Academic literature on the topic 'Kissing parties'

The article is devoted to one of the key subjects of the detente period – the history of development and adoption of Jackson-Vanik Amendment to the Trade Act of 1974. The significance of the human rights problem in the USSR, in particular – the right to emigrate, for the development of American-Soviet relations at the peak of detente is shown. Special attention was paid to trilateral negotiations between the Soviet leadership, Nixon and Ford administrations and the legislators headed by Senator Henry Jackson. The Amendment, adopted in December 1974, created serious obstacles for the development of trade and economic relations between the superpowers, and it had a number of negative political consequences also. The Amendment constituted the issue of human rights in the USSR as one of the important components of the U.S. foreign policy, created a negative background for the American-Soviet dialogue, which significantly complicated the outlined convergence of superpowers and contributed to the curtailment of detente.The political struggle around the Jackson-Vanik Amendment became the quintessence of detente. Each of the parties involved regarded the Amendment differently: Soviet leaders saw it as a rude interference in the internal affairs of the USSR; Kissinger saw it as an untimely and too radical in form and methods attempt to transform the Soviet system; Jackson saw it as a good way to increase his popularity by exploiting a popular in the post-Vietnam era theme that was naturally consistent with American national values and traditions. Both the Kremlin and Jackson had a fairly clear set of concessions that they could make. However, in the context of the systemic crisis of power caused by Watergate, the US administration did not have enough resources to bring them to a common denominator. The Soviet leadership soon also faced new economic and political challenges, and the problem of restoring trade relations with the United States ceased to be a priority.The Jackson-Vanik Amendment of 1974 became the watershed separating the “high détente” from its downward phase. Its real significance far exceeded its immediate meaning embedded in the arguments of its creators. It was not an accident that the Amendment was not canceled in 1987 after the USSR liberated its emigration policy. After the collapse of the USSR American leadership used it as a political leverage against Russian Federation. Boris Yeltsin appealed to Bill Clinton multiple times in 1993-1994 requesting removal of discrimination measures in trade and economic relations inherited from the soviet times. The Amendment was not cancelled it was only temporarily suspended. It was officially canceled only in 2012, but only in order to give way to a law that allows the United States, at its discre tion, to impose sanctions on individuals allegedly responsible for human rights violations in Russia (the so-called Magnitsky Act) and remains an obstacle to the development of equal Russian-American economic ties.

This chapter argues for the opting-for-the-best view: the view that, for any subject S and any member ϕ‎ of a certain subset of S’s options, S ought to ϕ‎ if and only if ϕ‎ is the best member of this subset in terms of whatever ultimately matters. It’s argued that we need to restrict ourselves to a subset of the subject’s options because of the problem of act versions. This problem arises in the following sort of case. One’s best option is to kiss one’s partner passionately. Kissing her nonpassionately would be disastrous. Indeed, it would be better not to kiss her at all. But, unfortunately, if you were to kiss her, you would do so nonpassionately. Should you kiss her? Of course, you have to kiss her to kiss her passionately, which is your best option. But kissing her would result in your kissing her nonpassionately, which is your worst option.

This chapter describes the Richard Nixon administration, particularly in its early months. Nixon and his indispensable partner Henry Kissinger took office with a coherent and well-developed grand strategy, based on ideas they had been developing and articulating for years. Much scholarship has been devoted, and rightfully so, to the strategic principles and policies that Nixon and Kissinger pursued while in office. Yet the way they organized their national security system and attempted to implement their strategy has received much less attention—despite the fact that Nixon and Kissinger themselves devoted considerable time and intellectual energy to these organizational issues. In other words, they were concerned not merely with what policies they wanted to pursue and why they would pursue them, but also how they would advance those policies. In the case of Nixon and Kissinger, this “how” included the remarkable centralization of power in the National Security Council, often at the expense of the State and Defense Departments. The chapter assesses how and why Nixon and Kissinger went about this, particularly focusing on how they connected their organizational decisions to their grand strategy.

Maximalism forces us to deny either that we ought to do whatever we have most reason to do or that how much reason there is to perform a given option is directly proportional to how good that option is. In this chapter, I argue that we should deny the latter. We should instead hold that how much reason there is to perform a given option is directly proportional to how good the best version of that option is. Thus, how much reason I have to kiss my partner is not a function of, say, the bad consequences that would result from my doing so (for assume that I would in fact kiss her nonpassionately if I were to kiss her), but a function of the good consequences that would result from my kissing her passionately.

The Moscow Summit ushered in a period of détente, and the summit itself was a product of the Kissinger-Dobrynin back channel. The back channel became both a brake and an accelerator to moderate the pace of negotiations and to link unrelated areas. The back channel also served as a tool that each side used to play on the other’s anxieties or desires—and as an inadvertent means of signaling those fears or concerns in the first place. Ultimately, the story of achieving détente involved more than back channels; it was about the ambitions of the concerned parties and the policies they pursued. Back channels were not a panacea. Long-term success ultimately depended on some fundamental basis for agreement, and the areas for agreement had begun to dwindle before 1974.

In this chapter, the authors discuss the phenomenon of interstate conflicts in cyber space. In the last twenty years, this issue has become more explicit, and countries are making increasingly frequent mutual cyber warfare and cyber espionage accusations. The political and military elite of conflicting countries perceive the situation as very serious and are preparing not only for defending their segment of cyber space, but for developing offensive strategies for cyber warfare, as well. The authors endeavor to contribute to peace research by examining the possibilities for achieving cyber détente, the idea promoted by Henry Kissinger in 2011. In this chapter, the authors identify and analyze problems whose solution should be the focus of the States Parties to cyber détente: the question of denotation and potential desecuritization of technical terms, the question of identification and classification of cyber threats and the problem of the legal framework for their opposition. In addition, the authors give guidelines for their solution, based on securitization theory.

In this chapter, the authors discuss the phenomenon of interstate conflicts in cyber space. In the last twenty years, this issue has become more explicit, and countries are making increasingly frequent mutual cyber warfare and cyber espionage accusations. The political and military elite of conflicting countries perceive the situation as very serious and are preparing not only for defending their segment of cyber space, but for developing offensive strategies for cyber warfare, as well. The authors endeavor to contribute to peace research by examining the possibilities for achieving cyber détente, the idea promoted by Henry Kissinger in 2011. In this chapter, the authors identify and analyze problems whose solution should be the focus of the States Parties to cyber détente: the question of denotation and potential desecuritization of technical terms, the question of identification and classification of cyber threats and the problem of the legal framework for their opposition. In addition, the authors give guidelines for their solution, based on securitization theory.

The first year of Britain’s EEC membership did not run smoothly. The Americans unilaterally declared it ‘the Year of Europe’. Heath was accused by Kissinger of destroying the special relationship. The Arab–Israeli war caused an oil crisis in which the UK, relatively unscathed, did not help her partners. Early in 1974, Heath lost a General Election and was replaced by Wilson. Wilson and Foreign Secretary Callaghan faced a divided Cabinet and Labour Party as they set about renegotiating the terms of Britain’s EEC membership. The improvements they secured, after a second General Election in October 1974, were slight but enough to get the deal through the Cabinet. Labour Ministers campaigned in the referendum on opposite sides, but support for remaining from all the main Party leaders and the Press helped secure a significant majority for staying.

This chapter explores Niebuhr’s writings on China and asks what Niebuhr might have said about China’s spectacular rise as an economic power in the twenty-first century. Included are a discussion of what Niebuhr did say about China in his lifetime (1892–1971) and a consideration of Niebuhr’s views of and strategies for dealing with America’s major competitor in the last century (the USSR), followed by a discussion of what factors would be most important in considering how Westerners should view China’s rise today, from a Niebuhrian perspective. In sum, although Niebuhr was a defensive Realist like Henry Kissinger, he would be quite hawkish toward China today, parting ways with the dominant Kissingerian approach to China. This would not be because of latent material power/structures, but because of Niebuhr’s stress on human nature, ideology, and regime types, which in this case Niebuhr would argue make today’s China a potentially dangerous power.

In this paper, the sharp interface, direct forcing immersed boundary method developed by Yang and Stern (A simple and efficient direct forcing immersed boundary framework for fluid-structure interactions, J. Comput. Phys. 231 (2012) 5029–5061) is applied to the fully resolved simulation of particulate flow. This method uses a discrete forcing approach and maintains a sharp profile of the fluid/solid interface. Also, it employs a strong coupling scheme for fluid-structure interaction through a predictor-corrector algorithm. The fluid flow solver is not included in the predictor-corrector iterative loop thanks to the direct forcing idea, which makes the overall algorithm highly efficient and very attractive for the fully resolved simulation of particulate flow with numerous solid particles. Several cases including sedimenting and buoyant particles and the interaction of two sedimenting particles showing kissing, drafting, and tumbling phenomenon are examined and compared with the reference results to demonstrate the simplicity and applicability of our method in particulate flow simulations.

One of the challenges in the numerical simulation of a system of particles in a fluid flow is to balance the need for an accurate representation of the flow around individual particles with the feasibility of simulating the fully-coupled dynamics of large numbers of particles. Over the past few years, several techniques have been developed for the direct numerical simulation of dispersed two-phase flows. Examples include the ALE-FEM formulation described by Hu et al. [1] and the DLM method of Patankar et al. [2]. The former uses a finite element mesh that conforms to the shape and position of each particle and evolves dynamically as the particles move, while the latter employs a fixed mesh and constraints are imposed in the volume of fluid occupied by the particle to reproduce a corresponding rigid body motion. In both the aim is to fully resolve the flow dynamics for each particle and there is a corresponding demand for high resolution of the flow. A typical approach used for gas-solid flows has been the point-force method that combines a Lagrangian tracking of individual particles with an Eulerian formulation for force feedback on the fluid flow. The latter approach has worked well for very small particles in systems of negligible void fraction but significant mass loading. The resolution level is very low and often the particles are smaller than the spacing between grid points. Its success comes from the averaging effect of large numbers of small particles and the fact that the influence of an individual particle is weak. The approach though is inaccurate for liquid-solid or bubbly flows when the individual particles are of finite size and the void fractions may easily be larger than 1%. In tracking the individual particles an equation of motion is formulated that relates the particle acceleration to the fluid forces acting on the particle, and these forces such as drag and lift are parameterized in terms of the local fluid velocity, velocity gradients and history of the fluid motion. Once flow modification is included however, it is harder to specify the local flow. The parameterizations also become more complex as effects of finite Reynolds number or wall boundaries are included. As a numerical procedure, the force-coupling method (FCM) does not require the same level of resolution as the DLM or ALE-FEM schemes and avoids the limitations of the point-force method. It gives a self-consistent scheme for simulating the dynamics of a system of small particle using a fixed numerical mesh and resolves the flow except close to the surface of each particle. Distributed, finite force-multipoles are used to represent the particles, and FCM is able to predict quite well the motion of isolated particles in shear flows and the interaction between moving particles. The method also provides insights into how the two-phase flow may be described theoretically and modeled. The idea of the force-coupling method was first introduced by Maxey et al. [3]. The basic elements of the method are given by Maxey & Patel [4] and Lomholt & Maxey [5]. In the basic version of the method, fluid is assumed to fill the whole flow domain, including the volume occupied by the particles. The presence of each particle is represented by a finite force monopole that generates a body force distribution f(x,t) on the fluid, which transmits the resultant force of the particles on the flow to the fluid. The velocity field u(x,t) is incompressible and satisfies ∇·u=0(1)ρDuDt=−∇p+μ∇2u+f(x,t),(2) where μ is the fluid viscosity and p is the pressure. The body force due to the presence of NP bubbles is f(x,t)=∑n=1NpF(n)Δ(x−Y(n)(t)),(3)Y(n)(t) is the position of the nth spherical particle and F(n)(t) is the force this exerts on the fluid. The force monopole for each particle is determined by the function Δ(x), which is specified as a Gaussian envelope Δ(x)=(2πσ2)−3/2exp(−x2/2σ2)(4) and the length scale σ is set in terms of the particle radius a as a/σ = π. The velocity of each particle V(n)(t) is found by forming a local average of the fluid velocity over the region occupied by the particle as V(n)(t)=∫u(x,t)Δ(x−Y(n)(t))d3x.(5) If mP and mF denote the mass of a particle and the mass of displaced fluid, the force of the particle acting on the fluid is F(n)=(mP−mF)(g−dV(n)dt).(6) This force is the sum of the net external force due to buoyancy of the particle and the excess inertia of the particle over the corresponding volume of displaced fluid. In addition a short-range, conservative force barrier is imposed to represent collisions between particles and prevent overlap. A similar barrier force is imposed, normal to the wall, to represent collisions between a particle and a rigid wall. With this scheme the body forces induce a fluid motion equivalent to that of the particles. The dynamics of the particles and the fluid are considered as one system where fluid drag on the particles, added-mass effects and lift forces are internal to the system. The method does not resolve flow details near to the surface of a particle, and indeed the no-slip condition is not satisfied on surface. At distances of about half a particle radius from the surface the flow though is fairly well represented. While there is no explicit boundary condition on the particle surface, the condition (5) ensures that the bubble and the surrounding fluid move together. The method has been applied to a variety of flow problems. Lomholt et al. [6] compared experimental results for the buoyant rise of particles in a vertical channel filled with liquid with results from corresponding simulations with FCM. The particle Reynolds numbers were in the range of 0 to 5 and the results agreed well. The wake-capture and the drafting, kissing and tumbling of pairs of particles, or of a group of three particles were found to match. Comparisons have made too with full direct numerical simulations performed with a spectral element code [7]. Liu et al. [8] examined the motion of particles in a channel at both low and finite Reynolds numbers, up to Re = 10. There was in general good agreement between the FCM results and the DNS for the particle motion, and the flow details were consistent away from the particle surface. There has been extensive work in the past on the sedimentation of particles in a homogeneous suspension, mainly for conditions of Stokes flow. Climent & Maxey [9] have verified that the FCM scheme reproduces many of the standard features found for Stokes suspensions. The results for finite Reynolds numbers illustrate how the structure of the suspension changes as fluid inertia is introduced, in particular limiting the growth in velocity fluctuation levels with system size. Further work has been done by Dance [10] on sedimenting suspensions in bounded containers. Recently we have been studying the dynamics of drag reduction by injecting micro-bubbles into a turbulent channel flow. This has been proven through experiments over the past 30 years to be an effective means for drag reduction but the details of the mechanisms involved have not been determined. Numerical simulations by Xu et al. [11] have shown clear evidence of drag reduction for a range of bubble sizes. A key feature is the need to maintain a concentration of bubbles in the near-wall region. In the talk, the method will be described and example results given. Specific issues relevant to gas-solid flows will be discussed.