed that norway maple cultivars differed in annual flower and seed yield and that production varied from year to year. ‘Columnare’, ‘Emerald Queen’, and the species produced many seeds, which suggest that these plants may be problematic in landscapes that adjoin natural areas. In contrast, ‘Crimson King’, ‘Globosum’, ‘Faasen's Black’, and ‘Rubrum’ were relatively low in seed yield, which make them suitable alternatives for landscape use where invasiveness is a concern to surrounding communities.

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Conklin, Janine R., and James C. Sellmer. "Flower and Seed Production of Norway Maple Cultivars." HortTechnology 19, no. 1 (January 2009): 91–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/horttech.19.1.91.

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Mature specimens of the norway maple (Acer platanoides) and cultivars Columnare, Crimson King, Emerald Queen, Faasen's Black, Globosum, and Rubrum were evaluated over a 3-year period to determine flower and seed production and to understand their invasive potential using seed yields. Flower and seed yield data were collected each year and were used to estimate whether differences existed among cultivars and if variation in these traits occurred from year to year. For this study, it was observed that norway maple cultivars differed in annual flower and seed yield and that production varied from year to year. ‘Columnare’, ‘Emerald Queen’, and the species produced many seeds, which suggest that these plants may be problematic in landscapes that adjoin natural areas. In contrast, ‘Crimson King’, ‘Globosum’, ‘Faasen's Black’, and ‘Rubrum’ were relatively low in seed yield, which make them suitable alternatives for landscape use where invasiveness is a concern to surrounding communities.

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Lățug, Diana. "Northern Norway in Viking age." Vikings: New Inquiries into an Age-Old Theme 9, no. 2 (December 15, 2017): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v9i2_3.

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The aim of this paper is to present some aspects of the image of Northern Norway in the Viking period. The article first sketches the Viking Age and its underlying causes, by also defining, in brief, the specificity of the Vikings. It continues with considerations on the creation of Norway, so as to finally outline the country’s image in the Viking Age. Aspects of navigation, language and trade are also presented in short. This entire portrayal of Northern Norway in Viking times is based on Ottar’s account about Northern Norway at the court of King Alfred. From a literary perspective, Harald Hårfagrets Saga (The Saga of Harald Fairhair) from about 850 was analysed. This saga tells the story of a Danish princess being transformed into a Norwegian woman. Thus, one encounters the myth of Northern women. All these aspects lead to a comprehensive image of Northern Norway in the Viking Age.

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Rasmussen, Tarald. "Ambiguous Memories of the Reformation: The Case of Norway." Journal of Early Modern Christianity 7, no. 2 (November 26, 2020): 287–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2020-2024.

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AbstractThe Reformation came to Norway along with Danish annexation of political and ecclesiastical power. For this reason, Norwegian history writing seldom appreciated the history of the Norwegian Reformation, and preferred to look further back to the history of the Middle Ages in search of national, as well as religious, roots of Norwegian Christianity. This was already the case in late sixteenth and early seventeenth century Norwegian historical writing. In nineteenth century historical research, the strategy was underpinned by focussing on the medieval period of Christianization: Norwegian Christianity was imported from the West, from England. Here, the Pope was not at all important. Instead, some key Reformation values were addressed in a kind of “proto-Reformation” in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The King was the ruler of the church; native, Old Norse language was used and promoted; and the people (strongly) identified themselves with their religion.

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Guttormsen, Torgrim Sneve. "Branding local heritage and popularising a remote past: The example of Haugesund in Western Norway." AP: Online Journal in Public Archaeology 4, no. 2 (January 6, 2017): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.23914/ap.v4i2.59.

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Since the national romantic era, the Haugesund region of Norway has been associated with patriotism and heroism as it is believed to be the homeland of the Viking hero Harald Fairhair, the first king of Norway. In the arrival hall at the airport outside Haugesund the passengers are today faced with the following words: “Welcome to the Homeland of the Viking Kings”. The slogan refers to official regional attraction strategies based on a late modern Viking enthusiasm, used in efforts to increase local identity, to enchant a visitor market and to brand the region, in short, to create pride and glory. In this paper, dynamics of heritage production at Haugesund are examined by emphasising how a popular and commercial past (“the experience society”) mediates public debates and conflicts, thus questioning the function experts within the field of archaeology and the cultural heritage management have in local communities.

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Dvoretsky, Alexander G., Fatima A. Bichkaeva, Nina F. Baranova, and Vladimir G. Dvoretsky. "Fatty Acids in the Eggs of Red King Crabs from the Barents Sea." Animals 14, no. 2 (January 22, 2024): 348. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ani14020348.

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The red king crab, Paralithodes camtschaticus, was introduced into the Barents Sea where, after a period of 30 years of adaptation, it has established a new population. This population has been commercially exploited over the past two decades, supporting profitable fisheries in both Russia and Norway. Biochemical studies aimed at assessing fatty acid profiles have been conducted, focusing primarily on the edible parts of red king crabs. Only recently have by-products been included in this research. Capture of female red king crabs is prohibited in Russia but is allowed in Norway. The fatty acids of the egg masses carried by these females have not yet been studied. To fill this knowledge gap, we assayed the fatty acid composition of eggs using gas–liquid chromatography. Our results showed a predominance of polyunsaturated fatty acids, while the concentrations of saturated and monounsaturated fatty acids were similar. Multivariate comparisons showed no significant differences in fatty acid profiles in terms of egg developmental stage (nauplius vs. metanauplius), habitat conditions (soft vs. hard bottoms), female size class, or number of autotomized limbs. However, individual comparisons showed some differences in fatty acids, the most important being the lower content of docosahexaenoic acid in eggs at the metanauplius stage compared to eggs at the nauplius stage, which is likely due to its essential role in the development of red king crab embryos. The total fatty acid content (53.94 mg g−1) was 2–87 times higher in eggs than in other red king crab tissues, confirming the critical role that fatty acids play in maintaining physiological processes during vitellogenesis. The high content of essential fatty acids and an optimal omega-3-to-omega-6 ratio (4.9) suggest that red king crab eggs are a good product for a healthy diet and a valuable source for extracting essential fatty acids.

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Sayers, William. "Command Performance: Coercion, Wit, and Censure in Sneglu-Halla þáttr." Mediaevistik 34, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 25–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med.2021.01.02.

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Abstract This essay traces relations between Sneglu-Halli, an Icelandic poet, and King Haraldr “harðráði” Sigurðarson of Norway as realized in episodes of Sneglu-Halla þáttr dealing with the patronage, composition, performance, and reception of poetry, and their consequences for both king and poet, reciprocity and rulership. The king commands extemporaneous verse composition but is tolerant of scurrilous comments on his person if witty and well-crafted. The necessarily quick-thinking poet must often versify in a reactive mode but succeeds in bringing not only personal agency but criticism of royal rule to the fore. The short narrative also explores the concept of tvíræði or ambivalence in verse, where the insulting runs parallel to the innocuous.

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Sayers, William. "An Ill-Tempered Axe for an Ill-Tempered Smith: The Gift of King Eiríkr blóðøx to Skallagrímr Kveldúlfsson in Egils saga Skallagrímssonar." Scandinavian-Canadian Studies 24 (December 1, 2018): 16–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/scancan136.

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ABSTRACT: Current studies on, and translations of, Egils saga Skallagrímssonar approach weapons, in particular their metallurgical composition and forged details, with little reflection of recent advances in archaeology, both classic and experimental. This results in an impoverished appreciation of both the detail of the episode in which Skallagrímr Kveldúlfsson tests a richly decorated battle axe given to him by the king of Norway and the treatment and symbolism of axes throughout the saga. This episode, complemented by subsequent axe references, reflects and reinforces the founding narrative of the settlement of Iceland and the strained relationship between Iceland and hegemonistic Norway in the thirteenth century, the likely date of the saga’s composition.

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Mundal, Else. "The Relationship between Sami and Nordic Peoples Expressed in Terms of Family Associations." Journal of Northern Studies 3, no. 2 (January 8, 2010): 25–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.36368/jns.v3i2.600.

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The article investigates motifs from medieval sources and sources from early modern times in which the relationship between the Sami people and their Nordic neighbours is expressed in terms of family associations. During Romanticism it became a custom among Scandinavians to speak about each other as broderfolk, which in English is sister nations. In Old Norse sources it was the Sami people who were spoken of as “family,” but of a slightly more distant type than siblings. Haraldr hárfagri, who united Norway, married a Sami girl, Snæfríðr. Their marriage, which was a complicated one, may be seen as a symbolic expression of the problematic and loving relationship between two peoples. The king was the foster-son of the Sami people. To express the relationship between two peoples in terms of foster-child/foster-parent relations creates a picture with a very clear symbolic meaning. The kings of Norway from Haraldr harðráði on traced their family back to a Sami girl, and the earls of Hlaðir traced their family back to Sæmingr, probably the Proto-Sami. It may have been important, at least as a symbolic expression of community, that the princely houses of Norway had family roots in both peoples of the kingdom.

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Park, Chae Haeng, Gajin Jeong, and Soon Gyu Hong. "Possible multiple introductions of Cladonia borealis to King George Island." Antarctic Science 24, no. 4 (April 3, 2012): 359–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954102012000223.

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AbstractMany lichens have extensive distributional ranges covering several climatic zones and are able to colonize extreme habitats, including high alpine and polar regions. Cladonia borealis, one of the dominant lichen species on King George Island, is a cosmopolitan species inhabiting polar, subpolar, and alpine areas. It is usually found on soil, humus, and mosses, and is morphologically highly diverse. To understand the phylogeographic history of C. borealis on King George Island, we compared specimens from there with specimens from Norway and Chile. We conducted phylogenetic and haplotype network analyses of the partial SSU, ITS1-5.8S-ITS2, and partial LSU rDNA sequences including intron sequences in LSU rRNA genes. Nuclear rDNA locus of C. borealis from King George Island was separated into two monophyletic lineages. It is suggested that they originated in multiple independent introduction events after long-distance dispersal from other continents.

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Chesta, Sergey O. "The Narrative Techniques and the Image of Cnut the Great in Deeds of the Danes." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 69, no. 2 (2024): 387–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu02.2024.209.

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The article examines the narrative techniques used by Saxo Grammaticus when creating the image of the Danish king Cnut the Great in “Deeds of the Danes” (c. 1208/1216). It focuses especially on Saxo’s intepretation of the conflict between Cnut the Great and his political opponents — King Olaf II Haraldsson of Norway and Ulf Jarl. This conflict, which led to the death of both opponents of the Danish ruler, is considered in the sources of “Deeds of the Danes” as an example of the unjust rule of Cnut the Great. The image of Cnut the Great in the “Deeds of the Danes” testifies to a decisive break with the previous historical tradition that portrayed him as a cruel ruler. The author created a narrative which discredited the enemies of the Danish king. The textual analysis reveals that Saxo Grammticus managed to achieve said effect by transferring the conflict from the political to the moral and ethical contexts, reinterpreting his sources, including messages with ambiguous interpretations in the text, removing “supernatural elements” from the story about Olaf the Saint, as well as including implicit comparison between the heroes of the narrative. One of the possible reasons for the actualization of the image of this king and his “rehabilitation” in Danish historiography is the claim of the Danish kings of the 12th — early 13th centuries to the Norwegian throne, which was once held by Cnut the Great.

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Lubik, Maciej. "Some Remarks on the Ambiguous Portrayal of Olaf Haraldsson in Snorri Sturluson’s Narrative." Średniowiecze Polskie i Powszechne 12 (December 15, 2020): 11–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/spip.2020.16.01.

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Olaf Haraldsson (Saint Olaf) made history as a king and missionary but also as one of the forefathers and patron saints of Christian Norway. His achievements have perpetuated in the folk memory of the Scandinavian peoples, making him the Eternal King of Norway (Rex Perpetuus Norvegiae) and the most distinguished figure among those Norwegian rulers whose reigns are recorded in sagas. Nevertheless, Olaf, though a saint, is depicted as a bellicose, harsh, and severely punishing ruler – a picture that seems to diverge significantly from the model of a gentle, merciful, and saintly king, widespread in the European hagiographic tradition. That twofold nature of Olaf is described in Snorri Sturluson’s narrative, as indicated earlier by Carl Phelpstead. The present study refers to the findings of that scholar and emphasizes two interrelated facets of Olaf’s picture in Snorri’s narrative: his childhood and his appearance. In the former case, Olaf is shown as a naughty child, disrespecting his stepfather, which corresponds to the posterior episode of Olaf’s return to Norway, depicted as a paraphrase of the Parable of the Prodigal Son. Snorri provides a picture of a young man who, unlike the prodigal son, fails to change his faulty nature, and that in turn influences the way he rules. In the latter case, while depicting Olaf’s appearance, Snorri seems to present his looks only partially. Although Olaf is handsome, well-built, and his face and hair have a fair shade, he is short, has a flushed face and brown hair. In this way, Snorri departs from the model of a tall ruler with a fair complexion and blond hair. However, if we take into account the older Legendary Saga, it seems that Snorri in both cases follows solutions that are deeply rooted in the oral and written tradition, and which are supposed to reflect the ambiguity characterizing the memories of Olaf kept by the peoples of Scandinavia in the generations living after his death.

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Bustnes, Jan Ove, Anders Mosbech, Christian Sonne, and Geir Helge Systad. "Migration patterns, breeding and moulting locations of king eiders wintering in north-eastern Norway." Polar Biology 33, no. 10 (May 29, 2010): 1379–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00300-010-0827-7.

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Hvingel, C., M. C. S. Kingsley, and J. H. Sundet. "Survey estimates of king crab (Paralithodes camtschaticus) abundance off Northern Norway using GLMs within a mixed generalized gamma-binomial model and Bayesian inference." ICES Journal of Marine Science 69, no. 8 (July 5, 2012): 1416–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icesjms/fss116.

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Abstract Hvingel, C., Kingsley, M.C.S., and Sundet, J.H. 2012. Survey estimates of king crab (Paralithodes camtschaticus) abundance off Northern Norway using GLMs within a mixed generalized gamma-binomial model and Bayesian inference. – ICES Journal of Marine Science, 69: . A trawl survey provides information on number and biomass of introduced king crab (Paralithodes camtschaticus) to the management of a fishery off the coast of Northern Norway; the annual catch quotas are largely set as a percentage of the survey estimate. A specially built sledge trawl was designed for the survey. It needs only small areas of trawlable bottom, performs well on a wide range of bottoms, and appears to have good catchability for benthic organisms. Many survey hauls catch no crabs and the non-zero catches have a highly skewed distribution. Data were therefore analysed with a compound model, in which separate predictors were fitted for the proportion of zero catches and for the catch size of the non-zero catches. The compound model was fitted by Bayesian methods using WinBUGS. The distribution of non-zero catches fitted well to a generalized gamma distribution, but with parameter values that made it approximate a lognormal distribution. Numbers of fishable crabs peaked in 2003, and total numbers in 2010 were about two-fifths of the 2003 maximum.

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Jónsson, Már. "Denmark-Norway as a Potential World Power in the Early Seventeenth Century." Itinerario 33, no. 2 (July 2009): 17–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300003077.

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On 2 January 1625, the English ambassador Robert Anstruther met with King Christian IV of Norway and Denmark and requested his participation in a union of Protestant states against Emperor Ferdinand II and the Catholic League in Germany. Within three days, King Christian proposed to contribute five thousand soldiers for one year, as part of an army of almost thirty thousand men. In early June, despite opposition from the Danish Council of State, reluctant to put a huge amount of money into foreign affairs, Christian decided to join what he called “the war for the defence of Lower Saxony”. He then headed an army of mercenaries southwards through Lower Saxony, secured all crossings over the river Weser and prepared to confront the Catholic forces. On 29 November, it was decided that Denmark would be in charge of military operations in Northern Germany, whereas England and the United Provinces would provide a monthly subsidy. The political and military prospects for Denmark were excellent, to say the least. It had the fourth strongest navy in Europe (after Spain and the two new allies), and only a few years before the Danish warships had been described by a French observer as “merveilles de l'océan”. A small standing army of two regiments had recently been established and Denmark was the fourth European state to do so after France, Spain and the neighbouring Sweden.

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Gansum, Terje, and Terje Oestigaard. "The Ritual Stratigraphy of Monuments that Matter." European Journal of Archaeology 7, no. 1 (2004): 61–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461957104047994.

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This article focuses on one of the two big mounds at Haugar in Tønsberg, Norway, and the role they played in the constitution of the Norwegian kingdom. The monument we will discuss is dated to the ninth century AD. We argue that the stratigraphy represents the rituals performed. There are no finds of grave-goods, but the mound contains an enormous layer of charcoal. Our ambiguity towards designating all mounds as ‘graves’ seeks to open a wider range of explanations of the symbolism in these constructions commonly defined as graves. The monuments look like symbolic charcoal kilns, necessary to the smith's iron-making. Are the symbolic charcoal kilns a materialized association of a ritual transformation of the society, embedding death, monument, charcoal and iron? According to Snorri Sturlason, two of the sons of Harald Hårfagre (Finehair), the first king of Norway, were buried in these mounds in the tenth century AD. An examination of the medieval writer Snorri illuminates the political motives and the ideological use of the mounds in the 1230s among the elite in Norway.

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Tolkachev, M. V. "TSAR FEODOR IVANOVICH ABOUT LAPLAND QUESTION IN THE BORDER DISPUTE BETWEEN RUSSIA AND DENMARK–NORWAY (ACCORDING TO TSAR’S LETTER TO DANISH KING DATED AUGUST 1585)." Izvestiya of Samara Scientific Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences. History Sciences 2, no. 3 (2020): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.37313/2658-4816-2020-2-3-5-16.

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The paper is devoted to one of subject in the Lapland Question, which was a result of territorial dispute of Russia and Denmark–Norway in European Arctic. The author examines the complex of arguments formulated by tsarist government to confirm the rights and positions of the Russian state in Lapland region (using the example of a letter from Tsar Feodor Ivanovich of August 1585), and also analyzes the counter-arguments of the King of Denmark.

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Godøy, Hallvard, Dag M. Furevik, and Stian Stiansen. "Unaccounted mortality of red king crab (Paralithodes camtschaticus) in deliberately lost pots off Northern Norway." Fisheries Research 64, no. 2-3 (November 2003): 171–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0165-7836(03)00216-9.

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Schalkhausser, Burgel, Christian Bock, Kristina Stemmer, Thomas Brey, Hans-O. Pörtner, and Gisela Lannig. "Impact of ocean acidification on escape performance of the king scallop, Pecten maximus, from Norway." Marine Biology 160, no. 8 (September 30, 2012): 1995–2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00227-012-2057-8.

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Hjelset, Ann Merete. "Fishery-induced changes in Norwegian red king crab (Paralithodes camtschaticus) reproductive potential." ICES Journal of Marine Science 71, no. 2 (September 7, 2013): 365–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icesjms/fst126.

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Abstract Hjelset, A. M. 2014. Fishery-induced changes in Norwegian red king crab (Paralithodes camtschaticus) reproductive potential. – ICES Journal of Marine Science, 71: 365–373. The introduced red king crab (Paralithodes camtschaticus) in the Barents Sea supports a valuable fishery in northern Norway. In this paper, I examine the effect of the increased harvest rate and the recently added female quota on the potential egg production of the stock. The size ranges of males and females in the period 1995–2011 were recorded, and estimated stock abundance of ovigerous females and established individual fecundity parameters from 2000–2007 were used to assess the reproductive potential of the stock from 1995–2011. The upper size ranges of males and females decreased throughout the period studied, presumably mainly due to fishing. The change in size composition among ovigerous females and functional mature males, and the reduced mean individual fecundity in the stock seem to have had a negative effect on the potential egg production of the stock.

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Hofmeister, Adolf E. "Bremen’s trade with the North Atlantic, c. 1400–1700." AmS-Skrifter, no. 27 (January 6, 2020): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/ams-skrifter.v0i27.255.

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There is little evidence of Bremen merchants in Norway before the royal charters issued from 1279 onwards, even though Bremen had been the seat of the missionary archbishop for the Nordic countries since the ninth century. Trade in Bergen in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries was dominated by the Hanseatic cities of the Baltic Sea coast led by merchants from Lübeck. Despite opposition from Hanseatic merchants sailing to Bergen, merchants from Hamburg and Bremen developed new trading posts to barter cod on Iceland and Shetland in the fifteenth century. Traders from Hamburg and Bremen on Iceland competed for licences issued by the Danish king. The 1558 debt register of a merchant from Bremen in Kumbaravogur provides considerable insight into this trade. The Danish king restricted sailings to Iceland to Danish merchants from 1601. On Shetland the Scottish foud allotted landing places to foreign skippers and traders. Merchants from Bremen became respected members of the island communities and in the seventeenth century they changed to trading in herring. Several tariff rate rises led to the end of Bremen sailings to Shetland by the beginning of the eighteenth century. Bremen merchants in Norway succeeded in breaking the Lübeck dominance in Bergen in the sixteenth century. By 1600, other Norwegian harbours in the North Atlantic, notably Stavanger, were also destinations for ships from Bremen.

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Macdonald, Stuart Elaine, George Rabinowitz, and Ola Listhaug. "Simulating Models of Issue Voting." Political Analysis 15, no. 4 (2007): 406–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpm016.

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How should one analyze data when the underlying models being tested are statistically intractable? In this article, we offer a simulation approach that involves creating sets of artificial data with fully known generating models that can be meaningfully compared to real data. The strategy depends on constructing simulations that are well matched to the data against which they will be compared. Our particular concern is to consider concurrently how voters place parties on issue scales and how they evaluate parties based on issues. We reconsider the Lewis and King (2000) analysis of issue voting in Norway. The simulation findings resolve the ambiguity that Lewis and King report, as voters appear to assimilate and contrast party placements and to evaluate parties directionally. The simulations also provide a strong caveat against the use of individually perceived party placements in analyses of issue voting.

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NORÉN ISAKSEN, TROND. "Bernadotte Architecture: The Palaces and Capitals of King Carl XIV Johan of Sweden and of Norway." Court Historian 18, no. 1 (June 2013): 23–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/cou.2013.18.1.002.

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O'Brien, Bruce R. "Forgers of Law and Their Readers: The Crafting of English Political Identities between the Norman Conquest and the Magna Carta." PS: Political Science & Politics 43, no. 03 (June 30, 2010): 467–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096510000594.

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A short time after 1206 and before 1215, a Londoner assembled a massive collection of older and near contemporary English laws, called theLeges Anglorumby historians, and inserted long interpolations and spurious codes that enunciated many of the principles that guided the baronial opposition to King John and later became part of the Magna Carta. To those familiar with the struggle leading up to the creation of the Magna Carta, these principles should cause no surprise. These ancient laws were made to proclaim that “in the kingdom right and justice ought to reign more than perverse will” (ECf4, 11.1.A.6; Liebermann 1903, 635). In another part of the collection, King Arthur, making his first appearance in English law, is credited with establishing as law the requirement that all nobles, knights, and freemen of the whole kingdom of Britain swear “to defend the kingdom against foreigners and enemies” (ECf4, 32.A.5–7; Liebermann 1903, 655). More surprising is the attribution of the regularly assembled Hustings court in London to the Trojans (who became the Britons). The seventh-century West Saxon king, Ine, suddenly looms large in the ranks of Britain's lawmakers; he not only reigns for the good of all, but is also given the lordly virtues of twelfth-century chivalric romance: he is “generous, wise, prudent, moderate, strong, just, spirited, and warlike” (as was appropriate for the time and place) (ECf4, 32.C.2, 32.C.8; Liebermann 1903, 658–59). A confection of bits of other law, attributed here to King Alfred, orders an end to vice, national education for freemen, and unity for all “as if sworn brothers for the utility of the kingdom” (Leges Angl, Pseudo-Alfred 1–6; Liebermann 1894, 19–20). Finally, in the grandest statement of English political ambition, Arthur appears again as the great conqueror, whose spirit was not satisfied by Britain alone: “Courageously and speedily he subjugated all Scandinavia, which is now called Norway, and all the islands beyond, namely Iceland and Greenland, which belong to Norway, Sweden, Ireland, Gotland, Denmark, Samland, Vinland, Curland, Runoe, Finland, Wirland, Estland, Karelien,Lapland, and all other lands and islands of the eastern Ocean as far as Russia” (ECf4, 32.E; Liebermann 1903, 659).

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Tolkachev, M. V. "THE TSAR FEODOR IVANOVICH’S POINT OF VIEW IN THE LAPLAND DISPUTE BETWEEN RUSSIA AND DENMARK‒NORWAY(ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE TSAR’S LETTER OF MARCH 1586 ADDRESSED TO KING FREDERICK II OF DENMARK)." Izvestiya of Samara Scientific Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences. History Sciences 4, no. 1 (2022): 56–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.37313/2658-4816-2021-4-1-56-68.

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The article is devoted to the correspondence of Tsar Fyodor Ivanovich with the King of Denmark-Norway Frederick II on the Lapland issue, a major border dispute on the delimitation of the territories of European Arctic. In this paper, the author examines the system of the argumentation of the Russian power in the Lapland dispute on the example of the tsar’s letter of March 1586, as well as the point of view of the Danish government on various issues related to the Lapland dispute in the Russian-Danish diplomatic relations.

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Sadova, Lyudmila. "Escalation of Swedish-Norwegian Conflict in 1895 According to the Documents of Russian Diplomats." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2021): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640015015-4.

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The Swedish-Norwegian conflict, which resulted in the dissolution of the union in 1905, was accompanied by outbursts of tension in relations between political forces and the public of the two countries. In 1895, when the crisis reached its peak, rumours about the threat of a war between the “fraternal peoples” were circulating among the Swedish and Norwegian public. The purpose of this work is to analyze the reports of Russian representatives in the United Kingdom of Sweden and Norway, to identify the events in 1895 that attracted the attention of diplomats and the degree to which their attitudes towards opposing political forces influenced the formation of the general picture in the Russian Foreign Ministry. The research is based on documents from the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire. They contain a sufficient amount of information allowing one to identify the causes, course, stages, and evolution of the Swedish-Norwegian conflict as well as the driving forces behind it. The author concludes that, firstly, diplomatic reports suggest that Russian diplomacy took the threat of an armed clash between Sweden and Norway in 1895 quite seriously; secondly, the correspondence between the Russian ambassador and the Foreign Ministry contains a generally sober assessment of the political situation in Sweden and Norway The author concludes that, firstly, the threat of an armed conflict between Sweden and Norway in 1895 was taken quite seriously by Russian diplomacy, secondly, the correspondence between the Russian ambassador and the Foreign Ministry contains a generally sober assessment of the political situation in Sweden and Norway, and the actions of Norwegian radicals are openly condemned by the former on the pages of his reports; at the same the difficult situation in which the Swedish–Norwegian king Oscar II found himself aroused sympathy, and the monarch’s position in the conflict – respect.

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Meyer, Ole, and Alan Crozier. "A Sixteenth-Century Swedish Chronicler and his King on Folktales and Ballads." Fabula 62, no. 3-4 (November 1, 2021): 341–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/fabula-2021-0018.

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Abstract The first Scandinavian mentions of magic folk tales and ballads are by two clergymen-cum-historians, Olavus Petri (the Swedish reformer, 1493–1552), in a generic discussion in the lengthy Introduction to his unpublished Swedish Chronicle), and Anders Foss (1543–1607, Danish-born bishop of Bergen in Norway), who cites ATU 327B & 853 in a discussion of the reliability of Saxo’s late twelfth-century Gesta Danorum). Both discuss the value of traditional oral tales (and ballads) as historical sources: Anders Foss rejects them, whereas Olavus Petri emphasizes their value as expressions of demotic attitudes towards the rich and mighty. This was heavily censured by King Gustaf I Vasa, who forbade the publication of Olavus’ Chronicle. Note on terminology: Olavus Petri’s preface, a large part of which is here translated for the first time, seems to be the first evidence of the Swedish word “sagor” (plural of “saga”) being used to denote a specific narrative genre (= wonder tales?). Similarly, Anders Foss’s “euentyrer” (archaic plural form of “eventyr” = Märchen, sg. & pl.) is probably the first example of the word being used in this sense in Danish (other than in the still current meaning “adventure” or “quest”).

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AGISHEV, S. YU. "KING SVERRE’S TESTAMENT AND POLITICAL STRUGGLE IN NORWAY AT THE TURN OF THE 12TH AND 13TH CENTURIES." LOMONOSOV HISTORY JOURNAL 64, no. 2023, №5 (May 16, 2024): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.55959/msu0130-0083-8-2023-64-5-3-27.

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The article examines the political will of the Norwegian king Sverrir (1177-1202), given by him, on his deathbed, to his son and successor Hakon Sverresson in the “charter on state governance”. Although this document has not survived and its content is unknown from any source, it is traditionally believed in the literature that the main instruction to the heir consisted in the immediate and unconditional reconciliation of the royal power and the church, which had been in acute confrontation since 1130. According to most scholars, Hakon fulfilled his father’s will, which is reflected in his capitulation letter to the Norwegian prelates. However, the analysis of this letter in close connection with other documents, which contain information about the events of that time, showed that neither Sverrir nor his son were going to surrender their positions before the episcopate. On the contrary, they insisted that all social and political forces should recognize them as the legitimate rulers of Norway, and accept the full internal and external sovereignty of the royal power. The author proves a close connection between Hakon’s letter to the prelates and the “Speech against the Bishops” (En tale mot biskopene), composed in the last years of Sverrir’s reign. The latter became the only authoritative text for both the royal epistle itself and the faction of the “royal party” behind his successor. The “charter on state governance” actually established Hakon Sverresson’s rights to Norway as an inalienable inheritance (odal), and the general wishes for domestic peace concealed essentially confrontational proposals. The author concludes that the actions taken by both the “ecclesiastical” and “royal” parties in 1202-1204 did not lay the foundations for the subsequent merger of these groups, as the previous research tradition argued, but, on the contrary, aggravated the struggle between them and between the factions within them.

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Arnold, Janet. "The Kirtle, or Surcoat, and Mantle of the Most Noble Order of the Garter Worn by Christian IV, King of Denmark and Norway." Antiquaries Journal 72 (March 1992): 141–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500071225.

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Christian IV, King of Denmark and Norway, was appointed to the Most Noble Order of the Garter in 1603, after his brother-in-law, James VI of Scotland, had succeeded to the English throne. A copy of a warrant dated 28 September 1603 lists the work of the tailor, John Danson, and the embroiderers John Parr and William Broderick (fig. 1), preparing a set of Garter robes for him. John Danson made a purple velvet mantle (fig. 2), a crimson velvet kirtle, or surcoat (fig. 3), and a crimson velvet tippet and hood, all lined with white taffeta.

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Bluhm, Bodil A., Raouf Kilada, William Ambrose, Paul E. Renaud, and Jan H. Sundet. "First record of cuticle bands in the stomach ossicles of the red king crab Paralithodes camtschaticus (Tilesius, 1815) (Decapoda: Anomura: Lithodidae) from Norway." Journal of Crustacean Biology 39, no. 6 (September 9, 2019): 703–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcbiol/ruz064.

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Abstract The red king crab Paralithodes camtschaticus (Tilesius, 1815) is a large predator intentionally introduced to the Barents Sea and adjacent fjords in the 1960s. Its establishment has given rise to both a high-value fishery and destructive effects on seafloor habitats and communities. Given the need for accurate information on age, growth, and longevity that could improve management and mitigation strategies for red king crab, developing and testing new aging methods for this and other crustaceans has been an active field of research. We contribute to this test bed by investigating cuticle bands in gastric mill ossicles of male and female red king crabs. Cuticle bands were detectable in most individuals studied and maximum cuticle band count was 13 for males (N = 62, 38–180 mm carapace length (CL)) and 9 for females (N = 34, size range 80–147 mm CL). There was large variation of size-at-band count and band count-at-size data. The number of cuticle bands generally increased with CL in male red king crabs; low sample size and small size range in females prevented seeing any trend. Exploring calcein staining in a sub-sample of the crabs suggested uptake of the stain, yet without a clearly defined mark, and showed deposition of ossicular material beyond the calcein stain in the subsequent year. We recommend research on the mechanism generating band deposition to shed light on how and when bands are formed as the basis for testing whether the cuticle bands may reflect chronological (specifically annual) age. Specifically, we recommend long-term maintenance of crabs, study of both moults and newly formed ossicle structures, as well as stringent testing of band periodicity with known-age crabs, including all size classes and both sexes.

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Hundahl, Kerstin. "Rex Insularum. The King of Norway and his ‘Skattlands’ as a political system c. 1260–c. 1450." Scandinavian Journal of History 42, no. 1 (October 7, 2016): 122–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03468755.2016.1240063.

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JAKOBSSON. "KING SVERRIR OF NORWAY AND THE FOUNDATIONS OF HIS POWER: KINGSHIP IDEOLOGY AND NARRATIVE IN SVERRIS SAGA." Medium Ævum 84, no. 1 (2015): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/45275374.

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Lorentzen, Grete, Gøril Voldnes, Ragnhild D. Whitaker, Ingrid Kvalvik, Birthe Vang, Runar Gjerp Solstad, Marte R. Thomassen, and Sten I. Siikavuopio. "Current Status of the Red King Crab (Paralithodes camtchaticus) and Snow Crab (Chionoecetes opilio) Industries in Norway." Reviews in Fisheries Science & Aquaculture 26, no. 1 (June 16, 2017): 42–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23308249.2017.1335284.

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Pedersen, O. P., E. M. Nilssen, L. L. Jørgensen, and D. Slagstad. "Advection of the Red King Crab larvae on the coast of North Norway—A Lagrangian model study." Fisheries Research 79, no. 3 (July 2006): 325–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.fishres.2006.03.005.

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Oug, Eivind, Sabine K. J. Cochrane, Jan H. Sundet, Karl Norling, and Hans C. Nilsson. "Effects of the invasive red king crab (Paralithodes camtschaticus) on soft-bottom fauna in Varangerfjorden, northern Norway." Marine Biodiversity 41, no. 3 (November 20, 2010): 467–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12526-010-0068-6.

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Bagge, Sverre. "The Making of a Missionary King: The Medieval Accounts of Olaf Tryggvason and the Conversion of Norway." Journal of English and Germanic Philology 105, no. 4 (October 1, 2006): 473–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27712621.

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Magnúsardóttir, Lára. "Loftur Helgason fer til Björgvinjar." Lög og bókmenntir 18, no. 1 (June 13, 2018): 65–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.33112/ritid.18.1.4.

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The article recounts the account from the Árna saga about Loftur Helgason’s trip to Bergen in 1282 and his stay there over winter, explained in terms of the formal sources about the organization of the government and changes in the law in the latter half of the 13th century. These changes were aimed at introducing into Iceland the power of both the King and the Church and in fact marked the actual changes throughout the Norwegian state. Loftur was Skálholt‘s official and the story about him was part of a long-standing dispute about the position of the chieftains versus the new power of the Church and the opposition to its introduction. The article defines the political confusion described in the Árna sagain Bergen in the winter of 1282-1283 as, on the one hand, changes in the constitution and, on the other hand, legislation, and at the same time whether the Kings Hákon Hákonarson and his son Magnús had systematically pursued a policy of having the Church be an independent party to the government of the state from 1247 onward until the death of the latter in 1280. When the disagreement is looked at as continuing, it is seen that Icelanders had made preparations for changes in the constitution with assurances of introduction of the power of the Church beginning in 1253 and the power of the King from 1262, but, on the other hand, the disagreements in both countries disappeared in the 1270s in the face of the conflict of interests that resulted from the laws that followed in the wake of the constiututional changes. Árna saga tell of this and how the disputes were described, but also that their nature changed as King Erikur came to power in 1280, as he gave the power of the King a new policy that was aimed against the power of the Church. Ousting of the archbishop from Norway and the Christian funerals of the excommunicated chieftains are examples of the conditions of government that could not have been, if the King had no longer had executive power over Christian concerns, as he had already conceded power over spiritual issues to the Pope in Rome with the Settlement at Túnsberg in 1277.

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Mitchell, Stephen A. "Margrete of Nordnes in Cult, Chronicle, and Ballad." Religionsvidenskabeligt Tidsskrift 74 (March 25, 2022): 262–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/rt.v74i.132107.

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ABSTRACT: In 1290, Margrete, the 7-year-old daughter of King Eiríkr II Magnússon of Norway and Margaret, the daughter of King Alexander III of Scotland, begins a journey from Norway to Scotland. Unfortunately, Margrete, the heir presumptive to the throne of Scotland, dies en route, sparking a series of international and dynastic calamities. When, a decade later, a woman arrives in Bergen claiming to be the deceased princess, she is condemned to judicial immolation and burned at Nordnes. Surviving evidence strongly suggests that a popular cult developed around this Margrete of Nordnes (also called the ‘False Margrete’). This essay explores the extent to which the West Norse legacy of this so-called “folk saint” can be identified from what Jens Peter Schjødt calls the “jigsaw pieces” that history has bequeathed to us in a variety of narratives and historical documents. RESUME: I 1290 sætter Margrete, den 7-årige datter af kong Eiríkr II Magnússon af Norge og Margarete, datter af kong Alexander III af Skotland, ud på en rejse fra Norge til Skotland. Desværre dør Margrete, den forventede arving til Skotlands trone, undervejs, hvilket udløser en række internationale og dynastiske katastrofer. Ti år senere ankommer en kvinde til Bergen og hævder at være den afdøde prinsesse. Hun bliver dømt til brænding på bål og brændt på Nordnes. Overleverede vidnesbyrd tyder på, at der udviklede sig en populær kult omkring denne Margrete af Nordnes (også kaldet ’den falske Margrete’). Dette essay undersøger, i hvilket omfang de vestnordiske traditioner angående denne såkaldte ”folkehelgen” kan identificeres ud fra det, Jens Peter Schjødt kalder de ”puslespilsbrikker”, som historien har overleveret til os i en række forskellige fortællinger og historiske dokumenter.

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Coroban, Costel. "Representations of political power in medieval Iceland: Íslendingabók." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 8, no. 2 (December 15, 2016): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v8i2_2.

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This paper aims to analyse emblematic sources from the Golden Age of literature in High Medieval Iceland, such as Íslendingabók, from the point of view of the ideology of power, in order to compare the findings to those from other sources of the time. If in Norway towards the 13th century all power gravitated around the person of the King and the institution of the court, in Iceland the political situation from the assembly of the Alþingi in 930 up to the country’s annexation (1262) was wholly different, owing to the different political organization of the Old Icelandic Commonwealth (Þjóðveldið). The Icelandic political milieu has not been researched very extensively from the point of view of political ideology, as one of the pioneers of this approach, Jón Viðar Sigurðsson noted. There is much to be said on the subject of the worthiness of the Icelandic Family sagas as useful in describing the political ideology of power due to their role as both historical and literary sources. These skaldic texts were sponsored with specific purposes by rulers who understood how songs and stories could improve a leader’s position and prestige. As a similarity to the literature sponsored by the kings of Norway, the texts created in Iceland during the literary miracle of the Middle Ages had a greater importance for those chieftains who did not enjoy a strong position, who were either attempting to legitimate themselves as rulers of newly usurped positions, or who were threatened by stronger neighbouring rulers.

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BOERTMANN, DAVID, PETER LYNGS, FLEMMING RAVN MERKEL, and ANDERS MOSBECH. "The significance of Southwest Greenland as winter quarters for seabirds." Bird Conservation International 14, no. 2 (June 2004): 87–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959270904000127.

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The coastal and offshore waters of Southwest Greenland are internationally important winter quarters for seabirds. We crudely estimate a minimum of 3.5 million seabirds using the region in winter, mainly from Arctic Canada, Greenland and Svalbard, with smaller numbers also from Alaska, Iceland, mainland Norway and Russia. The most numerous species are Common Eider Somateria mollissima, King Eider S. spectabilis, Brünnich's Guillemot Uria lomvia and Little Auk Alle alle. The most immediate threat to the seabirds in Southwest Greenland is hunting, and current levels of usage of the Greenland breeding populations of Brünnich's Guillemot and Common Eider are considered unsustainable. Conservation measures are required for these populations.

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Jahr, Ernst Hakon. "I ANLEDNING 300-ÅRSJUBILEET: JOHAN ERNST GUNNERUS OG “AGDERS GUNNERUS” – ET BIDRAG TIL Å FORSTÅ HVORFOR BISKOP GUNNERUS FORESLO ET NORSK UNIVERSITET I KRISTIANSAND I 1771." Scripta Neophilologica Posnaniensia 19 (December 15, 2019): 233–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/snp.2019.19.16.

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The paper is written in connection with the 2018 300th anniversary of the birth of the professor and bishop, Johan Ernst Gunnerus (1718–1773), who founded modern science in Norway and who, in 1760, also founded the first learned society in the country: The Royal Norwegian Society of Sciences and Letters in Trondheim. In 1758 Professor Gunnerus was appoined the bishop for the whole of northern Norway, as the bishop of Trondheim. In 1771 Bishop Gunnerus was called to the capital of the then Danish-Norwegian kingdom, Copenhagen, with the mission of reforming the Copenhagen university, at that time the only university in the entire dual kingdom. In his recommendation for reforms of the university, he also included a proposal for the establishment of a university in Norway. In this proposal, he argued for the city of Kristiansand as the most suitable location for that university. If the King would follow his recommendation, he would himself move to Kristiansand and also bring with him the Royal Society from Trondheim. Many people have subsequently wondered why he chose to point to Kristiansand for the establishment of the first Norwegian university, and not Oslo (where the university was finally opened in 1813) or Trondheim (where he had founded the Royal Society 11 years earlier). It has been thought that Gunnerus suggested Kristiansand mainly because the fact that the city was close to Denmark and a university there could perhaps have also recruited students from northern Jutland. Some have even suggested that Gunnerus proposed Kristiansand because he knew it would not be acceptable to Copenhagen or to the King, and then Trondheim (his “real” wish) could then emerge as a more plausible candidate, even if it was situated rather far north. In this paper, I argue that until now everybody who has discussed Gunnerus' choice of location for a Norwegian university has missed one decisive point: before Gunnerus moved from Copenhagen (where he was professor) to Trondheim (as bishop), Kristiansand was known in Norway, Denmark and the rest of Europe as the Norwegian centre for science and research. This was due to just one man, Bishop Jens Christian Spidberg (1684–1762). I show how Spidberg established himself through international publications as the leading scientist in Norway, and how everybody with a scientific question during the first half of the 18th century looked to Kristiansand and Spidberg for the answer. This, I argue, gaveKristiansand an academic and scientific reputation that Gunnerus was very well aware of and could exploit in his recommendation of Kristiansand as the location for the first Norwegian university. However, this knowledge about this reputation of Kristiansand’s in the first half of the 18th century has since been lost completely, mostly because Gunnerus’ fundamental seminal contribution in the second half of the 18th century has completely overshadowed the academic situation in Norway before his time. Finally in 2007 a university, the University of Agder, was established in Kristiansand, on the basis of a university college with academic roots going back to 1828. An academy of science, the Agder Academy of Sciences and Letters, was founded in 2002. A formal agreement of cooperation between the Royal Society and the then university college was signed 2001, and the academy joined the agreement in 2005. This agreement confirmed the long academic ties between Kristiansand and Trondheim, going all the way back to the scientific positions first held by Spidberg in Kristiansand and then by Gunnerus in Trondheim.

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Jacobsen, Grethe. "Less Favored – More Favored: Queenship and the Special Case of Margrete of Denmark, 1353-1412." Fund og Forskning i Det Kongelige Biblioteks Samlinger 44 (October 14, 2005): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/fof.v44i3.133003.

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Some ten years ago, the German historian Armin Wolf published an article on reigning queens, that is, queens ruling in their own right not as spouse or widow of a king in medieval Europe. Among the women, he dealt with, was the Danish queen Margrete whom he considered representative of a general European pattern according to which women could inherit the throne and under special circumstances remain there. Margrete, however, does not fit into this pattern. She was regent and for a brief period reigning queen of three countries with different traditions and legislation concerning royal succession. The legal foundation of her reign was not inheritance, but a combination of traditional regency for a minor king and exceptional regency for the three kingdoms of Denmark, Norway and Sweden in general. The career of Margrete was founded on a mixture of rules and practices for female exercise of power, which combined with her great political intelligence produced an unusual career. The history of Margrete illustrates well the legal conditions in which gender could offer women advantages as well as disadvantages.

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Taylor, Louisa. "Law, Ritual, and Punishment: The Consequences of Making War Against the King in High Medieval England and Norway." Mediaeval Journal 11, no. 2 (January 2021): 149–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.tmj.5.137090.

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Journal articles on the topic 'King of norway'

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