Academic literature on the topic 'Kitāb al-aghānī (Abū al-Faraj al-Iṣbahānī)'

The Kitāb al-Aghānī (the Book of Songs) is one of the most important sources for Arabic literature and history. While its compiler, Abū al-Faraj al-Iṣfahānī (died after 356/967), is generally viewed as a “Zaydī Shīʿī”, no study has engaged in depth with the manifestation of his sectarian perspective in the Aghānī. This thesis addresses the question of whether al-Iṣfahānī’s sectarian perspective can be discerned in the Aghānī via literary analysis based primarily upon redaction criticism. By examining the compiler’s interventions (which took place by means of selecting, repeating, and juxtaposing source material, as well as by his comments and editorial remarks), this thesis argues that al-Iṣfahānī indeed presents past people and events central to the Shīʿī worldview in accordance with his sectarian affiliation. Furthermore, this thesis questions the label “Zaydī” that has been attached to al-Iṣfahānī. Based on textual analyses of the Aghānī, as well as evidence from his Maqātil al-Ṭālibīyīn (“The Ṭālibid Martyrs”) and other evidence for the tenth-century context, this thesis suggests that al-Iṣfahānī’s religious thought can be construed as a “mild” form of Shīʿism ― in the sense that it does not entail belief in a specific lineage of imams and repudiation of most of the Companions including the first three caliphs ― but cannot necessarily be identified with any sect, as set down in the heresiography. It is also suggested that this kind of Shīʿism may have been promoted by al-Iṣfahānī’s patron, the Būyid vizier, Abū Muḥammad al-Muhallabī (291–352/903–963) in the complex sectarian context of mid-tenth century Iraq. This thesis comprises seven chapters. Chapters One and Two introduce the life of the compiler, the wider historical context, the Aghānī, its textual problems, and its overarching structure. These two chapters lead to three conclusions: first, the Aghānī, in all likelihood, was dedicated to Abū Muḥammad al-Muhallabī; second, the view that al-Iṣfahānī was a Zaydī is untenable; third, it is very likely that the Aghānī retains its original form (as designed by al-Iṣfahānī). Chapter Three investigates the sources used by al-Iṣfahānī in the Aghānī with regard to their transmission in order to establish that the published text can indeed be subjected to redaction criticism for the purpose of better understanding the compiler’s agenda (or agendas). Chapters Four and Five present the results of the literary analysis of the Aghānī, which demonstrate the articulation of a Shīʿī past in the Aghānī, as well as highlighting the limits of redaction criticism and al-Iṣfahānī’s other editorial concerns. Building upon Chapter Five, which concludes that the Aghānī reflects al-Iṣfahānī’s sectarian vision, Chapter Six characterizes al-Iṣfahānī’s Shīʿī beliefs by examining his treatment of Ghulāt, Imāmīs, Sunnīs, ʿAlids, and the Companions, including the first three caliphs. Chapter Seven puts the results of the analyses into their historical context, specifically in light of the career of his patron, al-Muhallabī. The Conclusion outlines the key findings of this thesis, with remarks on potential avenues for future research.

This thesis consists of a critical edition of the Kit=ab al-istikhr=aj li-ad hk=am al-khar=aj, which is basically a review of the system by which land is taxed in an Islamic society. It covers the legal intricacies concerning this issue, ranging through the period of the early days of Islam to the eighth century Hijrah. The analysis is predominantly based on three manuscripts, obtained from the Uppsala, Paris and Cairo libraries. It is divided into two parts, the former containing the introduction and the latter the text. The introduction again is sub-divided into three chapters: the first giving a general outline of the work and the text, the second dealing with the author, and finally the third being a brief discussion of the khar=aj system. A bibliography of the introduction is included. Also included is a list of the verses of the Qur'=an and narrations from had{=i}th quoted, as well as a list of the books referred to, in the text.

Cette thèse consacrée au Kit€b al-Imt€‘ wa-l-Mu’€nasa de l’écrivain classique Abu Ÿayy€n al-Tawž¡d¡ a pour ambition de faire apparaître le caractère encyclopédique de l’ouvrage, à travers la complexité de sa structure et la dispersion inéluctable du contenu des thèmes abordés – caractéristiques du genre littéraire adopté. Abordant une œuvre de telle nature, elle donne au texte dans sa singularité l’importance de la mutaqafa (quête des connaissances) entre intellectuels et autorités de l’époque bouyide du IVe/Xe siècle. L’étude de l’organisation et de la structure des nuits d’un ouvrage basé à l’origine sur un échange oral prend ici une importance considérable, tout en menant une réflexion sur le nombre des nuits et les erreurs ou oublis commis par les deux éditeurs Ažmad Am¡n et Ažmad al-Zayn. Une deuxième partie s’attache aux sujets discutés dans le cercle du vizir Ibn Sa‘d€n qui présentent Abu Ÿayy€n al-Tawž¡d¡ comme un homme de lettres embrassant une grande partie des sciences de son époque. L’étude de ces sujets montre que la préoccupation de l’autorité ne se limite pas aux affaires purement politiques. Elle permet de faire une classification des sujets dispersés ici et là afin de mieux saisir l’enjeu et la compréhension d’un ouvrage si riche, si complexe. Elle offre, enfin, l’occasion de lire l’ouvrage comme une mise en scène par l’auteur. La présence de nombreuses citations traduites justifie le choix du dernier axe de la thèse qui montre le grand intérêt d’une future traduction<br>This thesis dedicated to the Kit€b al-Imt€‘ wa-l-Mu’€nasa of the classic writer Abu Ÿayy€n al-Tawž¡d¡ has for main goal to point out the encyclopedic characteristics of the work, through the complexity of its structure and the unavoidable dispersion of the content of the themes tackled – (complexity and dispersion) caracteristics being both typical of the chosen literary genre. Tackling such a specific work, shows through the singular nature of the text the importance of mutaqafa (the quest for knowledge) between the intellectuals and the IVe/Xe Bouyide era authorities. The study of the organisation and the structure of the nights periods of a work based originally on an oral exchange takes here a considerable importance, while carrying on a reflexion on the number of the nights, the mistakes or the omisions made by both editors Ažmad Am¡n and t Ažmad al-Zayn. A second part deals with the subjects discussed among the vizir Sa‘d€n circle and introduces Abu Ÿayy€n al-Tawž¡d¡ as a literary man with a knowledge encompassing a large part of the sciences of his epoch. The study of these subjects shows that the preocupation of the authorities was not limited purely to political affairs. It allows the classification of estranged subjects existing here and there in order to understand better the stake and the comprehension of such a rich and complex work. It offers, finally, the opportunity to read the work as a staging of the author. The presence of many translated quotes justifies the choice for the last axis of the thesis which in turn shows the great necessity of a future translation

Cette thèse est une analyse narratologique du livre al-Farrag baʿd al-sidda d'Abu Ali al-Muhassin at-Tanuhi (m. 38/994). Le Premier chapitre retrace la biographie de l'auteur en mettant en lumière les moments d'angoisse vécu par l'auteur. Ceux-ci constituent une clé pour la compréhension du Farag en tant que livre d'édification et aide aux gens en difficulté. Le deuxième chapitre examine les aspects stucturels : l'agencement des chapitres et l'organisation du livre en général, la composition et les traits communs des récits individuels (leur forme, leur largeur, leurs éléments de l'intrigue), le mode de transmission (orale/ par écrit) des ahbar, les éléments narratifs tels que les poèmes, les versets du Coran, les invocations etc. Pour définir leur fonction au niveau de la structure interne d'un récit. Le chapitre trois qui est consacré à l'analyse modale (temps, voix, focalisation) se construit sur des approches narratologiques structuralistes et post-structuralistes.

Le savoir commun est une source de communication dans l'existence quotidienne. Il l'est plus particulièrement dans les cercles intellectuels du IV/X s. Il était donc indispensable pour l'homme de lettres d'y participer pour combler son besoin de discussion et pour affirmer sa notoriété intellectuelle parmi ses émules. Pour Abû Hayyân at-Tawhîdî, il suffit de dépasser les obstacles de discrimination socio-culturelle et religieuse pour révéler un esprit libre, déterminé à dénoncer le mal pour instaurer le bien. De toute évidence, son but est éducatif. Il est clair ensuite que le rôle de l'élite intellectuelle est de s'interroger sur tous les phénomènes de la vie pour servir la sagesse et répandre l'éthique. C'est ce qui permet d'instaurer un équilibre parfait entre la passion et la raison. Or, une telle tâche ne peut se réaliser que par l'exploitation d'un langage conforme aux messages visés. Pour cela, il faut se servir d'une méthode adéquate aux circonstances de la communication. C'est ainsi que dans l'Imtâ' wa l-mu'ânasa, at-Tawhîdî procède à retranscrire les idéologies communes dans une perspective de production littéraire déterminée par le principe du discours et du récit. Faut-il voir dans cette méthode un acte de transmission destiné à l'exploration ?<br>Shared knowledge is a source of communication in the bayly life. This was particulary the case in intellectual circles in the IV/X th. Centuries, and was an essential part of life for men of letters at that time in order tout fulfil their need for discussion and establish their intellectual reputations among their acolytes. For Abû Hayyân at-Tawhîdî, overcoming the obstacle of soiocultural and religious discrimination was sufficient to reveal a free spirit, one determined to demounce evil and enshrine good. It seems his objective was educational. Ii's clear subsequently that the role of the intellectual elite is to inquire into the phenomena of life in order to serve wisdom and disseminate ethics. It is this that makes in possible to establish a perfect balance between passion and reason. Yet such a goal could only be ashieved using language that corresponded to the message. To this end, it was nacessary to to employ a method adapted to the circumstances of communication. Thus in al-Imtâ' wa l-mu'ânasa, at-Tawhîdî proceeded to retranscribe commonideologies in the course of a literary production thet was determined by the principal of discourse and narration. Should this method be viewed as an act of transmission aimed at exploration ?

Ce travail porte sur le champ poétique dans les premières décennies de l’époque abbasside, en se concentrant non pas sur les trajectoires individuelles des poètes, mais sur les contraintes et les logiques collectives auxquelles ils sont soumis. Il s’appuie sur l’analyse de près de 70 notices du Livre des chansons d’al-Iṣbahānī (m. ca. 360/970). La première partie porte sur la contrainte la plus évidente et la plus étudiée : le rapport du poète au prince. Elle postule que la force du verbe poétique dérive d’un lien plus vaste, celui du walā’, qui implique des devoirs réciproques, inscrits dans le temps. La parole poétique n’est dès lors qu’une modalité particulière de la négociation de la distance entre le patron et son protégé. Cette négociation permanente influe sur les déplacements et les modes d’expression du poète.La seconde partie examine comment les poètes se positionnent face à la multitude d’acteurs qui prétendent dire ce que la poésie doit être. Elle analyse comment les rapports des poètes avec leurs pairs ou avec les savants sont déterminés par l’histoire cumulée du champ. L’accent est ensuite mis sur les modalités de ces multiples positionnements : comportements précodés, mise en scène et en texte de l’être social et charnel du poète, autant de coups dont le Livre des chansons est non seulement le témoin mais aussi le théâtre<br>This study deals with the poetic field in the first decades of the Abbassid era. It does not focus on the poets’ individual biographies but on the logics they obey and the constraints that weigh on them as a group. It is based on the analysis of about 70 chapters taken from the Book of Songs by al-Iṣbahānī (d. ca 360/970). The first part examines the most conspicuous and most studied constraint: the connection between the poet and the prince. It assumes that the strength of the poetic word derives from a wider relation: the walā’, which implies enduring mutual obligations. Poetic speech is therefore just a particular aspect of a negotiation of the distance between the patron and his protégé. This negotiation affects the poets’ moves and modes of expression.The second part investigates how poets position themselves when interacting with the multitude of protagonists that claim the right to say what poetry should be. It analyses how the poets’ relations with their peers or with scholars are determined by the cumulated history of the field. Emphasis is then laid on how poets position themselves in the field by playing precoded roles, by “staging” their personae and giving the episodes of their lives a textual expression. As a result, the Book of Songs cannot be seen as a neutral record of these struggles ; it is also the battlefield where they take place

The attention of scholars towards the protection of the Sunna, as a second primary source in Islamic law, started from the early centuries. Among those scholars was Abu Dawud, who was concerned in collecting the hidiths that discussed the Prophet's Sunan,in a book which he named Sunan Abi Dawud. The value of this book among Hadith books led scholars such as Alc-Ayni to write commentaries on it, to create a body of in-depth organised discussions of Fiqh rules. This thesis discusses part of Al-Aynis Sharh on Sunan Abi Dawud regarding the rules on specific kinds of voluntary prayers, namely, voluntary prayers after obligatory prayer, Duha prayer, Tasbih prayer,and night prayer. A detailed discussion of the different opinions of the scholars, especially the four main Islamic schools of law, is presented, with each school's evidences, and the scholars' attempts to reconcile conflicting Hadiths are also considered. Explanatory notes are given on the scholars and places mentioned in the manuscript, as well as difficult vocabulary. A full account is given of the documentation of each hadith in the manuscript. Al-Aynis manuscript is set in its historical and cultural context in an introductory section on the author's life and the era in which he lives, the Mamlukiepoch. Al-'Ayni' lived at the time of the Mamluki rule over Egypt, in which scholars were respected and honoured. The Mamluki facilitated scholarship by offering endowments, and building institutes of learning, so that cultural life flourished. Set against this, however, was a political background of widespread corruption, in which bribery was commonplace. Al-Ayni's life and the effect of the characteristics of his epoch on his writings are discussed with an analysis of the style he adopted in writing his commentary, and the academic value of his manuscript. Devotion to a single school of law was common in the Mamluki epoch. Al-Ayni followed the Hanafi school of law and in his Sharh his fanatical adherence to the opinions of his school are evident. Nevertheless, his thorough, systematic approach to his commentary,and comprehensive coverage of historical, biographical,linguistic and juristic matters, make this work an important contribution to the Fiqh literature, which had a profound effect on subsequent scholarship.

Ce travail comporte deux parties : l'une est constituee par le texte arabe, c'est a dire le texte du manuscrit mis en forme par la division en chapitres, sous-chapitres et paragraphes et par une une ponctuation des pharses: ce tetxe est accompagne de notes critiques portant sur les deux manuscrits etudies, a et b, et d'un glossaire-index arabe-francais. L'autre partie de la these comporte 1) une introduction de 30 pages presentant : la situation de la medecine arabe, au xiii siecle, les conditions de la formation des medecins, la presentation de l'auteur de l'ouvrage. Ibn halsun, et enfin l'analyse du traite compose de cinq parties : formation et organisation de l'etre humain, hygiene de chaque partie du coprs, hygiene generale, regime des quatre saisons, proprietes et correctifs des aliments : cette analyse est suivie de quelques remarques lexicographiques. 2) la traduction francaise de l'ouvrage accompagnee de notes tendant souvent a mettre l'auteur en parallele avec les grands medecins grecs et arabes; 3) une bibliographie<br>This research focuses on two main aspects ; one constitutes the arabic text, where the manuscript is divided into chapters, subchapters and paragraphs and by punctuation of sentences. This text is accompanied by critical notes on the two studied manuscripts, a and b, and a arabic-french index-glossary. The second part of the thesis includes: 1) a thirty pages introduction discussing : arab medecine 8in the xiii century, a doctor's education at this time, the book's author ibn halsun and finally an analysis of the five parts which comprises this treatise: formation and organization of the human being, hygiene of every part of the body, general hygiene, four seasons diet, and properties of food. Some lexicographic remarks follow this analysis. 2) a french translation of the book accompanied with notes which compare the authorto great greek and arabic doctors. 3)a bibliography

Le but du présent travail est de confronter un certain nombre de données relatives à l’histoire de la compilation du texte coranique provenant des sources disponibles les plus anciennes aux principaux critères de lecture de la compilation traditionnelle reconnue comme étant le texte fondateur de l’Islam, à savoir le codex ou muṣḥaf de ‘Uṯmān (troisième calife, de 644 à 656), appelé par ce dernier : muṣḥaf al-Ĝāmi ̒ (ouvrage de consensus). Après le décès du prophète, les compagnons avaient conservé leurs maṣāḥif (livres). Parmi eux on trouve ‘Abd Allah ’Ibn Mas‘ῡd (650/29), un fidèle qui avait la réputation de ne jamais quitter le Prophète. Or, l’examen du muṣḥaf de ce célèbre compagnon nous a montré que ce dernier ne comportait pas les cent quatorze (114) sourates inscrites dans le codex fondateur de ‘Uṯmān. Dans ce muṣḥaf nous avons trouvé que non seulement il manquait les trois sourates mentionnées par l’ensemble de la tradition, il manquait d’autres sourates.Dans la perspective de cette confrontation, nous avons mené dans la seconde partie une réflexion sur le sens des mots et les connotations de chaque terme. Est-ce que le Coran comporte des mots synonymiques ? Faut-il chercher à comprendre le texte coranique simplement d’un point de vue rhétorique et terminologique, ou bien faut-il prendre également en compte le contexte de la révélation? Certain passage coranique nous semble, par fois difficile à comprendre du fait du contexte de la révélation, mais les spécialistes de l’exégèse nous renvoie à l’abrogé et l’abrogeant pour dissiper cette difficulté. D’ailleurs, est ce qu’il existe réellement l’abrogé et l’abrogeant dans le texte coranique ? Cette question nous intéresse beaucoup du fait qu’un verset possède t-il une valeur juridique (ḥukm) ou bien reste caduque du fait de la perte de cette valeur par l’intervention d’un autre verset plus récent<br>The purpose of the present work is to confront a number of data relating to the history of the compilation of the Koranic text from the oldest available sources to the main reading criteria of the traditional compilation recognized as the founding text of Islam. , namely the codex or muṣḥaf of 'Uṯmān (third caliph, from 644 to 656), called by the latter: muṣḥaf al-Ĝāmi ̒ (work of consensus). After the death of the prophet, the companions had kept their maṣāḥif (books). Among them is 'Abd Allah' Ibn Mas'ῡd (650/29), a devotee who had the reputation of never leaving the Prophet. However, the examination of the muṣḥaf of this famous companion showed us that it did not include the one hundred and fourteen (114) suras listed in the founding codex of 'Uṯmān. In this muṣḥaf we found that not only did the three suras mentioned by the whole tradition. In the perspective of this confrontation between elements of history of the text and study of its contents, we conducted in the second part of this work a reflection on the meaning of the words and the connotations of each term. Does the Qur'an contain synonymic words? Should we seek to understand the Qur'anic text simply from a rhetorical and terminological point of view, or must we also take into account the context of the revelation? Certain Koranic passages seems to us, sometimes difficult to understand because of the context of the revelation, but the experts of the exegesis returns to the repealed and repealing it to dissipate this difficulty. Besides, is there really the abrogated and abrogating it in the Qur'anic text? This question is of great interest to us because a verse has a legal value (ḥukm) or is obsolete because of the loss of that value by the intervention of another more recent verse