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Journal articles on the topic 'Korean Prisoners of War'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Byung Joon, Jung. "The Political Was Personal: Shifting Images of 76 Korean pow s Who Went to Neutral Nations." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 27, no. 3 (October 26, 2020): 235–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-27030003.

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Abstract Under the terms of the Korean War armistice, prisoners of war (pow s) could reject repatriation. The vast majority of non-repatriates went to either of the Koreas, China, or Taiwan. But a small group consisting of 76 Korean and twelve Chinese pow s exercised their option to go to neutral nations instead. This article examines how South Korean discourse about these outlier pow s shifted over the decades. An early assumption was that they had made a principled, ideological decision to reject both blocs of a global Cold War. But their choice of neutral countries was a more personal than ideological one. Their anti-communism appeared muted, since they also eschewed the other side. This interpretation contained little direct knowledge of the pow s themselves; it owed more to how the South Korean public saw the war that devastated their peninsula. There also was the influence of “The Square” in the Korean intellectual society and the mass media in their understanding of these Korean prisoners. After the collapse of the Soviet bloc, South Koreans became more confident about the rivalry with North Korea. This led to a reengagement with the memory of the pow s who had spurned both Koreas, making rejection of Communist North Korea more convincing and their refusal to remain in South Korea was less problematic.

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2

Morris-Suzuki, Tessa. "Prisoner Number 600,001: Rethinking Japan, China, and the Korean War 1950–1953." Journal of Asian Studies 74, no. 2 (March 24, 2015): 411–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911814002253.

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Among more than 100,000 prisoners captured by United Nations forces in the Korean War, there was just one Japanese prisoner of war (POW). Matsushita Kazutoshi, Prisoner Number 600,001, had served in the Japanese army in China, both Nationalist and Communist armies in the Chinese Civil War, and in the Chinese People's Volunteers in North Korea, and was to end his military career in the ranks of the South Korean army. Using his forgotten story as a prism, this article explores neglected transborder dimensions of the Korean War. It argues the need to pay closer attention to the historical continuities linking the Asia-Pacific War and Chinese Civil War to the Korean War; it reconsiders the nature of Japan's connections to the conflict in Korea and reconceptualizes the UN POW camps as sites of ongoing Chinese and Korean civil wars.

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3

Chang, David Cheng. "The Korean War Prisoners Who Chose Neutral Nations: An Introduction." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 27, no. 3 (October 26, 2020): 214–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-27030002.

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Abstract At the end of the Korean War, 76 Korean and 12 Chinese prisoners of war (pows) refused to return to either side of their divided countries. Instead, they sought asylum in neutral nations that were yet to be determined. Situating this theme issue’s three articles in the larger Korean War historiography, this introduction provides a chronology of major events that culminated in the 88 pows’ departure from Korea and voyage to India on 9 February 1954. Emphasizing that these 88 men were not fundamentally different from the other 150,000 Korean and 21,000 Chinese pows, this paper underscores the fact that these 88 pows, having survived battles and captivity, risked their lives to escaped from their compound leaders and sought neutral nations’ protection. The stories of the 88 prisoners “choosing” neutral nations were in fact tales of survival and escape.

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4

Chae, Grace. "“Complacency or Complicity?: Reconsidering the un Command’s Role in Syngman Rhee’s Release of North Korean pows”." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 24, no. 2-3 (September 12, 2017): 128–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02402008.

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Under cover of night, on 18 June 1953, South Korean President Syngman Rhee released nearly 25,000 “non-repatriate” North Korean prisoners of war (pows). The event occurred just as United Nations Command (unc), Chinese, and North Korean negotiators were preparing to sign a hard-fought armistice agreement at P’anmunjŏm that long had been delayed on the question of voluntary repatriation of pows. unc officials articulated an enduring tale of surprise and betrayal, one that persists in Korean War histories to this day. However, this article, after an examination of unc pow camp records, is able to look beyond their outrage to discover that the u.s. Army, in fact, formulated a deliberate strategy of restraint for a likely prisoner release. This plan grew out of unc Commander General Mark W. Clark’s sympathy for anti-Communist pows and a sense of anxiety regarding the future of u.s. relations with the Republic of Korea (rok). Although no evidence exists to support a claim that u.s. officials formally colluded with the rok government, the u.s. military played a complicit role in Rhee’s pow release.

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5

Kim, Min-chul. "Korean prisoners of war arrested by Australian Army." Journal of Studies on Korean National Movement 89 (December 30, 2016): 245–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.19162/knm.89.2016.12.07.

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6

Yu Chi-Yen. "A Study on Chinese Prisoners Of War(POWs) During Korean War." 21st centry Political Science Review 24, no. 1 (May 2014): 393–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.17937/topsr.24.1.201405.393.

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7

Grey, Jeffrey. "Commonwealth prisoners of war and British policy during the Korean war." RUSI Journal 133, no. 1 (March 1988): 71–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071848808445277.

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8

Ritchie, Elspeth Cameron. "Psychiatry in the Korean War: Perils, PIES, and Prisoners of War." Military Medicine 167, no. 11 (November 1, 2002): 898–903. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/milmed/167.11.898.

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9

Gauthier, Brandon K. "A Tortured Relic." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 22, no. 4 (November 26, 2015): 343–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02204002.

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Drawing on national and local news stories, newly declassified documents, u.s. prisoner of war (pow) memoirs, and popular films, this article argues that the legacy of the Korean War in the United States from 1953 to 1962 dramatically shaped how Americans imagined the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (dprk). It specifically examines how media portrayals of North Korean atrocities, the alleged misconduct of u.s. captives, and the relationship between the People’s Republic of China and the dprk affected public perceptions of “North Korea” as a subjective construct. The painful legacy of the Korean War, particularly the experience of u.s.pows, encouraged Americans to think of North Korea as an inherently violent foe and as part of a broader “Oriental Communist” enemy in the Cold War. When the experiences of u.s. soldiers contradicted these narratives, media sources often made distinctions between “North Koreans,” a repugnant racial and ideological “other,” and “north Koreans,” potential u.s. friends and allies.

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10

Ahn Mi-Young. "Female Leftist War Prisoners’ Lives in the South Korean Society during the Period of the Korean War." Korean Language and Literature ll, no. 177 (December 2016): 337–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17291/kolali.2016..177.010.

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11

Lee, Myoung-Soon, Min-Jung Kang, and Sun Huh. "Causes of Death of Prisoners of War during the Korean War (1950-1953)." Yonsei Medical Journal 54, no. 2 (2013): 480. http://dx.doi.org/10.3349/ymj.2013.54.2.480.

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12

조재곤. "A Study of the Issue on Russo-Japanese War and Korean War Prisoners." military history ll, no. 97 (December 2015): 49–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.29212/mh.2015..97.49.

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13

Keun Sik, Jung. "Survival Strategies of a Korean War Prisoner Who Chose Neutral Nations: A Study Based on Im Kwan-taik’s Oral History and Documents." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 27, no. 3 (October 26, 2020): 258–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-27030004.

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Abstract This article reconstructs the life history of Korean War prisoner Im Kwan-taek and analyzes his strategy for survival. Im, a North Korean who forces of the United Nations Command (unc) captured, refused repatriation to North Korea and decided to go to a neutral country. After two years in India, he finally settled in Brazil. This study examines his prisoner of war (pow) interrogation reports and the results of two oral history interviews to understand Im’s experiences and survival strategies. Born in Ch’ungch’ŏng Province, Im grew up in southern Korea. However, in 1946, he moved to northern Korea with the support of his deceased father’s comrades from the anti-Japanese movement in China. With the start of the Korean War on 25 June 1950, Im became an officer in the Korean People’s Army (kpa). As a pow, he concealed his identity as much as possible to ensure his survival, and these efforts continued in neutral countries. After the Republic of Korea awarded Im’s father the South Korean Patriotic Medal in 2001, his “secret survivalism” strategy relaxed and he began organizing communication and networks between surviving former pows.

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14

Zhu, Pingchao. "“Disgraced Soldiers”: The Ordeal of the Repatriated pows of the Chinese Volunteer Army from the Korean War." Journal of Chinese Military History 4, no. 2 (November 12, 2015): 162–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22127453-12341286.

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This article examines the debriefing process experienced by the repatriated pows of the Chinese People’s Volunteers (cpv) after the Korean War. It studies three major factors that contributed to the Chinese attitude toward their pows. First, cultural understanding focused a strong resentment upon those who returned as prisoners of war. Second, Communist ideology highly politicized the debriefing process of the cpv repatriates and demanded severely punitive outcomes. Finally, the Chinese military’s deficient pow policy played a crucial role in rejecting an honorable status for the repatriated pows. As the war ended with a ceasefire and left the nation facing lingering, unsettled issues on the Korean peninsula, the returned cpv pows seemed to be treated as scapegoats who were made to bear the blame for the outcome of the war.

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15

Moore, Bob. "A Review of “British Prisoners of the Korean War”, by S.P. MacKenzie." International History Review 37, no. 1 (January 2015): 198–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2014.967473.

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16

전갑생. "Korean War Prisoners of War & Photographs: The ‘Orient Communists’ Racial Frames and the Representation of Violence." EWHA SAHAK YEONGU ll, no. 56 (June 2018): 143–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.37091/ewhist.2018..56.004.

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17

Huh, Sun. "Parasitic Diseases as the Cause of Death of Prisoners of War during the Korean War (1950-1953)." Korean Journal of Parasitology 52, no. 3 (June 26, 2014): 335–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3347/kjp.2014.52.3.335.

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18

Huxford, Grace. "‘Write Your Life!’: British Prisoners of War in the Korean War (1950–1953) and Enforced Life Narratives." Life Writing 12, no. 1 (November 20, 2014): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14484528.2015.981774.

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19

LEE, Sang-Ho. "North Korea’s Purge of pro-Japanese group, Viewed in the Report of Prisoners of war during the Korean War." Association Of Korean-Japanese National Studies 39 (December 30, 2020): 125–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.35647/kjna.2020.39.125.

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20

Page, William F., and Adrian M. Ostfeld. "Malnutrition and subsequent ischemic heart disease in former prisoners of war of world war II and the Korean conflict." Journal of Clinical Epidemiology 47, no. 12 (December 1994): 1437–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0895-4356(94)90087-6.

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21

LEE, Sang-Ho. "North Korea’s Purge of pro-Japanese group, Viewed in the Report of Prisoners of war during the Korean War." Association Of Korean-Japanese National Studies 39 (December 30, 2020): 125–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.35647/kjna.2020.39.125.

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22

Wylie, Neville, and James Crossland. "The Korean War and the Post-war Prisoner of War Regime, 1945–1956." War in History 23, no. 4 (November 2016): 439–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344515575806.

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23

Lee, Sunwoo. "Ideology Was A Uniform to Be Taken On and Off: An Anti-Communist Prisoner’s Survival from Manchuria to Korea to India." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 27, no. 3 (October 26, 2020): 282–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-27030005.

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Abstract Chi Ki-ch’ŏl’s story reveals a man not driven by ideology, but buffeted by it. He began adulthood as a Korean exile in Manchuria, where the Japanese occupation army conscripted him. After Japan’s defeat in August 1945, he joined a Korean contingent of the Chinese Communist Army and fought in the Chinese Civil War. His unit later repatriated to North Korea, where it joined the invasion of South Korea on 25 June 1950. When U.S.-led forces of the United Nations shattered that invasion in September, he quickly arranged to surrender to U.S. troops. While in custody, Chi worked with Republic of Korea (rok) intelligence to organize prisoner of war (pow) resistance to their being returned to North Korea after the impending armistice. He enjoyed privileges as an anti-Communist in the pow camps, and hoped it would continue. Although an active anti-Communist, Chi judged that he would not be able to live in South Korea as an ex-pow. After refusing repatriation to North Korea, he also rejected staying in South Korea. But Chi would survive elsewhere. He relocated to India, where he thrived as a businessman. He chose the space of neutrality to succeed as an anti-Communist, where life nevertheless reflected the contentious energy of the Cold War. Chi’s decision demonstrated how ideology, despite its importance to him, was not sufficient to translate his rejection of Communist North Korea into a commitment to South Korea.

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24

Lockertsen, Jan-Thore, Åshild Fause, and Christine E. Hallett. "The Norwegian Mobile Army Surgical Hospital in the Korean War (1951–1954): Military Hospital or Humanitarian “Sanctuary?”." Nursing History Review 28, no. 1 (September 1, 2019): 93–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/1062-8061.28.93.

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During the Korean War (1950–1953) the Norwegian government sent a mobile army surgical hospital (MASH) to support the efforts of the United Nations (UN) Army. From the first, its status was ambiguous. The US-led military medical services believed that the “Norwegian Mobile Army Surgical Hospital” (NORMASH) was no different from any other MASH; but both its originators and its staff regarded it as a vehicle for humanitarian aid. Members of the hospital soon recognized that their status in the war zone was primarily that of a military field hospital. Yet they insisted on providing essential medical care to the local civilian population as well as trauma care to UN soldiers and prisoners of war. The ambiguities that arose from the dual mission of NORMASH are explored in this article, which pays particular attention to the experiences of nurses, as expressed in three types of source: their contemporary letters to their Matron-in-Chief; a report written by one nurse shortly after the war; and a series of oral history interviews conducted approximately 60 years later. The article concludes that the nurses of NORMASH experienced no real role-conflict. They viewed it as natural that they should offer their services to both military and civilian casualties according to need, and they experienced a sense of satisfaction from their work with both types of patient. Ultimately, the experience of Norwegian nurses in Korea illustrates the powerful sense of personal agency that could be experienced by nurses in forward field hospitals, where political decision-making did not impinge too forcefully on their clinical and ethical judgment as clinicians.

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25

Allport, Alan. "S. P. MacKenzie. British Prisoners of the Korean War. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012. Pp. 224. $110.00 (cloth)." Journal of British Studies 52, no. 4 (October 2013): 1102–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2013.163.

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26

Page, William F., and Richard N. Miller. "Cirrhosis Mortality among Former American Prisoners of War of World War II and the Korean Conflict: Results of a 50-Year Follow-Up." Military Medicine 165, no. 10 (October 1, 2000): 781–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/milmed/165.10.781.

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27

Sutker, Patricia B., Bradley T. Thomason, and Albert N. Allain. "Adjective self-descriptions of world war II and korean prisoner of war and combat veterans." Journal of Psychopathology and Behavioral Assessment 11, no. 2 (June 1989): 185–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00960479.

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28

Gibby, Bryan R. "The Battle of Shangganling, Korea, October-November 1952." Journal of Chinese Military History 6, no. 1 (May 31, 2017): 53–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22127453-12341308.

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The six-week-long Battle of Shangganling (known to the Americans as Operation SHOWDOWN), demonstrated the increasing military effectiveness of the Chinese People’s Volunteer Army (cpva) in the Korean War. The cpva intervention in October and November 1950 had deprived the American-led United Nations Command (unc) of an almost certain victory and set the outcome of the Korean War in strategic limbo. After five Chinese-led campaigns and several u.s. Eighth Army counteroffensives, the battle lines stabilized with the cpva still exposed to American firepower from the ground and air. Prolonged negotiations to settle the conflict (begun in July 1951) gave Chinese armies the opportunity to rearm, reform, and establish a competitive tactical method. Both sides deadlocked over the issue of prisoner repatriation in the spring of 1952, leading a frustrated unc to seek to inflict enough damage on Chinese armies while seizing key terrain to make them more likely to accept demands for voluntary repatriation. SHOWDOWN’s failure convinced American leaders that the military power then available in the Korean theater could not settle the war. The Chinese experience at Shangganling produced a similar lesson and further validated the cpva’s doctrine and technique that permitted them to resist the unc’s coercive approach.

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29

Page, William F., and Lawrence M. Brass. "Long-Term Heart Disease and Stroke Mortality among Former American Prisoners of War of World War II and the Korean Conflict: Results of a 50-Year Follow-Up." Military Medicine 166, no. 9 (September 1, 2001): 803–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/milmed/166.9.803.

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30

Ong, Y. L., and P. Carter. "Grand rounds: ‘I'll knock elsewhere’ – the impact of past trauma in later life." Psychiatric Bulletin 25, no. 11 (November 2001): 435–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.25.11.435.

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“And when life has no more meaning in old age, the will to meaning is lost; when life no longer seems to be worth living, some people who have experienced disasters and are unable to cope, may throw their lives away.” (Wilson et al, 1988) There continues to be a great deal of interest among psychiatrists, psychologists and sociologists about post traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) related to war crimes and experiences. Twentieth century studies of Holocaust victims and Far East prisoners of war, Korean and Vietnam veterans and the recent experiences of people in Bosnia have honed the diagnosis and increased awareness of the gradations of these disorders. Almost every conceivable variable has been examined in attempts to explore the motivating and resulting behaviours. Initially most studies dealt with the immediate impact of the event, but more recently articles have focused on the longer-term effects on relatives and the next generations of the earlier events (Sigal, 1998). Time has allowed this. The passage of time has also established that post-traumatic stress symptoms can be reactivated as much as half a century after the original trauma (Krasucki et al, 1995). Reactivation of events from 40 or 50 years previously may occur via current stressors such as social isolation and upheaval. Equally perceived helplessness precipitated by the somatic process of ageing could reactivate previous feelings and a delayed onset or exacerbation of clinical PTSD may emerge during the process of ageing. Institutionalisation itself could re-awaken feelings associated with incarceration or victimisation (Aarts & Op den Velde, 1996; Sadavoy, 1997). Late-life PTSD is more often associated with sleep disturbance, nightmares, intrusive ideation and avoidance of reminders of the original events (Kuch & Cox, 1992).

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31

JOHNSON, JESSICA. "Brian D. McKnight, We Fight for Peace: Twenty-Three American Soldiers, Prisoners of War, and “Turncoats” in the Korean War (Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 2014, $39.95). Pp. 275. isbn978 1 6063 5207 6." Journal of American Studies 50, no. 1 (February 2016): 269–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002187581500242x.

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32

Lee (李榭熙), Joseph Tse-Hei. "Faith and Defiance (信仰与反抗：毛泽东统治时期的基督徒囚犯)." Review of Religion and Chinese Society 4, no. 2 (November 30, 2017): 167–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22143955-00402002.

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The persecution of Chinese Christians after the outbreak of the Korean War raised important questions about faith and politics in a state-centric society. This article examines the experience and memory of three Protestant religious prisoners in the Maoist era: Watchman Nee (Ni Tuosheng 倪柝声), who founded the Christian Assembly (jidutu juhuichu基督徒聚会处) or Little Flock (xiaoqun小群) in early twentieth-century China; Epaphras Wu (Wu Weizun 吳维僔), an active Little Flock member; and Robert Huang (Huang Zhaojian 黃兆坚), who organized Seventh-Day Adventist activities in 1950s Shanghai. The persecution stories of these religious leaders entered Chinese Christian hagiography, providing Chinese Christians with a shared cultural resource that transcended denominational and theological differences. Central to my investigation are questions about how Christians reacted to Maoism, how they came to terms with the traumatizing experience of incarceration as part of a broader life struggle, and how Chinese churches made sense of these persecution narratives to assert their faith and agency. A closer look at the history of these religious prisoners enables us to capture faith-based resistance at an individual level, and to contextualize the particularities of each persecution in the Maoist period.朝鲜战争爆发之后，对基督徒的迫害在中国这样一个国家主导的社会里是一个严重的信仰与政治问题。本文探究了毛泽东时代三位基督新教徒囚犯的经历与回忆。第一位是倪柝声，二十世纪早期中国基督徒聚会处或小群的创始人；吴维僔，一位活跃的小群信徒；以及黄兆坚，50年代上海基督复临安息日会活动的组织者。这三位基督徒领袖受迫害的故事纳入了中国基督徒的圣人史，为中国基督徒提供了超越宗派神学差异的共享文化资源。本文的核心问题是，这些基督徒如何应对毛泽东思想，他们如何忍受漫长的囚禁生涯，以及中国教会如何理解这些事迹以维护其信仰与教会。深入分析这些被囚基督徒的历史能帮助我们捕捉个人层面以信仰为根基的反抗，以及理解毛时期每个逼迫案例的独特性。

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33

Conache, Ian D. "Prisoners of war." BMJ 332, no. 7537 (February 9, 2006): 350. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.332.7537.350.

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34

Rich, J. W. "Prisoners of War." Classical Review 55, no. 1 (March 2005): 242–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/clrevj/bni133.

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35

Abu-Jamal, Mumia. "Prisoners of War." Monthly Review 53, no. 3 (July 5, 2001): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-053-03-2001-07_5.

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36

Franklin, Ann E. "Prisoners of War." Neurology Now 12, no. 3 (2016): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01.nnn.0000484616.24670.57.

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37

Doyle, Robert C., Philip Towle, Margaret Kosuge, and Yoichi Kibata. "Japanese Prisoners of War." Journal of Military History 65, no. 4 (October 2001): 1147. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2677691.

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38

Piafsky, Michael. "Prisoners of War (review)." Missouri Review 27, no. 2 (2004): 201–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mis.2004.0060.

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39

Lee, Tae Hee, Young Woo Kang, Hyun Jin Kim, Sun Moon Kim, Euyi Heog Im, Kyu Chan Huh, Young Woo Choi, Tae Hyo Kim, Ok Jae Lee, and Un Tae Jung. "Foreign Objects in Korean Prisoners." Korean Journal of Internal Medicine 22, no. 4 (2007): 275. http://dx.doi.org/10.3904/kjim.2007.22.4.275.

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40

Skelton, William Paul, and Nadine Khouzam Skelton. "Women as Prisoners of War." Military Medicine 160, no. 11 (November 1, 1995): 558–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/milmed/160.11.558.

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41

Krivonozhenko, Alexander. "Use of Prisoners of War Labor in Karelia During the First World War." Journal of Economic History and History of Economics 21, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 604–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-2488.2020.21(4).604-629.

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The article describes the study of using prisoners' labor in Karelia during the First World War. The scientific novelty of the study is that for the first time the angle of approach to this problem was beyond the traditional context of the issue, that usually covers the details of the Murmansk railway construction and prisoners labor service. The author analyzed the proposals which were put forward by the Zemstvos and by the governing bodies of the Olonets and Arkhangelsk provinces. They proposed to use the labor of prisoners in the implementation of several infrastructure projects, which were aimed at achieving major strategic defense objectives, as well as at solving local economic problems. The text has a special focus on the problem of using prisoners of war in the field work in Karelia. The study concluded that the labor of war prisoners was hardly used in Karelia. The only major construction project, which included prisoners labor, was the construction of the Murmansk railway. Several reasons for that were defined and presented in the article. Firstly, it was due to the reluctance of the Central authorities to spend money on major projects duplicating the railway to Murmansk, which was under construction. Secondly, it was caused by the position of the Olonets provincial administration, which resisted the additional inflow of prisoners of war to Karelia. Thirdly, it was dependent on the specificities of local peasant population and its regional economic structure.

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42

Twomey, Christina. "Prisoners of war of the Japanese: War and memory in Australia." Memory Studies 6, no. 3 (June 28, 2013): 321–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698013482649.

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This article reflects on the place of prisoners of war of the Japanese in Australian memory of World War II. It examines the return to prominence of prisoners of war memory in the 1980s and places this phenomenon in the context of the memory boom and the attention accorded to difficult or traumatic memories. By exploring the relationship between Australian war memories and debates about Indigenous suffering, it suggests that cosmopolitan memory cultures form an important conceptual link between them. Recognising prisoners of war memory as an example of traumatic memory allows us to move beyond an analysis bounded by the nation state, and to argue that instead of seeing it as emerging in competition with other contemporary memories focused on the suffering of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, it shares some elements in common with them.

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43

Carlson, Paul H., and Brad D. Lookingbill. "War Dance at Fort Marion: Plains Indian War Prisoners." Journal of Southern History 73, no. 3 (August 1, 2007): 722. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27649526.

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44

Nachtigal, Reinhard. "Prisoners of War in Russia during World War I." Quaestio Rossica, no. 1 (2014): 142–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/qr.2014.1.028.

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45

Ahern, W. H. "War Dance at Fort Marion: Plains Indian War Prisoners." Journal of American History 93, no. 4 (March 1, 2007): 1255. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25094673.

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46

Grady, Tim. "British prisoners of war in First World War Germany." First World War Studies 10, no. 2-3 (September 2, 2019): 273–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19475020.2020.1774123.

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47

Wylie, Neville. "Prisoners of War in the Era of Total War." War in History 13, no. 2 (April 2006): 217–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/0968344506wh337ra.

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48

Stockel, H. Henrietta. "War Dance at Fort Marion: Plains Indian War Prisoners." Western Historical Quarterly 38, no. 2 (May 2007): 230–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/whq/38.2.230.

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49

Natalia, Shabelnik. "Work of Foreign Powers of War During the Restoration of the Central Chernozemye Industry in the Years the Great Patriotic War." TECHNOLOGOS, no. 2 (2021): 91–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.15593/perm.kipf/2021.2.08.

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The study of aspect prisoners of war in the restoration of the USSR industry during the Great Patriotic War arouses scientific interest of native historiography. Contradictory opinions and assessment of foreign prisoners of war contribution to the restoration of the USSR industrial facilities accentuate the relevance of the topic. The study of this issue at the regional level arouses great interest. The practical significance of the topic lies in the fact that, firstly, it is the material for further study of the problem of foreign prisoners of war on the territory of the Central Chernozemye Region, and secondly, it can be used as the material for the examination of a number of topics on the history of prisoners of war during the Great Patriotic War at government level. During the Great Patriotic War the front line passed through the territory of the Central Chernozemye Region (summer 1942 – winter 1943). Kursk and a part of Voronezh region were occupied by Nazi troops. In the second half of 1942 the first production camps for foreign prisoners of war were established in the Central Chernozemye Region. The increase in the number of camps, the number of prisoners of war and their involvement in production began in 1943. The main reason for the use of prisoners of war labor was, first of all, associated with a sharp increase in the number of prisoners of war after the Battle of Stalingrad; and secondly, with a shortage of manpower. In the first months of the camps operation the involvement of prisoners of war in the work remained low. But in the second half of 1944 it began the massive use of prisoners of war labor. Their labor included restoration work in all industries of the Central Chernozemye Region. By the end of the war prisoners of war had been recruited to work according to their civil specialties. Despite the active use of prisoners of war labor as a part of the complex of restoration measures in the Central Chernozemye Region their contribution was insignificant in comparison with the material damage caused. The article, based on the analysis of archival materials and historical literature, as well as on the historical-comparative, systemic, statistical and other methods of scientific research, shows the contribution of foreign prisoners of war to the restoration of industrial facilities in the Central Chernozyom region during the Great Patriotic War.

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Chapaeva, Anna M. "The Content and Treatment of Prisoners of war During the First World War (on the example of the Kostroma and Yaroslavl provinces)." Vestnik Yaroslavskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta im. P. G. Demidova. Seriya gumanitarnye nauki 15, no. 2 (June 11, 2021): 184. http://dx.doi.org/10.18255/1996-5648-2021-2-184-193.

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This article is devoted to the content of prisoners of war in the Kostroma and Yaroslavl provinces during the First World War. The international and Russian legal framework for the detention of prisoners of war is indicated, which prescribes the conditions for providing medical care, the use of labor and the treatment of officers and lower ranks. Examples of the content of prisoners of war and the attitude of the local population to military prisoners are given. The approximate expenses for the maintenance of prisoners of war in the specified provinces are shown. The generaliter information concerning equipment with medical and disinfection equipment is given. The analysis of archival documents and publications concerning the maintenance of prisoners of war is carried out.

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