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Journal articles on the topic 'Korea; United States; Foreign policy'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 7 February 2022

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1

Yoon, Jong-Han. "The Effect of US Foreign Policy on the Relationship Between South and North Korea: Time Series Analysis of the Post-Cold War Era." Journal of East Asian Studies 11, no. 2 (2011): 255–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800007189.

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In this study, I examine the effect of US foreign policy on the relationship between South Korea and North Korea. In particular, I analyze whether two different foreign policy approaches—the hard-line approach and the soft-line approach—have played a role in advancing or slowing steps toward peace in the Korean peninsula. I use the Integrated Data for Events Analysis dataset for the period 1990–2004. By employing a Vector Autoregression model, which analyzes the behavioral patterns of South and North Korea and the United States, I find that US foreign policy affects the relationship between th

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2

Cha, Victor D. "Balance, Parallelism, and Asymmetry: United States-Korea Relations." Journal of East Asian Studies 1, no. 1 (2001): 179–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800000278.

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The George W. Bush presidency has raised wide speculation about future United States' policy toward the Korean peninsula. The conventional wisdom among pundits in Washington, Seoul and elsewhere is that the incoming administration will switch to a ‘harder line’ regarding the Democratic Peoples' Republic of Korea (DPRK) and move away from the engagement policy practiced during the Clinton administration. In a similar vein, others have argued that Bush will place a premium on reaffirming and consolidating ties with traditional allies and friends like the Republic of Korea (ROK), Japan, and Taiwa

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3

Lee, Steven Hugh. "Negotiating the Cold War: The United States and the Two Koreas." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 9, no. 1-2 (2000): 85–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656100793645958.

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AbstractSince December 1997, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the Republic of Korea (ROK), and the United States have met in a series of talks aimed at promoting peace and stability on the Korean peninsula and in the region. According to a November 1998 U.S. Department of Defense report, the discussions have created a “diplomatic venue for reducing tensions and ultimately replacing the Armistice Agreement with a permanent peace settlement.”1 Amidst the tragic human suffering which has occurred in North Korea, there have been some encouragi

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4

CHOO, Jaewoo. "South Korean Politics and Foreign Policy in 2017 and 2018." East Asian Policy 10, no. 01 (2018): 123–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930518000119.

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The election of Moon Jae-in in South Korea signals a shift to a more conciliatory approach towards North Korea. Moon’s basic strategy towards the North contradicts that of the United States, emphasising a “dual-track” policy of seeking North Korea’s denuclearisation while calling for dialogue to facilitate inter-Korean summit and not North Korea’s denuclearisation. Moon’s acceptance of China’s “Three oppositions” to the deployment of Terminal High Altitude Area Defence is controversial as they are not within Korea’s jurisdiction.

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Klyukin, N. "Interim results of Donald Trump’s foreign policy." Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), no. 3 (March 1, 2020): 72–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2003-07.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the political activities of Donald Trump as the president of the United States of America. The key political issues of the United States interaction with countries such as the China, North Korea, Russia, India and Syria. Each of the issues discussed contributes to the creation of a full-fledged image of Trump as a politician who is a tough, unprincipled leader who takes constant risks in order to achieve certain goals. Despite the number of Trump’s opponents and ill-wishers, his decisions mostly bring dividends and open up new opportunities for his cou

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6

Ermolaeva, Ekaterina. "Formation and development of foreign policy ideology of the Republic of Korea." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 7 (July 2020): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2020.7.33554.

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This article explores the process of formation of foreign policy ideology of the Republic of Korea. The object of this research is the national ideology of the Republic of Korea, while the subject is the ideological concepts of its foreign policy. Analysis is conducted on the historical background, cultural and sociopolitical context, which affected the formation of South Korean ideology. The article describes the foreign policy concepts of the Republic of Korea, using the example of ideological course of the administrations of Lee Myung-Bak, Park Geun-hye and Moon Jae-on. The author applies t

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Lee, Dong Sun. "Democratization and the US-South Korean Alliance." Journal of East Asian Studies 7, no. 3 (2007): 469–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800002599.

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This article explains why, in the wake of South Korea's democratization, the US-Republic of Korea alliance has suffered a steady decline while avoiding an abrupt collapse. The author argues that democratization weakened this asymmetric alliance by increasing the political influence of nationalism in South Korea. New South Korean democratic elites, subscribing to nationalist ideals, demanded an autonomous, equal relationship with the United States regardless of the de facto power disparity between the two countries. These elites also deemphasized the security threat from North Korea—with which

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8

Hwang, Wonjae, and Hayoun Jessie Ryou-Ellison. "Taking a side between the United States and the People’s Republic of China: Strategic hedging of South Korea and India." International Area Studies Review 24, no. 2 (2021): 60–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/22338659211013650.

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This paper explores how South Korea and India have taken positions between the United States and the People’s Republic of China over diverse foreign policy issues. By adopting dual engagement and strategic ambiguity as hedging strategies, both regional powers reduce their vulnerability to the influence and pressure of the two great powers. Thanks to their strategic importance and prominence in regional politics enhanced by such strategies, South Korea and India can independently pursue their foreign policy preferences to a great extent. The analysis of voting behavior of these regional powers

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9

Farid Darussalam, Miftah. "The Influence of Domestic Politics of South Korea on its Relations with North Korea and the United States." Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik 23, no. 3 (2020): 250. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jsp.48652.

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This paper aims to conduct research on the influence of domestic South Korean politics on relations with the United States and North Korea. In this case, the theory of dominance of domestic political actors explains where the dominance of a group will have an influence on determining the foreign policy of a country. South Korea’s domestic politics is dominated by two groups with different ideologies in the face of the United States and North Korea. This then resulted in different actions in the face of North Korea and the United States. The differences will be explained by assessing some of th

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10

Fung, Kwong-Chiu, Hitomi Iizaka, and Alan Siu. "United States, Japanese, and Korean FDI and Intra–East Asian Trade." Asian Economic Papers 9, no. 3 (2010): 129–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00040.

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This paper documents the growing importance of intra–East Asian trade of parts and components. Our empirical analysis shows that foreign direct investment (FDI) does play an important and independent role in facilitating the trade of parts and components in East Asia. This is true for FDI from all three source countries: the United States, Japan, and South Korea. Furthermore, our empirical studies show that compared with U.S. and Korean FDI, FDI from Japan has a particularly strong influence on trade in parts and components as well as trade in capital goods. One policy implication is that econ

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11

Zhang, Chi, Jun He, and Guanghui Yuan. "An Empirical Analysis on DPRK: Will Grain Yield Influence Foreign Policy Tendency?" Sustainability 12, no. 7 (2020): 2711. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12072711.

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Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is the hub of Northeast Asia and its geopolitics is of great significance, whose foreign policy trend is not only related to the peace and stability of the region, but also one of the major variables affecting cooperation in Northeast Asia. According to the data on North Korea’s grain yield collected by the Korea National Statistical Office, supplemented by the data on international food aid to North Korea collected by the World Food Programme, and combined with the judgment of 10 experts from China, South Korea and the United States on the Hawk and Dove I

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Andronova, Inna V., Natalia V. Dyuzheva, and Kirill A. Andronov. "Foreign trade relations between the Republic of Korea and the United States in the context of the development of integration processes." RUDN Journal of Economics 28, no. 4 (2020): 826–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2020-28-4-826-841.

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The article examines the process of concluding, implementing and updating the Free Trade Agreement between the USA and South Korea, highlights the main problematic aspects of the functioning of the free trade area and the consequences for the bilateral trade of countries. The study found that South Korea benefited significantly from the negotiated liberal trade regime with the USA. The trade balance surplus of South Korea with the USA sharply increased - to a historic maximum of 25 billion dollars (in 2015), also South Korean exports of high-tech goods and high value-added goods increased sign

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Lerner, Mitchell B. "“The Death of Liberal Internationalism?: Donald Trump, Walmart, and the Two Koreas”." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 25, no. 2 (2018): 169–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02502003.

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The election of Donald J. Trump unsettled many areas of U.S. foreign policy, but few more than the nation’s relationship with Korea. This article argues that the Trump administration’s vision for the world represents a stark break from the tradition of liberal internationalism and instead seeks to take the United States down a path that reflects the modern business practices of giant American corporations. A suitable label for this vision, as the following pages will show, is “Walmart unilateralism.” This framework abandons the traditional American policies of nation building and alliances bas

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14

Dhawan, Ranjit Kumar. "Korea’s ‘New Southern Policy’ Towards India: An Analysis." Jadavpur Journal of International Relations 24, no. 1 (2020): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973598420906248.

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The Moon Jae-in administration in South Korea (hereafter Korea) initiated the ‘New Southern Policy’ in 2017 to foster closer relations with ASEAN and India and bring them at par with the four major powers—the United States of America (USA), China, Russia and Japan, which have traditionally played a dominant role in Korea’s foreign affairs. Korea’s strategy through this new policy has been to diversify its foreign relations and lessen dependence on these four major powers of the Northeast Asian region. In this policy shift India is projected as one of the key partners for Korea. However, there

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15

Shin, Hi-Taek, and Liz (Kyo-Hwa) Chung. "Korea’s Experience with International Investment Agreements and Investor-State Dispute Settlement." Journal of World Investment & Trade 16, no. 5-6 (2015): 952–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22119000-01606007.

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Korea’s network of international investment agreements (IIAs), comprising 94 BITs and nine FTAs with investment chapters, demonstrates that attracting foreign investment to Korea and protecting Korean investors overseas has been an important policy aspect. However, little attention was paid to these agreements until 2006 when negotiations for the Korea-United States (KORUS) FTA began. These negotiations sparked public criticism and heated debates of investor-State dispute settlement. Whereas Korea had routinely accepted the IIA provisions presented by developed counter-parties and used them as

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Simoniya, A. "Myanmar: Arena of “Big Game” for Political Influence in SEA." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2013): 76–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-10-76-84.

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The article deals with the changes in the foreign policy of Myanmar after 2010, the bilateral moves towards rapprochement between the Republic and the United States of America, the prospects of military cooperation between them, as well as the reactions to it from the side of North Korea and China.

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17

GORE, Lance L. P. "A Watershed Year: Chinese Foreign Policy in 2018." East Asian Policy 11, no. 01 (2019): 44–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930519000047.

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The year 2018 is a watershed year in China’s foreign relations, marked by rapid deterioration of the external environment. The trade war with the United States is fought simultaneously at business, geopolitical and ideological levels. The two were in a struggle to redefine their bilateral relations, which also affected China’s dealings with other states, including the two Koreas, Taiwan and Japan. A more cautious foreign policy is expected from China in 2019.

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18

Gordon, Joy. "Introduction." Ethics & International Affairs 33, no. 3 (2019): 275–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679419000340.

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It is hard to imagine a threat to international security or a tension within U.S. foreign policy that does not involve the imposition of economic sanctions. The United Nations Security Council has fourteen sanctions regimes currently in place, and all member states of the United Nations are obligated to participate in their enforcement. The United States has some thirty sanctions programs, which target a range of countries, companies, organizations, and individuals, and many of these are autonomous sanctions that are independent of the measures required by the United Nations. Australia, Canada

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19

Park, Han S. "Pyongyang Sees the Nuke Impasse." Journal of Asian and African Studies 42, no. 3-4 (2007): 245–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909607076703.

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In order to better understand and explain North Korea's foreign policy strategies and tactics on the controversy surrounding the nuclear program, this chapter examines the perceptions held by Pyongyang about the neighbouring counties including the United States, Japan, and South Korea. These perceptions are formulated in accordance with North Korea's perception about itself that is generally constructed based on the principle of Juche (self-reliance) and the political and security environment surrounding the Korean peninsula as perceived by Pyongyang itself. North Korea is an unconventional co

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20

Pertiwi, Sukmawani Bela. "Chinese Media and United States Rebalancing Policy to Asia." Jurnal Global Strategis 12, no. 2 (2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jgs.12.2.2018.1-20.

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Artikel ini bertujuan untuk melihat persepsi media di Cina terhadap kebijakan Amerika Serikat “rebalancing to Asia” yang banyak dilihat bertujuan untuk mengimbangi kebangkitan Cina, dan oleh karenanya berpotensi menciptakan ketidakstabilan di kawasan karena persaingan keduanya. Paper ini melihat media sebagai salah satu faktor yang berkontribusi terhadap dinamika persepsi dan kebijakan Cina ke Amerika Serikat berdasarkan landasan teori hubungan media dan kebijakan luar negeri dan meningkatnya peran media di Cina. Paper ini mengisi kekurangan dalam literatur yang ada yang sebagian besar fokus h

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21

Kraus, Charles. "“Failure to Change the Status Quo: Jimmy Carter, the Two Koreas, and the International Pursuit of Dialogue, 1977–1979”." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 26, no. 2 (2019): 141–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02602003.

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President Jimmy Carter’s foreign policies toward Korea were targets of wide criticism from his contemporaries in the late 1970s, and they remain contentious among historians today. The root of Carter’s dismal record regarding this East Asian nation was not simply his misplaced focus on troop withdrawals and human rights, but rather the U.S. president’s failure to change measurably or positively the status quo on the Korean Peninsula. Utilizing sources from the United States and, to a lesser extent, Romania, the former Yugoslavia, and People’s Republic of China, this article explores an often i

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22

Varpahovskis, Eriks. "Knowledge Diplomacy as an Instrument of South Korea’s Foreign Policy: Theoretical Aspects and Practical Implementation in the Case of KOICA Scholarship Program." RUDN Journal of Political Science 23, no. 2 (2021): 265–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2021-23-2-265-278.

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The relevance of this study derives from the limited understanding of the mechanisms of public diplomacy that are activated when scholarship programs for international students are conducted by East Asian countries, particularly South Korea. Moreover, the relevance of the topic is also determined by the scarcity of research on the role of knowledge in public diplomacy mechanisms. The author of this article analyzes South Koreas international student exchange scholarship program, the KOICA Scholarship Program. This case study analyzes the contents of official documents adopted by the Government

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23

Lim, Jeeyoung, Kiyoung Son, Chansik Park, and Daeyoung Kim. "Suggestions for Improving South Korea’s Fall Accidents Prevention Technology in the Construction Industry: Focused on Analyzing Laws and Programs of the United States." Sustainability 13, no. 8 (2021): 4254. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13084254.

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Since the enactment of the Occupational Safety and Health Act in 1981, the Korea Occupational Safety and Health Agency has endeavored to prevent fall accidents in the construction industry. However, many fatalities still occur in the South Korean construction industry. Meanwhile, the United States improved various systems and conducted studies to prevent fall accidents, significantly reducing such occurrences in the construction industry. The objective of this study is to present improvements to South Korea’s fall prevention technology by analyzing the laws and programs of the United States. T

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Bielicki, Paweł. "Relacje chińsko-północnokoreańskie za rządów Xi Jinpinga – szorstka przyjaźń czy długotrwałe partnerstwo?" Sprawy Międzynarodowe 73, no. 3 (2021): 171–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/sm.2020.73.3.03.

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The main purpose of my considerations will be to present the most important determinants and relationships that characterize China-North Korea relations during the presidency of Xi Jinping. Based on the available literature on the subject, I would like to try to answer the question whether the relations of the two entities should be considered as rough friendship or long-term partnership. In addition, I intend to state whether mutual ties should be expected in the future.At the beginning I will describe the relations between China and North Korea during the Cold War, when both countries fought

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25

Pugacheva, O. S. "Social and Humanitarian Factor in South Korea's External Relations and The Korean Question." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 1 (2020): 147–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-1-70-147-168.

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The development of the socio-humanitarian dimension of world politics provides new opportunities for enhancing the role and influence of the middle powers in the global affairs. That is why for understanding and assessment of their political opportunities on the international arena, it is necessary to analyze the approaches and policies of such countries on using socio-humanitarian factor to balance in the existing world balance power and ensure their foreign policy interests. The aim of the article is to analyze South Korea’s activities in the social and humanitarian sphere of world politics

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Davydov, O. "South Korea and the U.S. Strategy of Free and Open Indo-Pacific." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 8 (2021): 31–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-8-31-40.

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The advancement and promoting by the United States of its concept of Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) has shaped many of political discussions in Asian countries in recent years. The Republic of Korea is no exception. From this perspective, the article reviews the basic aspects of the evolution of South Korea’s foreign policy course as well as new priorities in that area which have been forged with the advent of President Moon Jae-in administration. The paper shows that the complex fluctuations of the South Korea’s external policy have been defined by the need to maintain the focus on the Uni

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GORE, Lance L. P. "Chinese Foreign Policy in 2019: Coping with Hard Times." East Asian Policy 12, no. 02 (2020): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930520000112.

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China had a tough year in 2019. Amid an economic slowdown and a worsening trade war, China and the United States are testing each other’s strengths and limitations to redefine their relationship. China was determined to preserve its state-led development model and step up strategic cooperation with Russia. The game on the Korean peninsula has also changed. China’s policy emphasis in the South China Sea has seemingly shifted from security to resources. The cross-strait situation also became increasingly precarious.

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28

PARK, CHEOL HEE. "Who's Who and Whereabouts of Japanese Political Studies in South Korea: With a Focus on the Third Generation Japan Specialists." Japanese Journal of Political Science 11, no. 3 (2010): 307–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109910000137.

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AbstractThis article is an attempt to identify who's who and the whereabouts of Japanese political studies in South Korea. Previous studies suggest that South Korea made a delayed start in Japanese studies because of submerged anti-Japanese feeling among the general public, and that linguistic and humanistic studies were prevalent while social scientific studies lagged behind. The second generation scholars, who actively published their academic works on Japan between the late 1970s and the early 1990s, contributed to the development of objective, social scientific understanding of Japan. Thei

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Asmolov, K. V., and A. V. Soloviev. "Strategic Autonomy for ROK: Intellectual Pipe Dream or Political Reality?" Journal of International Analytics 12, no. 2 (2021): 49–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2021-12-2-49-73.

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The discourse of “strategic autonomy,” which has gained popularity in the Republic of Korea in recent years, has yet to undergo serious theoretical revision. This article attempts to ﬁll the gap by examining the South Korean discourse of “middle powers,” from which the discourse of “strategic autonomy” grew, and the socio-historical analysis of Korean perceptions of political subjectivity, which developed under the powerful inﬂuence of both Western ideas from the early 20th century and the political realities of the military alliance with the United States. In the ﬁrst section the authors exam

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Newsinger, John. "War, Empire and the Attlee government 1945–1951." Race & Class 60, no. 1 (2018): 61–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396818779864.

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In this article, adapted from a speech delivered at a conference on reparative history, the author challenges the dominant view of the progressive radicalism of the postwar Attlee government by exposing the brutality of its imperial adventures. Examining British involvement in Vietnam, Indonesia, Greece, Malaya, Kenya, India, Palestine, Iran and Korea, the piece paints a very different and bloody historical narrative from the dominant one. It argues that the welfare state was accompanied by the creation of the warfare state and that it was the Labour Party which cemented the ‘special relations

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Verbitsky, Semyon, Tsuyoshi Hasegawa, and Gilbert Rozman. "Misperceptions Between Japan and Russia." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 1503 (January 1, 2000): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.2000.88.

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The twentieth century has witnessed repeated occasions when Japan and Russia have taken each other's measure and decided on policy accordingly. In the years 1985 to 1999 such mutual testing occuned again amidst adjustments in the direction of each country's global role. As has often been the case, the RussoJapanese relationship was not the main event on the world stage. Both countries placed higher priority on relations with the United States and with China. But to rank this bilateral relationship below two others is not to belittle the stakes involved. For Russia, Tokyo's strategy to look eas

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Valiakhmetova, G. N., and I. A. Musinova. "Relations between Republic of Korea and United Arab Emirates in Last Quarter of XX—XXI Centuries: from Economic Interaction to Special Strategic Partnership." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 5 (May 28, 2021): 327–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2021-5-327-337.

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The evolution of bilateral relations between the Republic of Korea and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) in the context of the formation of the Middle East direction of Seoul’s foreign policy in the 1980s and 2010s is considered. The author identifies and analyzes a set of factors that contributed to building of a constructive dialogue between South Korea and the Arab monarchies of the Persian Gulf and the Arab world as a whole. A periodization of the history of the development of the Korean-Emirati relations is proposed, a description of its main stages, as well as the legal and institutional fo

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Trimble, Phillip R. "The President’s Constitutional Authority to Use Limited Military Force." American Journal of International Law 89, no. 1 (1995): 84–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203897.

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The United States intervention in Haiti concludes another chapter in the development of the constitutional common law of presidential power. The Haiti experience further confirms the constitutional authority of the President to deploy armed forces into hostile foreign environments, and to initiate the use of force without prior, specific congressional authorization. The facts of the situation limit the “precedent” to small-scale interventions where the risk of major military engagements, either initially or upon escalation, is negligible. The cases of largescale hostilities, like Korea, Vietna

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김준형. "Analysis on the Causes and the Consolidation Process of South Korea's Foreign Policy Dependence on the United States: Focus on South Korea's North Korea Policy." 21st centry Political Science Review 19, no. 2 (2009): 385–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.17937/topsr.19.2.200909.385.

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SHAW, TONY, and TRICIA JENKINS. "An Act of War? The Interview Affair, the Sony Hack, and the Hollywood–Washington Power Nexus Today." Journal of American Studies 53, no. 1 (2017): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875817000512.

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Film has been an integral part of the propaganda war fought between the United States and North Korea over the past decade. The international controversy surrounding the Hollywood comedy The Interview in 2014 vividly demonstrated this and, in the process, drew attention to hidden dimensions of the US state security–entertainment complex in the early twenty-first century. Using the emails leaked courtesy of the Sony hack of late 2014, this article explores the Interview affair in detail, on the one hand revealing the close links between Sony executives and US foreign-policy advisers and on the

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Oliinyk, O. "JAPANESE "ECONOMIC MIRACLE": HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE COUNTRY IN THE PERIOD OF 1945–1991." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 148 (2021): 46–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2021.148.8.

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The article presents the experience of Japan in the post-war reconstruction of the country in the period 1945–1991. The socio-economic situation of the country after the Second World War was considered. The historical stages of the country's development in the period under study are determined. The historical conditions in which the country found itself in the postwar period are analyzed. Key historical figures who influenced the development of the country were identified. The directions and measures of reforming and development of the country are revealed and presented. The importance of exte

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Aggarwal, Vinod K., and Andrew W. Reddie. "Economic Statecraft in the 21st Century: Implications for the Future of the Global Trade Regime." World Trade Review 20, no. 2 (2021): 137–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147474562000049x.

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AbstractThis article introduces a special issue that examines the effects of strategic competition on the future of the global trade regime. We argue that traditional work in economics and the current set-up of global economic regimes ignores economic statecraft as a key element in understanding trade conflict. Specifically, we outline three examples of contemporary economic statecraft – industrial policy, trade restrictions, and new investment rules – that have been used to block foreign direct investment on the basis of national security claims. Based on this analysis, we explore how the WTO

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Denisov, V. I., and A. S. Pyatachkova. "The Future of the Korean Peninsula: Topical Issues and Possible Solutions." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 12, no. 1 (2019): 86–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2019-12-1-86-101.

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The DPRK has become one of the most striking news-maker of 2018. Kim Jong-un took decisive steps to establish cooperation with the ROK – the parties had quite coordinated interaction during the Olympic Games in Pyeongchang, and hold three Inter-Korean summits in April, May and September 2018. Kim Jong-un have hold three meetings with Xi Jinping. The summit of Kim Jong-un and Trump in Singapore was equally resonant. The President of the Russian Federation during the WEF invited Kim Jongun to Russia, earlier the leader of North Korea had a meeting with S.V. Lavrov and V.I. Matvienko. These steps

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Hidayat, Adrian. "Integrasi Ekonomi Asia: Solusi Asia Menghadapi Krisis Global 2008." Winners 9, no. 2 (2008): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/tw.v9i2.725.

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No economies throughout the region managed to escape from the "global economic crisis in 2008" that was initiated in the United States. This is a logical consequence of the global economy that has been rolling along. The world economy is increasingly becoming more integrated and interdependent with one another. Exposure stems from the economic crisis in the prolonged United States subprime mortgage financial crisis, and eventually dragged the European economy, and also Asia. The Asian region was only affected, but even if only the impact of course, was enough to overwhelm the Asian region sinc

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Sheng, Michael M. "Chinese Communist Policy Toward the United States and the Myth of the ‘Lost Chance’ 1948–1950." Modern Asian Studies 28, no. 3 (1994): 475–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00011835.

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In the late 1960s and early 1970s, the Sino-Soviet conflict intensified and at the same time the Sino-American rapprochement was well under way. When the Americans began to search for an answer to the question of ‘Why Vietnam’, some US foreign relation documents in the later 1940s were released, which indicated that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) had made certain friendly overtures toward the United States. Since then, it has become a widely-accepted interpretation among scholars that Washington ‘lost a chance’ to win over the CCP from Moscow in the late 1940s. The fundamental premise of th

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Stanley, Elizabeth A. "Ending the Korean War: The Role of Domestic Coalition Shifts in Overcoming Obstacles to Peace." International Security 34, no. 1 (2009): 42–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2009.34.1.42.

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Bargaining models of war suggest that war ends after two sides develop an overlapping bargaining space. Domestic mechanisms—domestic governing coalitions, a state's elite foreign policy decisionmaking group, and their role in ending interstate war—are critical in explaining how, when, and why that bargaining space develops. Through preference, information, and entrapment obstacles, wars can become “stuck” and require a change in expectations to produce a war-terminating bargaining space. A major source of such change is a shift in belligerents' governing coalitions. Events in the United States

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Kang, Yeong Seon, Eunji Huh, and Mi-Hee Lim. "Effects of Foreign Directors’ Nationalities and Director Types on Corporate Philanthropic Behavior: Evidence from Korean Firms." Sustainability 11, no. 11 (2019): 3132. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11113132.

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Addressing the fact that there are few studies exploring the relationship between board characteristics and corporate social responsibility (CSR) in non-Western contexts, this study examines the relationship in South Korean corporate contexts. We concentrate on foreign directors as a board attribute, which is reported as a remarkable change in Korean corporate boards, and propose that foreign directors have different impacts on CSR investment depending on their nationality (Anglo-Americans vs. non-Anglo-Americans) and director types (insiders vs. outsiders). In detail, the presence of director

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Robinson, Thomas W. "America in Taiwan' Post Cold-War Foreign Relations." China Quarterly 148 (December 1996): 1340–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000050657.

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Since losing the mainland to Communist conquest in 1949 (more accurately, since the North Korean invasion of the South in June 1950), Taiwan has become a continuous foreign policy protectorate of the United States. Had it not been for American security protection, Taiwan would long since have come under Beijing's rule. Several causative agents, separately, in combination or sequentially, kept Taiwan out of mainland Chinese hands. These included, initially, the American Seventh Fleet, then generalized American military might in concert with the American-Taiwan Defence Treaty of 1954, thence the

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Shevchuk, Oleksandr. "PRS IN US FOREIGN PRIORITIES AFTER THE PRESIDENCY ELECTIONS OF 2016." Politology bulletin, no. 81 (2018): 75–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2018.81.75-82.

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The relevance of the study is conditioned by the importance of determining the new US Presidential Administration’s strategic foreign policy guidelines for developing their relations with the leading central-power states of the world, among which, considering the economic and political potential, the PRC occupies a special place. Apply the whole complex of philosophical general scientific, and specific methods of scientific research, which are inherent in political science, in their interconnection and complementarity. The main objectives of the study are to identify the main dimensions of the

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Fedorovsky, A. N. "Crisis of Regional Leadership and Stagnation of Mega-projects in Asia-Pacific: Consequences for Russia." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 12, no. 1 (2019): 6–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2019-12-1-6-25.

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Analyses of modern trade and economic relations in Asia-Pacific region. Research of the roles of the United States of America and China under the conditions of protectionism initiated by the D. Tramp’s administration and stagnation of mega-projects. Crisis of leadership and role of USA and China in regional mega-project (APEC, TPP, RCPEC). Ability of the USA and the PRC to create regional economic priorities, as well as to determine the course of integration processes. Analysis of the main obstacles of realization of American and Chinese leadership potential. Regional integration project initi

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PANG, YANG HUEI. "Helpful Allies, Interfering Neighbours: World opinion and China in the 1950s." Modern Asian Studies 49, no. 1 (2014): 204–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000395.

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AbstractIn the aftermath of the Korean War, the People's Republic of China was effectively an international pariah. Accounts of this period in Chinese textbooks emphasize how the Chinese turned this around, either during the Geneva Conference or the Bandung Conference, through deft planning and enterprise. Yet few pay any attention to how such manipulation of world opinion became increasingly difficult for Beijing after that initial success. One outcome of China's public relations campaign meant friendly Afro-Asia leaders voiced their opinions, in alarming numbers, to their Chinese counterpart

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Ilyashov, Anatoli. "Le réexamen des affaires du vol 007 de la Korean Airlines et du RB-50 (Note)." Études internationales 25, no. 1 (2005): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703279ar.

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As revealed by documents in the National Archives in Washington, u.c., the United States routinely and knowingly sent reconnaissance flights over the Soviet Union during the fifties and sixties. The u-2 shootdown of the pilot Francis Gary Powers in 1960 was a manifestation of this dangerous pattern during the Cold War era. The author, the first Fulbright Lecturer to the formerly « closed-to-foreigners » military-industrial city of Nizhny Novgorod, or Gorki, suggests a direct correlation between this pattern of earlier reconnaissance flights and the shoot down of the KAL 007 airliner in 1983. I

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YURTAEV, V. I. "IRAN IN SITUATION OF THE SANCTION REGIME TRANSFORMATION." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 2 (2017): 66–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-2-66-80.

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After the after cancellation of the anti-Iranian sanctions by the international community on 15 July 2015 in Iran the new stage of development has begun.. In 2013, for the post of President of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) was elected Hassan Rouhani. Essence launched under the slogan “economy of resistance” of the new economic policy of the IRI is to make full use of internal reserves of growth to intensive development of the real sector of the economy, national production, focusing on knowledgeintensive sectors and industries for deep processing of hydrocarbons and other natural raw mate

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Lizotte, Mary-Kate. "Investigating the Origins of the Gender Gap in Support for War." Political Studies Review 17, no. 2 (2017): 124–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929917699416.

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Gender is an important source of influence on foreign policy attitudes but has received less research attention than it deserves. In the United States, gender differences on support for military interventions average around 8 percent, with women less likely than men to support the use of force. This gap has surfaced in many conflicts, including World War II, the Korean and Vietnam wars, through to the Gulf War and the conflict in Iraq. The existence of a modest though persistent gender difference in support of the use of military force thus arouses considerable interest among political researc

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Grzelczyk, Virginie. "Six-Party Talks and Negotiation Strategy: When Do We Get There?" International Negotiation 14, no. 1 (2009): 95–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180609x406535.

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AbstractOver the past decade, multiple attempts have been made to curb North Korea's development of a nuclear program. Major world powers such as the United States and China have reached out to Pyongyang through bilateral and multilateral negotiation processes. The Six-Party Talks, the current negotiation mechanism used to discuss options for a potential denuclearization of the Korean peninsula, have brought back hopes that a deal might one day be reached. What type of framework is provided by the Six-Party Talks? How have parties' negotiation behaviors been influenced by the Talks, and how ha

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