Academic literature on the topic 'Korean Buddhist poetry'

This study aims to arrange Nason Kim Dong-wook’s research achievements in the study of Hyanggas and Goryeo Sokyos(including Halimbyeolgok) and examine their significance in the research history. The study examined his research achievements in the study of Hyanggas from the perspective of Buddhist ideology and discussed his general theories about the history of Silla’s Hyanggas, his theories about individual works reflecting each Buddhist idea, his papers on the nature and transmission history of Cheoyongga in Silla, and his papers that ended the controversy over the forgery of Doijangga. It is especially noteworthy that he traced the history of Silla Hyanggas based on correlations between Buddhist ideas and shamanism and linked Dosolga(Wolmyeongsa) to the Maitreya ideology, Wonwangsaengga to the Pure Land ideology, and Docheonsudaebiga to the Avalokitesvara ideology since they provide certain milestones for the following researches in the viewpoint of Buddhist ideology. In the study of Goryeo Sokyos and Halimbyeolgok, he attempted to categorize Goryeo Gayos by viewing their overall phenomena, included Mugas about Siyonghyangakbo in the category of Goryeo Sokyos, and investigated the time and nature of Halimbyeolgok. He left some room for improvement by treating Goryeo Sokyos as part of Goryeo Gasas instead of classifying them as an independent genre, but his attempt at categorization itself had considerable impacts on follow-up researches. His research on Siyonghyangakbo, which is considered as one of his greatest achievements, provided results that will remain eternal in the study of the subject. His research has benefitted a lot the Korean music circles as well as the classical poetry and oral literature circles. His researches hold significance for their contribution to the settlement of literature empirical methodologies and the introduction of macroscopic and open research attitudes. His achievements in the study of Hyanggas and Goryeo Sokyos encompass a broad range of areas from microscopic literature researches to macroscopic comparative literature and literary history researches, broadening their academic extension.

This essay examines the Japanese reception of the Korean painter Yi Am 李巌(b. 1499), and by extension considers the relationship between ink painting technique and pictorial meaning. In particular, it examines how Yi Am’s unique approach to the painting of puppies with blended washes of ink opened up new interpretive possibilities among Japanese viewers. Although Yi Am’s puppy paintings appear to have been circulating in Japan as early as the seventeenth century, they were misattributed to Chinese painters such as Mao Yi, and Yi Am’s seal was mistaken as belonging to a Japanese monk-painter of the Muromachi period. The monochrome ink puppy paintings of the Kyoto artist Tawaraya Sōtatsu 俵屋宗達(ca. 1600-1640), however, depict the bodies of their canine protagonists with the same wash-based approach found in Yi Am’s works, and appear to have been catalyzed in some way by an encounter with the Korean artist’s paintings. In the case of Sōtatsu, this approach eventually came to be known as tarashikomi, a signature technique of the Rinpa School, and therefore it is no exaggeration to state that Yi Am’s works played a role in inspiring one of the most recognizable techniques of early modern Japanese painting. Although dog and puppy paintings are traditionally linked to auspicious meanings, Sōtatsu’s puppy paintings appear to have been associated within a Zen Buddhist themes, in particular the koan “A Dog Has No Buddha-Nature.” This Zen Buddhist framework of meaning can be gleaned from inscriptions on his paintings by Zen monks such as Isshi Bunshu 一絲文守(1608-1646) and Tangai Musen 丹崖無染(1693-1763). I would propose that the particular wash-based approach of Yi Am and Sōtatsu to this subject was particularly significant in generating this association. The eighteenth-century painter-poet Yosa Buson 与謝蕪村(1716-1784) also based his puppy paintings upon models derived from Yi Am. In the case of Buson, however, the cultural meaning of these works can be gleaned from his haikai poetry, in particular a poem accompanying a Maruyama Okyo 円山応挙(1733-1795) painting of a puppy that associates its inky body with the interiority of a poetic subject. The final case study examined in this essay is Itō Jakuchū 伊藤若冲(1716-1800). Jakuchū left a number of puppy paintings that embody Zen Buddhist themes in highly sophisticated ways. Because he was close to Tangai Musen, it is likely that he was aware of Sōtatsu’s puppy paintings, and indirectly familiar with those of Yi Am. Thus the case could be made that Yi Am’s wash-based technique opened up a new horizon of interpretive possibility among Japanese painters extending from Sōtatsu to Jakuchū.

This thesis is a basic study on Yi Seung-hyu’s literary work ‘Chongeo-ja-gye-mun’(村居自誡文) a text about living in the countryside and being wary of oneself) as a pre-step to understand ‘Jewang ungi’(帝王 韻紀). In order to overcome the limitations of documentary empirical histories and exclusive nationalist histories, which are the ills of current Korean history, I critically reviewed historical materials related to Yi Seung-hyu(1224~1300). I dealt with his collection of literary works, ‘Dong-an-geo-sa-jip’(動安居士集), and his biographical materials in ‘Goryeo History’(高麗史). His collection of literary works consists of five books, four are poetry and one is prose. So far, researchers of Yi Seunghyu have not been able to actively utilize this collection of materials. Therefore, there has not been a study on ‘Chon-geo-ja-gye-mun’. ‘Chon-geo-ja-gye-mun’ was written while Yi Seung-hyu was expelled at the age of 57 and led a secluded life in Samcheok. It is stated in his preface that he records what he should be wary of, but if we analyze the specific contents, it consists of 23 items, and this is a text of a lesson he gave to his children. So it was defined as a family motto(家訓). To confirm the family, the ages of the three sons were estimated. In this text, the family motto, rather than emphasizing the friendship between children, filial piety, loyalty, and nurture, the emphasis was placed on getting along with neighbors in village life, yielding, humility, purity, and studying the mind. In this respect, I understood that it was significantly different from the motto of the Joseon Dynasty. The last paragraph 23 is the conclusion. This emphasizes being humble and patient in everything. In this motto, Buddhist elements were mentioned strongly, even more than Confucian elements. Also, among the materials of Yi Seung-hyu, the date of meeting at Chungju-mok is different between the collection of literature and the epitaph of Wonbu(元傅) (1220-1287). In this paper, through the external and content criticism of the historical material, it is concluded that 1241 is the year. The 13th century, when Yi Seung-hyu lived, was a period of great transformation and the greatest crisis in Goryeo society. The confrontational relationship between Goryeo and Yuan was established by the three vistings of King Wonjong of Goryeo, and the people of Goryeo lived under the dual-state system of Yuan and Goryeo. It was argued that the reality of history can only be grasped by looking at the history of this era, which is called the “Yuan Intervention Period,” from both positive and negative aspects. People’s lives in this era were more stable. Goryeo society is known as a pluralistic society where Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism, and folk beliefs are freely practiced. However, it was argued that it is impossible to properly understand the society, culture, and customs of Goryeo society without properly recognizing Buddhism in this era. To this end, I argued that the historical reality of Goryeo can be properly grasped only through criticism of historical documents written in an atmosphere that rejects Buddhism. In 1273, Yi Seung-hyu was dispatched as a member of the envoys to attend and celebrate the ceremony in 1273 by Emperor Sejo of the Yuan to honor the empress and the crown prince. It is reported in his literary collection that Yi Seung-hyu edited the poems he wrote during his meandering life as ‘Bin-wang-rok’(賓王錄). When Yi Seung-hyu composed an excellent poem and displayed excellent writing skills, the Yuan leadership was impressed, so the diplomatic success of the Goryeo envoys was achieved in meeting Sejo of Yuan three times. ‘Bin-wangrok’ tells us that the ceremony to celebrate the ordination of the Yuan Dynasty, the Crown Empress and the Crown Prince, was a custom of the Goryeo Dynasty. At this time, Yi Seung-hyu had a relationship with King Chungryeol, the Cro

This paper reveals the location depicted in Picture of the Thousand Buddhas Rocks (千佛嵓圖, ‘Ch’ŏnburamdo’), the last unidentified image in Album of Famous Sights of East Kangwŏn Region (關東名勝帖, ‘Kwantongmyŭngsŭngch’ǒp’) by famous Korean painter Chǒng Sǒn (鄭敾, 1676-1759), and identifies the subject of the painting as the Terrace of Splendid Waves (凌波臺, ‘Nŭngp’adae’) in present-day Tonghae City. The location of the painting’s subject can be derived from the evidence of Chǒng Sǒn and other well-known figures’ visitation to the scenic spots in the vicinity of Samch’ŏk during the Chosŏn Dynasty. Chǒng Sǒn’s painting of Nŭngp’adae as Ch’ŏnburamdo and the evidence of his visitation, including two rock epigraphs (one on the left side of Yongch’u Waterfall, the other beside a flat boulder known as “Murŭngpansŏk”), as well as the large quantities of poetry and prose detailing and praising the beauty of ‘Nŭngp’adae’, were largely unknown until now. The aim of this paper is to examine from iconographic and painting subject perspectives the region and location depicted in Ch’ŏnburamdo, and to analyze the process of representation in 18th-19th century visuals in regard to the famous sights of the East Kangwǒn Region, thus confirming the location of Ch’ŏnburamdo as Nŭngp’adae and further deepening the understanding of Chǒng Sǒn and other late Chosŏn painters. First, a literature review inspecting the validity of Ch’ŏnburam’s location in the existing research will be conducted, through which two potential candidates for the location of Ch’ŏnburam – Haegŭmgang and Nŭngp’adae – will be examined in terms of their place specific characteristics vis-a-vis Ch’ŏnburamdo. Next, the depictions of the scenic sights in the East Kangwŏn region by Chǒng Sǒn and other 18-19th century Korean painters will be discussed with a focus on the famous east coast locations depicted in 9 paintings in Kwantongmyŭngsŭngch’ǒp. The establishment of these locations as icons and imagery of landscape painting subjects as well as the progressions and changes of these depictions will also be detailed. Also, it can be derived that interactions with Lee Pyǒngyǒn, the magistrate of Kŭmhwa in the early 1710’s and who would later govern the entire Samch’ŭk region in the early and mid-1730’s, were decisive motivations for the representations of East Kangwǒn’s famous locations. It can also be derived that Chǒng Sǒn would record landscape sketches at every available opportunity so that these sketches could be used in the creation of new paintings. These sketches are also the key foundation of the proposition of the existence of Nŭngp’adaedo – a drawing of Nŭngp’adae by Chǒng Sǒn. Lastly, the source painting of Ch’ŏnburam (Nŭngp’adae) in Chǒng Sǒn’s painting sketches explains how Kwǒn Sinŭng’s later imitation painting of Chǒng Sǒn’s work, Nŭngp’adaedo, resembles Ch’ŏnburamdo in both form and structure, why thousand buddhas – the rocks’ namesake – is mentioned in Kwǒn Sǒp’s poetry and prose of the same imitation painting, and how Lee Yunyǒng created a new Nŭngp’adaedo as a way to diverge from Chǒng Sǒn’s influence. As a result, we can conclude that in the 1730’s and early 1740’s, Chǒng Sǒn painted Ch’ŏnburamdo (Nŭngp’adaedo), which then inspired Kwǒn Sinŭng in 1744 and Lee Yunyǒng in the 1750s to paint their own versions of Nŭngp’adaedo. It can also be concluded that, in 1788 and beyond, Kim Hongto and his followers would paint new versions of Nŭngp’adaedo as a continuation of this artistic flow. Until now, visual recreations of Nŭngp’adae were viewed mainly from the perspective of Kim Hongto’s work and without understanding how Chǒng Sǒn’s work and influence impacted future generations of this piece. But now, Chǒng Sǒn and Kim Hongto’s Ch’ŏnburamdo and Nŭngp’adaedo can be placed side-by-side in the history of true-view landscapes. Additionally, the imagery of these paintings, including the iconic Ch’ottaepawi Rock, rocky coastal cliffs and hills, pine forests, and staffage have now also been clearly identified. Thus, for future identifications of regions, places, and time periods in landscape paintings, this paper calls for specific attention to be paid to how text can be more subject to change than imagery vis-à-vis the conveyance of the characteristics of a region or location in a landscape; how the similarities in imagery between works in a clear chronological era can provide more conducive evidence than a written document or record; and how, despite the aforementioned points, text can still be a decisive force in identifying the real locations of landscapes, such that a more minute discussion of the historical reality of the subject, imagery, and artistic context of landscape paintings can be theorized.

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English. 寒山子(691?—805?)，長安人，隱居天台山寒岩七十餘年。有自編詩集六百首，分體編次。詩多宣揚儒道釋之玄理，識諷時態，吟咏隱逸，與王梵志詩風相類。後有徐靈府採編本三卷，詩三百餘首；又有本寂注釋本，削徐序，增托名閭丘胤序，附拾得錄並其詩。行之宇內。久之，本寂注文為人删削，僅留寒、拾詩及閭序，並增豐干錄及其詩，是為《三隱詩集》。清代之前，寒山詩集已有數十種刻本，且遠及日本、高麗。本文是《寒山子詩集》傳本系列研究之一。據經眼和聞知之歷代國內外著錄及傳世之刻本、抄本、注本、校本、選本等百餘種，厘為四大系統：寒山拾得詩之「二聖詩」系統；宋刻《寒山子詩》一卷、《豐干拾得詩》一卷本系統；宋刻國清寺本系統；宋刻寶祐本系統。著錄諸系統諸本之行格、版式、詩數、編次，揭示其異同、特點和承繼關係，俾使研究。Han Shanzi (691?-805?) was bom in Changan in Tang Dynasty. He lived in Hanyan, Tiantai Mountain in seclusion for more than 70 years. He collected his 600 poems into his poetry anthology, which was edited according to different varieties. In most of his poems, he advocated mysterious and abstruse theories of Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism, satirizing the society at his time and singing songs for seclusive life. The style of his poems was similar to that of Wang Fanzhi. Later Xu Lingfu edited more than 300 Han’s poems into 3 volumes. Ben Ji annotated them still later. In Ben’s edition, Xu’s prelude was omitted. Another prelude in the name of Lu Qiuyin was added. Also added into it were Shi De’s life story and poems. The edition was spread to all over the world. After a long period, Ben’s annotation was omitted, Han’s poems, Shi’s poems and Lu’s prelude were preserved, and Feng Gan’s life story and poems were added. Thus Poetry Anthology of 3 Hermits came into being. Before Qing Dynasty, there had been dozens of block—printed editions of Han Shanzi Poetry Anthology. They were spread to Japan and Korea. This thesis is one of the series on the inherited editions of Han Shanzi poetry anthology. The author of the thesis has seen or heard about more than 100 editions of inherited Han Shanzi’s poetry anthology, including block—printed editions, copied editions, annotated editions, checked editions and selected editions. He has divided all those editions into 4 systems: the system that collects the poems of both Han Shan and Shi De—the two saint poets; the system that includes one volume of Han Shanzi’s poems and one volume of poems of Feng Gan and Shi De, both of which are Song Dynasty block-printed editions; the system of Song Dynasty block—printed edition of Guoqing Temple; and the system of Song Dynasty block printed edition of Baoyou Period. In this thesis, there have been written or recorded the difference, similarities, characteristics, inheriting relationships of different systems and editions, including lines and checks in which poems were written, formats, poem numbers and orders in which poems were edited, so as to promote further research on this issue.

Abstract The term kōan (C. kung-an, literally “public cases”) refers to enigmatic and often shocking spiritual expressions based on dialogical encounters between masters and disciples that were used as pedagogical tools for religious training in the Zen (C. Ch’an) Buddhist tradition. This innovative practice is one of the best-known and most distinctive elements of Zen Buddhism. Originating in Tang/Sung China, the use of koans spread to Vietnam, Korea, and Japan and now attracts international attention. What is unique about the koan is the way in which it is thought to embody the enlightenment experience of the Buddha and Zen masters through an unbroken line of succession. The koan was conceived as both the tool by which enlightenment is brought about and an expression of the enlightened mind itself. Koans are generally appreciated today as pithy, epigrammatic, elusive utterances that seem to have a psychotherapeutic effect in liberating practitioners from bondage to ignorance, as well as for the way they are contained in the complex, multileveled literary form of koan collection commentaries. Perhaps no dimension of Asian religions has attracted so much interest and attention in the West, from psychological interpretations and comparative mystical theology to appropriations in beat poetry and deconstructive literary criticism.