Journal articles: 'King Philip II'

1

Stathopoulos, Panagiotis. "Did King Philip II of Ancient Macedonia Suffer a Zygomatico-Orbital Fracture? A Maxillofacial Surgeon's Approach." Craniomaxillofacial Trauma & Reconstruction 10, no. 3 (September 2017): 183–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0037-1601431.

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Philip II, father of Alexander the Great, succeeded his brother, Perdiccas III, to the throne of Macedonia in 360 BC. He has been described by historians as a generous king and military genius who managed to achieve his ambitious plans by expanding the Macedonian city-state over the whole Greek territory and the greater part of the Balkan Peninsula. The aim of our study was to present the evidence with regard to the facial injury of King Philip II of Macedonia and discuss the treatment of the wound by his famous physician, Critobulos. We reviewed the literature for historical, archaeological, and paleopathological evidence of King Philip's facial injury. We include a modern reconstruction of Philip's face based on the evidence of his injury by a team of anatomists and archaeologists from the Universities of Bristol and Manchester. In the light of the archaeological findings by Professor Andronikos and the paleopathological evidence by Musgrave, it can be claimed with confidence that King Philip II suffered a significant injury of his zygomaticomaxillary complex and supraorbital rim caused by an arrow as can be confirmed in many historical sources. To the best of our knowledge, this is the first attempt to present the trauma of King Philip II from a maxillofacial surgeon's point of view.

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Prag, A. J. N. W. "Reconstructing King Philip II: The "Nice" Version." American Journal of Archaeology 94, no. 2 (April 1990): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/505951.

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Riginos, Alice Swift. "The wounding of Philip II of Macedon: fact and fabrication." Journal of Hellenic Studies 114 (November 1994): 103–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632736.

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This paper, concerning one element in the ancient biographical tradition of Philip II of Macedon, demonstrates the manner in which facts—that the Macedonian monarch was gravely wounded in the right eye, in the collar bone, and in the leg—become the basis of fictitious fabrications entered into the biographical tradition and accepted as elements of Philip's ‘life’. A diachronic analysis of the complete literary testimonia which convey information concerning these traumata attempts to determine when and how the biographical facts were altered and embellished over the centuries following Philip's death. Since the stunning discovery by Andronicos at Vergina in 1977 of the tomb designated Royal Tomb II, identified by the excavator as the tomb of Philip II, considerable interest has been focused on the wounds of Philip II in linking items recovered from the tomb and the physical remains of the male decedent with the great king of Macedon. A diachronic review of the literary traditions regarding Philip's injuries, useful to those arguing the identification of the occupant of Royal Tomb II, reveals a great deal about ancient biographical practices. Particularly in the case of the blinding wound to Philip's right eye, it is evident that the facts are very soon obscured by an overlay of fictitious embellishments, frequently amusing, which were created to heighten interest in an occurrence of lasting impact on Philip and became stock items in his βίος.

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Clouse, Michele L. "Geoffrey Parker.Imprudent King: A New Life of Philip II." American Historical Review 120, no. 5 (December 2015): 1983–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/120.5.1983.

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5

Kamen, Henry. "Imprudent King: A New Life of Philip II / World without End: The Global Empire of Philip II." Common Knowledge 22, no. 2 (April 29, 2016): 319.2–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-3542921.

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McGlone, Mary M. "The King's Surprise: The Mission Methodology of Toribio de Mogrovejo." Americas 50, no. 1 (January 1993): 65–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007264.

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In 1579 King Philip II selected the presiding inquisitor of Granada as the second archbishop of Los Reyes, or Lima. Countering precedents which favored the episcopal nomination of priests who had spent time in the New World, Philip chose Toribio de Mogrovejo, a man totally lacking in both clerical and missionary experience, to preside over the most important episcopal see in the Southern hemisphere. That curious choice revealed Philip's strategy for the future of the church of the Viceroyalty of Peru. Philip presumably named the young jurist to implement a rigorous organization of the Church in the territory that retiring Viceroy Francisco de Toledo had only recently brought under effective civil governance. This article will demonstrate that, contrary to Philip's expectations, Toribio de Mogrovejo not only failed toinstill a Toledan spirit in the Church, but that he actively developed a mission methodology in accord with that promoted by Bartolomé de Las Casas and his followers in Peru.

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Bartsiokas, Antonis, Juan-Luis Arsuaga, Elena Santos, Milagros Algaba, and Asier Gómez-Olivencia. "The lameness of King Philip II and Royal Tomb I at Vergina, Macedonia." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 112, no. 32 (July 20, 2015): 9844–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1510906112.

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King Philip II was the father of Alexander the Great. He suffered a notorious penetrating wound by a lance through his leg that was nearly fatal and left him lame in 339 B.C.E. (i.e., 3 y before his assassination in 336 B.C.E.). In 1977 and 1978 two male skeletons were excavated in the Royal Tombs II and I of Vergina, Greece, respectively. Tomb I also contained another adult (likely a female) and a newborn skeleton. The current view is that Philip II was buried in Tomb II. However, the male skeleton of Tomb II bears no lesions to his legs that would indicate lameness. We investigated the skeletal material of Tomb I with modern forensic techniques. The male individual in Tomb I displays a conspicuous case of knee ankylosis that is conclusive evidence of lameness. Right through the overgrowth of the knee, there is a hole. There are no obvious signs that are characteristic of infection and osteomyelitis. This evidence indicates that the injury was likely caused by a severe penetrating wound to the knee, which resulted in an active inflammatory process that stopped years before death. Standard anthropological age-estimation techniques based on dry bone, epiphyseal lines, and tooth analysis gave very wide age ranges for the male, centered around 45 y. The female would be around 18-y-old and the infant would be a newborn. It is concluded that King Philip II, his wife Cleopatra, and their newborn child are the occupants of Tomb I.

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Kuttner, Robert E. "The Genocidal Mentality: Philip II of Spain and Sultan Abdul Hamid II." OMEGA - Journal of Death and Dying 16, no. 1 (February 1986): 35–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/4pt1-qk7h-49gx-5ct6.

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A brief historical comparison of Sultan Abdul Hamid of Turkey and King Philip II of Spain with Adolph Hitler revealed several similar personality traits that may be characteristic determinants of individuals prone to undertake genocidal measures. A commitment to bureaucratic detail coupled with an opportunistic belief in a Messianic destiny are key factors in these absolute rulers. The former attribute is considered to be so common in industrial democracies that psychological tests designed to eliminate such persons from holding high elective office are impractical. Further historical research on individuals implicated in unwarranted continuing massacres may uncover items in the behavioral profile that can serve as sorting criteria to identify latent inhumanity.

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9

Hammond, N. G. L. "The King and the Land in the Macedonian Kingdom." Classical Quarterly 38, no. 2 (December 1988): 382–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800037022.

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Two recently published inscriptions afford new insights into this subject. They were published separately and independently within a year or two of one another. Much is now to be gained by considering them together. The first inscription, found at Philippi in 1936, published by C. Vatin in Proc. 8th Epigr. Conf. (Athens, 1984), 259–70, and published with a fuller commentary by L. Missitzis in The Ancient World 12 (1985), 3–14, records the decision by Alexander the Great on the use of lands given by his father, Philip II, and in some cases confirmed by himself. The second inscription, found at the site of ancient Kalindoia (Toumpes Kalamotou) in 1982, was published with exemplary speed and an excellent commentary by I. P. Vokotopoulou in Ancient Macedonia 4 (Thessaloniki, 1986), 87–114. It records the names of the priests of Asclepius on a stele dedicated to Apollo; and in the preamble it mentions the name of Alexander, being Alexander the Great. Philippi and Kalindoia were both within the limits of the kingdom of Philip and Alexander (Str. 7 fr. 35).

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Jim, Theodora Suk Fong. "PRIVATE PARTICIPATION IN RULER CULTS: DEDICATIONS TO PHILIP SŌTĒR AND OTHER HELLENISTIC KINGS." Classical Quarterly 67, no. 2 (August 22, 2017): 429–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838817000532.

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Hellenistic ruler cult has generated much scholarly interest and an enormous bibliography; yet, existing studies have tended to focus on the communal character of the phenomenon, whereas the role of private individuals (if any) in ruler worship has attracted little attention. This article seeks to redress this neglect. The starting point of the present study is an inscription Διὶ | καὶ βασιλεῖ | Φιλίππωι Σωτῆρι on a rectangular marble plaque from Maroneia in Thrace. Since the text was published in 1991, it has been disputed whether the king in question is Philip II or Philip V of Macedon. The question is further complicated by a newly published text from Thasos, plausibly restored to read [Β]ασιλέως Φιλί[ππου] | σωτῆρος. The identity of the king in these texts is a matter of great historical significance: if Philip II is meant, not only would this impinge on the question of his divinity, he would also be the first king called Sōtēr, thus providing the earliest attestation of a cult epithet spreading from the traditional gods to monarchs. The first part of this article will re-examine the king's identity by studying these two texts in connection with other dedications similarly addressed to a ‘King Philip’ and apparently set up by private individuals. The second will move beyond Macedonia: it will draw on potential parallels from the Attalid, Seleucid and Ptolemaic kingdoms and explore the possible contexts in which individuals set up similar objects. It will be demonstrated that, while there is evidence from other Hellenistic kingdoms of seemingly ‘private’ dedications set up according to civic or royal commands, in Macedonia the piecemeal and isolated nature of the evidence does not permit a conclusive answer. But whether set up spontaneously or by civic command, these objects provide important evidence for the interaction between the public and the private aspects of ruler worship.

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11

Álvarez-Nogal, Carlos, and Christophe Chamley. "PHILIP II AGAINST THE CORTES AND THE CREDIT FREEZE OF 1575-1577." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 34, no. 3 (March 4, 2016): 351–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610915000373.

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ABSTRACTNumerous archival documents show how the suspension of payments by Philip II, in September 1575, on the contracts with Genoese bankers (asientos) induced a freeze of the domestic credit market in Castile through the bankers’ intermediation forasientosand the credit interconnections. Commercial fairs stopped, banks failed and trade suffered while the king granted legal protection to the Genoese bankers. The evidence strikingly confirms that by his strategy, Philip II was able to remove thede factoceiling on the domestic debt (juros) imposed by the fixed revenue commitment of the Castilian cities in the Cortes. The agreement with the bankers was signed in December 1577 immediately after the cities had agreed to the doubling of their commitment.

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12

Israel, Jonathan. "King Philip II of Spain as a symbol of ‘Tyranny’ in Spinoza’s Political Writings." Co-herencia 15, no. 58 (March 2018): 137–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17230/co-herencia.15.28.6.

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The highly abstract style of Spinoza’s philosophy has encouraged some interpretations of him as a thinker with little immediate connection with the whirl of social and cultural affairs around him. This article shows that all three major Western revolts - those of the Netherlands, Portugal and Aragon - against Philip II (his principal symbol and embodiment of tyranny, arbitrary and illicit governance, intolerance and repression of basic liberties) became in some sense internationally entwined and were intensely present in his life, which helps to understand that Spinoza was indeed a revolutionary.

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13

CROSSLEY, JOHN N., and ANTHONY WAH-CHEUNG LUN. "Chinese characters in the Spanish court: The Manila petition of 1598 to Philip II." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 29, no. 4 (October 2019): 727–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186319000361.

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AbstractMost information concerning relations between Spain and China in the context of the early colonial Philippines comes from Spanish sources. In this paper we present a contribution from the Chinese. Soon after the Spaniards started settling Manila, the number of Chinese there started increasing rapidly. Relations between Chinese and Spanish were always fraught and the only protectors the Chinese had were the Dominican priests who ministered to them. In desperation they wrote a letter in Chinese to King Philip II, which was “translated” into Spanish. We do not know of any other letter document conceived in Chinese being sent to a king in this period. We present the powerful letter in English translation.

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14

Cassen, Flora. "Philip ii of Spain and His Italian Jewish Spy." Journal of Early Modern History 21, no. 4 (July 31, 2017): 318–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342526.

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A bitter conflict between the Spanish and Ottoman empires dominated the second half of the sixteenth century. In this early modern “global” conflict, intelligence played a key role. The Duchy of Milan, home to Simon Sacerdoti (c.1540-1600), a Jew, had fallen to Spain. The fate that usually awaited Jews living on Spanish lands was expulsion—and there were signs to suggest that King Philip ii (1527-1598) might travel down that road. Sacerdoti, the scion of one of Milan’s wealthiest and best-connected Jewish families had access to secret information through various contacts in Italy and North-Africa. Such intelligence was highly valuable to Spanish forces, and Philip ii was personally interested in it. However, this required Sacerdoti to serve an empire—Spain—with a long history of harming the Jews, and to spy on the Ottomans, widely considered as the Jews’ supporters at the time. This article offers a reflection on Simon Sacerdoti’s story. Examining how a Jew became part of the Spanish intelligence agency helps us understand how early modern secret information networks functioned and sheds new light on questions of Jewish identity in a time of uprootedness and competing loyalties.

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15

Ramón-Laca, Luis, and José Ramón Menéndez de Luarca. "New information on King Philip II garden at the Casa del Campo in Madrid." Studies in the History of Gardens & Designed Landscapes 41, no. 1 (January 2, 2021): 22–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14601176.2021.1874143.

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16

Bartsiokas, A. "The Eye Injury of King Philip II and the Skeletal Evidence from the Royal Tomb II at Vergina." Science 288, no. 5465 (April 21, 2000): 511–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.288.5465.511.

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17

Davies, Joan. "Neither Politique nor Patriot? Henri, duc de Montmorency and Philip II, 1582–1589." Historical Journal 34, no. 3 (September 1991): 539–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00017490.

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In 1581 Antoinette de La Marck, the devout duchesse de Montmorency made a pilgrimage to the shrine of the Virgin at Montserrat in Catalonia. The next year her husband Henri de Montmorency, the governor of Languedoc, corresponded with the viceroy of Catalonia about the problem of banditry which was rife on both sides of the frontier. In 1583, Montmorency's servant carried letters to Charles Emmanuel, duke of Savoy, hidden in the soles of his shoes. During the festivities for the wedding of Charles Emmanuel to the infanta Catalina in 1585, Giuseppe Lercaro, Montmorency's Genoese-born intendant desfinances, spent some ten days in Barcelona concealed in the lodgings of Savoy's ambassador and had several clandestine interviews with both the duke and his new father-in-law Philip II. In 1588 Philip offered 100,000 francs towards the dowry of Montmorency's daughter Charlotte, provided that she married the son of the due de Guise and thus reconciled the two families whose rivalry had dominated the French political scene since the 1540s. These incidents, unremarkable as they may individually appear, formed part of the negotiations between Henri due de Montmorency and Philip II which, in notable contrast to those of the Spanish king with the Guise family, have been little studied by historians. Consequently, Montmorency's reputation now is generally that of a politique and patriot. This paper offers a rather different appraisal of him.

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18

Kalínina, Elena. "Collision of Royal Law and local fueros in the process of the Spanish state formation in XVI century on the example of the Antonio Perez case." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 2 (June 28, 2018): 22–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2018-2-22-25.

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In this article, the Author uses the concrete case of Antonio Perez, the ex-secretary of the king Philip II of Spain, to demonstrate the course of the Spanish state formation and the integration of the Law and State with its problems and contradictions. The object of this study is to research the mentioned process in theory and in reality, because they are different. In theory, the process of the State formation comes to its end in the epoch of the Catholic Monarchs, Ferdinand and Isabella governing. Later, in the epoch of Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor, Spain was the Empire yet. However, in the epoch of Philip II the unity and integrity of the new sate are in danger, because the case of Antonio Peres demonstrates that customary law as fueros, privileges and time-honoured traditions are able to survive the political and legal processes.

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19

Owens, J. B., and James M. Boyden. "The Courtier and the King: Ruy Gomez de Silva, Philip II, and the Court of Spain." American Historical Review 101, no. 3 (June 1996): 860. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169500.

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Maltby, William S., and James A. Boyden. "The Courtier and the King: Ruy Gomez de Silva, Philip II, and the Court of Spain." Sixteenth Century Journal 27, no. 2 (1996): 616. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2544236.

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21

O'Kelly, Hilary. "The Inventory of King Henry VIII: II Textiles and Dress, eds. Maria Hayward and Philip Ward." TEXTILE 12, no. 1 (March 2014): 130–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2752/175183514x13916051793758.

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22

Cassen, Flora. "The Last Spanish Expulsion in Europe: Milan 1565–1597." AJS Review 38, no. 1 (April 2014): 59–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009414000038.

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In 1597 King Philip II of Spain expelled the Jews from Milan at the end of a thirty-year power struggle between secular and religious Italian authorities and Spanish imperial powers. These conflicts reveal that the expulsion followed less from Philip II's personal feelings about the Jews than from his approach to governing and the necessity to preserve and increase his power in Italy. They also expose the fluctuating boundaries of imperial powers in distant territories resistant to accepting them, highlighting both the extent and the limits of Spanish rule in Italy. Examined in detail and in its larger historical context, the case of Milan elucidates the mechanisms of an expulsion, foregrounding the intricate political, financial, and religious issues that led up to the last Spanish expulsion in Europe.

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23

Χατζόπουλος, Μιλτιάδης. "Σύντροφος: un Terme Technique Macédonien." Tekmeria 13 (February 6, 2017): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/tekmeria.10758.

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Σύντροφος is a term familiar to epigraphists who study Greek inscriptions of the Roman period, especially from Asia Minor, and also to epigraphists and historians of the Hellenistic period. In the former case the term applies to actual foster brothers, to wit children who have been reared together, but also to persons engaged in other forms of professional or affective relationships. Students of the Hellenistic period, on the other hand, are in disagreement. Some interpret this term as an honorific title denoting a fictitious kinship with the king, while others maintain that it qualifies persons of the same age as the king who have actually been brought up with him. The institution of syntrophoi is attested in almost all Hellenistic courts with the exception of the Ptolemies. In Macedonia the relevant evidence extends from the reign of Philip II to that of Philip V. The parallelism between courtly and civic educa- tional institutions (βασιλικοὶ παῖδες and παῖδες in the civic gymnasia, βασιλικοὶ κυνηγοὶ and civic ἔφηβοι, βασιλικοὶ νεανίσκοι and νέοι in the civic gymnasia) ought to have prepared us to expect a civic equivalent to royal σύντροφοι. Such an equivalent is now attested in Philip V’s diagramma regulating military ser- vice. It appears thus that the Macedonian “civic” syntropohoi, like the Spartan mothakes, were boys of inferior social or financial status who were raised in the family of well-to-do boys of the same age, were thus enabled to receive the same education as they in the gymnasia, and could in case of need replace their foster brothers in their miltary obligations.

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24

Arblaster, Paul. "The Infanta and the English Benedictine Nuns: Mary Percy's Memories In 1634." Recusant History 23, no. 4 (October 1997): 508–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003419320000234x.

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In 1598 Philip II, King of Spain since 1559 and ruler of many other dominions, granted the ‘Burgundian’ segment of his inheritance (the Low Countries and the County of Burgundy) to his daughter Isabella as a dowry, and gave her in marriage to her cousin Albert, Archduke of Austria. The couple governed that part of the territory effectively under their control — the northern provinces having formed the Dutch Republic — as ‘sovereign princes’, essentially enjoying domestic autonomy under the protection of the Spanish army. They were responsible for the ‘northern’ policy of the Spanish monarchy, including day-to-day relations with England and the protection of the British Catholics. As sovereign princes they rebuilt the Church in the Southern Netherlands, patronised the reformed religious orders, and did much to establish the particular South Netherlandish identity which was eventually to lead to an independent Belgian state. In 1621 Albert died, and his childless widow's dowry reverted to her nephew Philip IV. Isabella remained in Brussels as Governess-General, enjoying greater independence than the title might suggest, both from her long career as co-sovereign and from the trust and admiration of her nephew the king. She died in 1633, the governship passing to another of her nephews, the Cardinal-Infant Don Ferdinand (1635–1641).

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25

Boone, Marc. "The Dutch Revolt and the Medieval Tradition of Urban Dissent." Journal of Early Modern History 11, no. 4-5 (2007): 351–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006507782263281.

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AbstractThe political culture which came to the forefront in the Dutch Revolt, ultimately leading to the abjuration of Philip II of Spain, drew on two distinct traditions. The first was a tradition of practical critical evaluation of the prince's politics by the representatives of the great cities of the county of Flanders and of the duchy of Brabant; the second a more theoretical tradition of important texts elaborated in previous moments of political crisis and thus imbued with a 'constitutional' meaning. This awareness of an important medieval legacy of rebelliousness has helped to elaborate a political culture in which historical consciousness and the practical defence of concrete urban interests and values through both political stance and urban rituals merged, and were finally passed on to the following generations of burghers. The power of the prince was thus balanced by a set of values and principles which finally led to the abjuration of King Philip as a 'logical' outcome of the Revolt.

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Bosworth, A. B. "Perdiccas and the Kings." Classical Quarterly 43, no. 2 (December 1993): 420–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800039938.

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New evidence often complicates as much as it clarifies. That truth is well illustrated by Stephen Tracy's recent and brilliant discovery that a tiny unpublished fragment of an Attic inscription belongs to a known decree (IG ii. 402). The decree has hitherto been recognised as an enactment of the oligarchy imposed by Antipater in 322. Its proposer, Archedicus of Lamptrae, was a leading member of the new regime and held the most influential office of state, that of anagrapheus, in 320/19.2 Appropriately enough the decree confers honours upon members of the Macedonian court, but as the stone now reveals, it is phrased in a remarkable and anomalous manner: ‘in order that as many as possible of the friends of the king and of Antipater may be honoured by the Athenian people and confer benefactions upon the city’. There is no question about the meaning. The decree refers to friends of an unknown king, who are also friends of Antipater. But after Alexander's death there was a dual kingship. Philip III Arrhidaeus and Alexander IV reigned jointly and are generally termed ‘the kings’. How can the singular singular be explained?

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Loomie, Albert J. "Fr. Joseph Creswell's Información for Philip II and the Archduke Ernest, ca. August 1594." Recusant History 22, no. 4 (October 1995): 465–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200002028.

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Toward the end of the summer of 1594 King Philip II received from the hands of Sir Francis Englefield at the Escorial an Información, or report, written by Joseph Creswell, S.J. concerning English matters of significance for his régime in Flanders. Creswell did not claim to be the sole author for, together with Englefield's name, he mentioned in his first sentence that two other English Jesuits, Robert Persons and William Holt had also contributed to it and that Hugh Owen, a veteran observer of English affairs at the court in Brussels, vouched for its contents. Since Flanders was the province where the larger number of English Catholics lived overseas during the last decade of the reign of Elizabeth, the document translated and edited here for the first time can shed light on the situation facing them at that period. There are some questions that deserve attention first, about its origins, the experiences of the author and his collaborators which prompted them to prepare it, and above all the political and diplomatic crisis which seemed to give urgency to the report.

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Padilha Vieira Júnior, Rivadávia. "MAIORA TIBI TRIUNFO DINÁSTICO DE FELIPE II NA ALEGORIA DA BATALHA DE LEPANTO (C. 1573-1575), DE TICIANO VECELLIO * MAIORA TIBI DYNASTIC TRIUMPH OF PHILIP II IN THE ALLEGORY OF THE BATTLE OF LEPANTO (C. 1573-1575), BY TITIAN VECELLIO." História e Cultura 5, no. 1 (March 29, 2016): 253. http://dx.doi.org/10.18223/hiscult.v5i1.1477.

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Resumo: Este estudo propõe uma análise centrada na pintura Felipe II, después de la victoria de Lepanto, ofrece al cielo al príncipe don Fernando (Madri, Museu do Prado), de Ticiano Vecellio. Produzida em resposta à encomenda do rei espanhol Felipe II, teve por intenção celebrar dois momentos marcantes de seu reinado no ano de 1571: a vitória sobre a frota turca na batalha de Lepanto e o nascimento de seu herdeiro, o infante Dom Fernando. Com o objetivo de compreender os sentidos e funções do objeto imagético nesse contexto, a linguagem simbólica da pintura é interpretada em conexão com os acontecimentos contemporâneos à sua produção. Apesar de ser reconhecida como a “alegoria da batalha de Lepanto”, de facto, esta é representada em último plano, eclipsada por uma série de elementos carregados de simbolismo dinástico e religioso. Palavras-chave: Felipe II de Espanha; Ticiano Vecellio; Batalha de Lepanto; Iconografia; História e Imagem. Abstract: This study proposes an analysis focused on the painting Felipe II , después de la victoria de Lepanto, ofrece al cielo al prince don Fernando (Madrid, Museum of Prado), by Titian Vecellio. It was produced in response to the request of the Spanish King Philip II, with the intention to celebrate two key moments of his reign in the year 1571: the victory over the turkish fleet at the Battle of Lepanto and the birth of his heir, the infante Don Fernando. In order to understand the meanings and functions of imagery object in this context, the symbolic language of painting is interpreted in connection with contemporary events to its production. Despite being recognized as the "Allegory of the Battle of Lepanto", in fact, this is represented in the last level, eclipsed by a series of loaded elements of dynastic and religious symbolism. Keywords: Philip II ofSpain; Titian Vecellio;Battle of Lepanto; Iconography; History and Image.

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Roche, Anthony. "‘The Devil Era’: The Presence of Éamon de Valera in Three Novels by Kate O'Brien." Irish University Review 48, no. 1 (May 2018): 113–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/iur.2018.0333.

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This essay argues that Kate O'Brien's novels set in a contemporary Ireland engage directly with the political and public character of that society. O'Brien focusses her critique on Eamon de Valera, Taoiseach from 1932 on. Pray for the Wanderer (1938) directly responds to the 1937 Constitution and its relegation of women to the home. The Last of Summer (1943) is set just before World War Two and takes critical measure of the political and cultural isolationism dominant in Ireland by the end of the 1930s. In O'Brien's historical novel That Lady (1946), King Philip II of Spain is a thinly veiled portrait of de Valera, aging and conservative, confining the spirited woman who challenges him to incarceration within her home.

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Conway, Richard. "Spaniards in the Nahua City of Xochimilco: Colonial Society and Cultural Change in Central Mexico, 1650–1725." Americas 71, no. 1 (July 2014): 9–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2014.0077.

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In 1650, a Nahua noble named don Martín Cerón y Alvarado set down his last wishes in a codicil. Eminent but now elderly and frail, don Martin had served many times as governor of the central Mexicanaltepetl(ethnic state) of Xochimilco. Located by the lakes to the south of Mexico City, Xochimilco was a prominent and populous polity, renowned for its bountiful wetland agriculture. Such was its size and economic vitality that Spanish authorities, under King Philip II, decided to award it superior municipal status as a city—one of just four such designations in the basin of Mexico. In keeping with his position as the dynastic ruler of a prestigious alteped, don Martin was a lord of the highest social rank. He could trace his exalted lineage back to Acamapichtli, the Mexica forebear of the Aztec emperor Moteuhcçoma Xocoyotzin. By 1650, though, don Martin was the last of his kind. No person in Xochimilco would again hold his honorific title,tlatoani(dynastic ruler). His codicil and an earlier will and testament, both written in Nahuatl, marked the passing of an era.

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Schwaller, Robert C. "Contested Conquests:African Maroons and the Incomplete Conquest of Hispaniola, 1519–1620." Americas 75, no. 4 (October 2018): 609–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2018.3.

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On July 13, 1571, King Philip II of Spain, via a real cédula, authorized the Audiencia of Santo Domingo to enact plans to “conquer” a community of Africancimarrones(maroons, runaway slaves) located about 36 miles from the city of Santo Domingo. The king offered to those who ventured forth compensation in the form of the cimarrones they captured as slaves. At face value, the substance of this order was not particularly unique. Since the 1520s, runaway African slaves had formed maroon communities in remote regions bordering Spanish conquests. By the 1570s, African maroons could be found in practically every part of Spanish America. The uniqueness of Philip's order comes from the choice of language, in particular the decision to label the expedition a conquest. In most cases, the monarch or his officials used words like ‘reduce’ (reducir/reducciones), ‘pacify’ (pacificar/pacificación), ‘castigate’ (castigar), or ‘dislodge’ (desechar) to describe the goal of such campaigns. By describing an anti-maroon campaign as a conquest, this cédula went against the dominant Spanish narrative of the sixteenth century, in which resistance, especially by Africans or native groups, signified a punctuated disturbance of an ostensibly stable and coherent postconquest colonial order. The wording of the cédula, and the maroon movements to which it responded, explicitly link anti-maroon campaigns to the process of Spanish conquest. This article suggests that Spanish-maroon contestation on Hispaniola should be construed as an integral piece of a prolonged and often incomplete Spanish conquest. More importantly, this reevaluation of the conflict reveals maroons to be conquerors in their own right.

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Falcão, Nuno De Pinho. "“…Ovelhas Entre Asperas Brenhas da Infidelidade…” - Fr. Diogo do Sacramento e os Carmelitas Descalços no Congo." REVISTA PLURI 1, no. 3 (August 13, 2020): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.26843/rpv132020p53-62.

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Em 1584, e a pedido do rei Filipe II, os Carmelitas Descalços espanhóis, recém-chegados a Portugal, enviam uma missão ao Congo. Dessa missão foram deixados alguns relatos, nomeadamente epistolares, que nos abrem uma janela para Mbanza Congo e para a sociedade congolesa de finais do séc. XVI. Este artigo propõe uma leitura contextualizante de umas destas cartas, procurando salientar a sua inserção em questões históricas mais vastas.Palavras-chave: Carmelitas Descalços, Congo, Missão, Mbanza-Congo, PadroadoAbstractIn 1584, at the request of King Philip II, the Spanish Discalced Carmelites, newly arrived in Portugal, sent a mission to Congo. Some reports were left of this mission, namely epistolary, that open a window to Mbanza Congo and to the Congolese society of the end of the XVI century. This article proposes a contextual reading of one of these letters, seeking to highlight their insertion in broader historical issues.Keywords: Discalced Carmelites, Congo, Mission, Mbanza-Congo, Patronage

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Poole, Stafford. "The Politics of Limpieza de Sangre: Juan de Ovando and his Circle in the Reign of Philip II." Americas 55, no. 3 (January 1999): 359–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007647.

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In 1575 Juan de Ovando, the president of the Council of the Indies, wrote to Mateo Vázquez de Lecca, Philip II's secretary, about the maestrescuelas (headmaster of the cathedral school) of Mexico City who was under consideration for a position as chaplain to the king. The Council of the Indies believed that he lacked the proper limpieza de sangre, that is, that he may have had a tainted lineage that disqualified him for the post. Ovando declared that this was not true. However, despite the fact that the candidate was indeed an “Old Christian” of unblemished stock, he was not to be given the position. Because it was a royal position, wrote Ovando, it should be given only to one whose purity of blood was “notorious.” In 1590 Vázquez de Lecca expressed a similar sentiment when he wrote of a candidate for the royal council that “It is a pity that Agustín Alvarez is not considered to be pure of blood because … I consider him the best of all possible candidates.”

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van Caenegem, R. C. "Chance and Legal History." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis / Revue d'Histoire du Droit / The Legal History Review 75, no. 2 (2007): 179–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181907781352564.

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AbstractThe author presents four cases, where he analyses the role of chance. (1) An accident of chronology caused a dynamic king, interested in legal matters, to rule in England in the second half of the twelfth century. Consequently a modernized English common law was established before the neo-Roman law of the Schools and the officialities could intervene. (2) Finding the complete Corpus iuris civilis in northern Italy in the second half of the eleventh century, was the result of a chance discovery and not due to a search party sent to Greece in order to obtain a copy of Justinian's lawbook. (3) The 'reception' of Roman law in late fifteenth-century Germany was caused, inter alia, by the circumstance that Emperor Maximilian happened to be surrounded by an 'Academy' of humanists and to have Roman-imperial ambitions. (4) The formation of the Seventeen Provinces of Emperor Charles V was the result of a conscious Burgundian and Habsburg policy. But their sixteenth-century separation into present-day Belgium and Holland was the result of their Spanish ruler, King Philip II. He himself had come to rule over the Low Countries because of a fortuitous series of infant deaths in the Spanish dynasty in 1497–1499, which led to the accession of a Habsburg prince to the Spanish throne and eventually to a Spanish king ruling over the Low countries.

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Wing, John T. "Imprudent King: A New Life of Philip II. By Geoffrey Parker. (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2014. Pp. xviii, 438. $40.00.)." Historian 79, no. 1 (March 1, 2017): 187–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hisn.12485.

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Lisot-Nelson, Elizabeth A. "Sublime Truth and the Senses: Titian's “Poesie” for King Philip II of Spain. Marie Tanner. London: Harvey Miller, 2018. 232 pp. €110." Renaissance Quarterly 74, no. 1 (2021): 251–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rqx.2020.337.

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Sánchez Holgado, José Ramón. "La puesta en valor del patrimonio cultural de La Herradura: el hundimiento parcial de la flota del Mediterráneo de Felipe II = The Enhancement of the Cultural Heritage of La Herradura: The Partial Sinking of Philip II´s Fleet in the Mediterranean." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie VI, Geografía, no. 11 (September 25, 2018): 247. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfvi.11.2018.21309.

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El 19 de octubre de 1562 se produjo el hundimiento parcial de la flota perteneciente a la Monarquía Hispánica en las inmediaciones de la Ensenada de La Herradura (Almuñécar), debido a una serie de inclemencias meteorológicas y marítimas que mermaron considerablemente la autoridad naval del monarca Felipe II. En la actualidad, no existe ninguna puesta en valor de este patrimonio de memoria histórica, único en la costa granadina. Por lo que, el presente estudio de investigación analizará la configuración geográfica de la Ensenada, incluyendo un inventario patrimonial de carácter defensivo que favorezca la localización, identificación y protección de los restos del naufragio mediante su valorización.On 19 October, 1562, the Spanish King Philip II,s fleet was partially wrecked off the bay of La Herradura (Almuñécar). The resulting human and material losses led to the decline of the Spanish Monarch´s naval power. At present, there is no valorization of this historical event, which place on the coast of Granada. For this reason this research will analyze the geographic configuration of the bay, including an inventory of the defensive heritage that promotes the localization, identification and protection of the remains of the wreck through its assessment.

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Edwards, John Stephan. "With the Heart of a King: Elizabeth I of England, Philip II of Spain, and the Fight for a Nation's Soul and Crown." History: Reviews of New Books 35, no. 3 (May 2007): 106–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2007.10527057.

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Greenleaf, Richard E. "The Great Visitas of the Mexican Holy Office 1645-1669." Americas 44, no. 4 (April 1988): 399–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006967.

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Mexico's Tribunal of the Holy Office of the Inquisition founded by Philip II in January 1569 had developed its bureacratic structure by the first decade of the seventeenth century. Spectacular autos de fé between 1574 and 1601 allowed the Tribunal to establish its reputation in the colony and to augment its financial base beyond the yearly 10,000 peso subvention provided by the Spanish monarchy. Trials of crypto-Jews in the 1590s netted considerable income and caused the king to cease his payment of inquisitional salaries for a time. During the first decade of the seventeenth century the Tribunal petitioned the crown to assign the income from a series of cathedral canonries for support of the Inquisition bureaucracy. Between 1629 and 1636 “reserved” canonries were established for Holy Office income and by 1650 nine of these were generating the Inquisition's salary budget. It was always understood that royal subsidies were to decrease as canonry income paid salaries. All other expenses had to come from judicial fines.

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Martínez Hernández, Santiago. "Between Court and Village: The Evolution of Aristocratic Spaces in Early Modern Spain." Renaissance and Reformation 43, no. 4 (April 14, 2021): 19–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v43i4.36379.

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In May 1561, King Philip II informed the town hall of Madrid that he had chosen their town as the site for his royal residence and court. That year, the city was swiftly transformed into the Catholic king’s court and the heart of his vast monarchy. It also became the principal political and cultural space for the nobility. Yet the greatest noble houses, particularly those in Castile, were initially resistant to the establishment of a sedentary royal court and continued to exercise and represent their status at their own traditional courts. Increasingly, however, they were obliged to reside in Madrid in order to ensure direct access to the king’s grace and favour. Throughout the seventeenth century, the Spanish aristocracy became courtiers through necessity rather than conviction. In response to this situation, and without neglecting their noble estates and interests, they created their own spaces at court, and over time were able to colonize the royal capital and convert it into their own natural habitat.

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Lazure, Guy. "Becoming an Antwerp Humanist: The Culture of Friendship and Patronage in the Circles of Benito Arias Montano (1568–1598)." Erudition and the Republic of Letters 6, no. 3 (July 19, 2021): 270–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24055069-06030002.

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Abstract When the Spanish humanist Benito Arias Montano (c.1525-1598) arrived in Antwerp in1568 to work as editor of the new Polyglot Bible printed by Christophe Plantin, he was introduced to some of the leading members of the Republic of Letters of his time (such as Abraham Ortelius and Carolus Clusius), with whom he exchanged letters, books, portraits, and other tangible tokens of friendship until his dying day. From this hub of intellectual and typographical activity, Montano circulated devotional emblem books across a vast network of Catholic and Protestant scholars, politicians and ecclesiastics. These “instruments of friendship” established his reputation as a man of letters while serving the interests of both king Philip II and Plantin that ranged from cultural diplomacy to editorial and commercial strategy. This study highlights how, in addition to correspondence, the circulation of books, images and objects were essential tools of early modern scholarly practices and learned sociability.

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Soetaert, Alexander. "Catholic refuge and the printing press: Catholic exiles from England, France and the Low Countries in the ecclesiastical province of Cambrai." British Catholic History 34, no. 04 (October 2019): 532–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bch.2019.24.

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The Ecclesiastical Province of Cambrai may sound unfamiliar to modern readers. The bishopric of Cambrai dates to the sixth century but only became an archdiocese and, consequently, the centre of a church province in the sixteenth century. The elevation of the see resulted from the heavily contested reorganization of the diocesan map of the Low Countries by King Philip II in 1559. The new province included the medieval sees of Arras, Cambrai and Tournai, as well as the newly created bishoprics of Saint-Omer and Namur. Its borders were established to encompass the French-speaking Walloon provinces in the south of the Low Countries, territories that are now divided between France and Belgium.1 In the early modern period, this area was already a border and transit zone between France, the Low Countries, the Holy Roman Empire and the British Isles. The province’s history in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries was deeply marked by recurrent and devastating warfare between the kings of Spain and France, eventually resulting in the transfer of significant territory to France.2 However, the Province of Cambrai was also the scene of frequent cross-border mobility, and a safe haven for Catholic exiles originating from the British Isles, France and other parts of the Low Countries.

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Ramos, Frances L. "Succession and Death: Royal Ceremonies in Colonial Puebla." Americas 60, no. 2 (October 2003): 185–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2003.0108.

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On 6 March 1701, the municipal government of Puebla de los Angeles received a cédula commanding the performance of an oath ceremony, orjura del rey, for the new Bourbon monarch, Philip V. Twelve days later, a second cédula arrived, ordering the celebration of royal funerary honors, orexequias reales, for the last Spanish Habsburg king, Charles II. Puebla's municipal leaders, orregidores, attributed great importance to public ceremony and began planning for the events immediately upon receiving Queen Mariana's instructions. Like the political elites of many early modern cities, Puebla's councilmen consistently dedicated a significant share of the city's resources to mount spectacles to commemorate such events as viceregal entrances, patron saints’ days, royal births and marriages, and Spanish military victories. These occasions provided local leaders with opportunities to instruct the populace in the authority of the king's primary representative, the primacy of the Catholic faith, the power of the city's leaders, the importance of hierarchy in colonial society, and the loyalty due the royal family and the Spanish Empire.

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López Anguita, José Antonio. "Surviving Dynastic Change: The High Nobility during the War of the Spanish Succession (1701–15)." Renaissance and Reformation 43, no. 4 (April 15, 2021): 125–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v43i4.36385.

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The accession of the House of Bourbon to the Spanish throne after the death of the last Habsburg king, Carlos II, in 1700 brought important changes for the court high nobility. Historians have seen Philip V’s reign as the beginning of the titled nobility’s withdrawal from the front line of politics. The process, encouraged by the Bourbon’s reformism during the War of the Spanish Succession, was carried out by the nobility in several ways. This article will analyze the careers of aristocrats such as Pedro Manuel Colón de Portugal and José Solís y Valderrábano, dukes of Veragua and Montellano, and Rodrigo Fernández Manrique de Lara, Count of Frigiliana, who adapted their actions to the new regime’s politics in order to enjoy the patronage of new political actors. They took part in royal court circles to achieve important political positions without renouncing their right to oppose change through strategies linked to the political culture of the previous dynasty: for example, their involvement in political gatherings and their absence in important court celebrations. My article posits that, although the relations between the House of Bourbon and these nobles were undoubtedly complex and ambivalent, as their career at court shows, they were far more nuanced and fluid than has previously been revealed.

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Hamilton, J. S. "Piers Gaveston and the Royal Treasure." Albion 23, no. 2 (1991): 201–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050602.

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Many charges were leveled against Piers Gaveston, the Gascon favorite of Edward II and earl of Cornwall from 1307 until his violent death at the hands of a group of disaffected magnates led by earls Thomas of Lancaster and Guy of Warwick in 1312. One of the most readily accepted has been the accusation that he had maliciously and illegally taken the royal treasure into his own hands and that he had then transported the treasure to his native Gascony. According to the contemporary Annales Londonienses, no sooner had Gaveston been recalled from exile than Edward bestowed the royal treasure upon him in its entirety: “Furthermore he has relinquished to the said Piers the disposition and control of all the royal treasure, jewels, and precious stones.” Other chronicles refer to Gaveston's acquisition of the royal treasure in 1307, linking it to the fall from grace of Edward I's former treasurer, Walter Langton, bishop of Coventry and Lichfield (but most often styled bishop of Chester in contemporary accounts of the reign). According to the Annales Paulini, Gaveston, still not satisfied, induced Edward to give him the wedding gifts that the king had received from his new father-in-law, Philip the Fair of France. Moreover, the earl of Cornwall was supposed to have sent this treasure abroad resulting in the pauperization of both king and Crown. To the monastic chroniclers of the fourteenth century, and indeed to the magnates who drafted the Ordinances of 1311, the veracity of these allegations was too well established to require specific proof. Modern scholars, however, require more concrete evidence than the narrative sources supply of Gaveston's alleged wrongdoing. Documentary evidence sheds light upon the various questions revolving around Piers Gaveston and the royal treasure.

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Phillips, Carla Rahn. "James M. Boyden. The Courtier and the King: Ruy Gómez de Silva, Philip II, and the Court of Spain. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1995. x + 239 pp. $35.00." Renaissance Quarterly 50, no. 2 (1997): 616–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3039215.

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Zanetti, Cristiano. "Erudite Cultural Mediators and the Making of the Renaissance Polymath: The Case of Giorgio Fondulo and Janello Torriani." Renaissance and Reformation 39, no. 2 (July 27, 2016): 111–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v39i2.26856.

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Janello Torriani, also known by his Spanish name Juanelo Turriano (Cremona ca. 1500–Toledo 1585), was a blacksmith, locksmith, constructor of scientific instruments, famous inventor of mechanical devices, automata-maker, clockmaker to Emperor Charles V, hydraulic engineer, mathematician, star-gazer, bell-designer, surveyor, and author of mathematical treatises to King Philip II of Spain. He was especially famous for his amazing planetary clocks, which he both designed and physically crafted (thanks to the invention of the first known machine-tool to cut gears), and for his hydraulic device of Toledo, the first giant machine in history that elevated water over a slope of ninety metres a distance of three hundred meters. Given this multifaceted professional profile, Torriani has been considered a Renaissance polymath and a genius. This article goes beyond the anachronistic understanding of these two categories, which it deconstructs, by analyzing Torriani’s education and the context of the mathematical professions during the sixteenth century. Janello Torriani, aussi connu sous le nom espagnol de Juanelo Turriano (Crémone c. 1500 – Tolède 1585) fut d’abord au service de l’empereur Charles Quint comme forgeron, serrurier, facteur d’instruments scientifiques, inventeur célèbre pour ses dispositifs mécaniques, constructeur d’automates et horloger ; au service du roi Philippe II d’Espagne, il fut ingénieur hydraulique, mathématicien, astronome, concepteur de cloches, arpenteur géomètre et auteur de traités de mathématiques. Il est surtout connu pour ses étonnantes horloges astronomiques qu’il a à la fois conçues et construites (grâce à l’invention des premières machines à couper les engrenages), et pour ses dispositifs hydrauliques de Tolède, dont la toute première machine permettant d’amener de l’eau vers le haut d’une pente sur une distance de 300 mètres. Pour ses multiples compétences professionnelles, Torriani est considéré comme un véritable polymathe et un génie de la Renaissance. Cet article cherche à dépasser une compréhension anachronique de ces deux catégories, qu’il pour déconstruit, en analysant la formation de Torriani et le contexte de la profession de mathématicien au XVIe siècle.

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Thompson, I. A. A. "Book ReviewsThe Courtier and the King: Ruy Gómez de Silva, Philip II, and the Court of Spain. By James M. Boyden. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1995. Pp. x+239. $35.00." Journal of Modern History 69, no. 2 (June 1997): 380–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/245518.

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Beem, Charles. "Benton Rain Patterson. With the Heart of a King: Elizabeth I of England, Philip II of Spain, and the Fight for a Nation's Soul and Crown. New York: St. Martin's Press, 2007. Pp. 340. $27.50 (cloth)." Journal of British Studies 47, no. 1 (January 2008): 172–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/528619.

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Fariña-Pérez, L. A. "Ruy Gómez de Silva (1516-1573), private to King Philip II of Spain, treated for “carnosities” of the urethra by Dr Francisco Diaz: Diagnosis, evolution to chronic urinary retention and end-stage renal disease due to chronic pyelonephritis. Autopsy study." European Urology Supplements 18, no. 1 (March 2019): e1281. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1569-9056(19)30925-x.

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Journal articles on the topic 'King Philip II'

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