Academic literature on the topic 'Kosovo (Republic) – History'

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Journal articles on the topic "Kosovo (Republic) – History"

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Istrefi, Kushtrim. "Contestation of Kosovo’s Statehood from Within: EULEX Judges Adjudicating Privatization Matters through ‘Status Neutrality’." Review of Central and East European Law 45, no. 4 (December 16, 2020): 432–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15730352-bja10036.

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Abstract Kosovo’s statehood has been contested by foes as well as friends. Much is known about the former and less about the latter. This contribution explores the contestation of Kosovo’s independence by the judges of the European Union Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo (eulex) working on privatization matters before Kosovo courts. As put by the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo (kcc), eulex judges working on privatization matters, “simply continued to ignore the existence of Kosovo as an independent State and its legislation emanating from its Assembly”. The kcc stated this after eulex judges working on privatization matters had refused to respect Kosovo laws and institutions subsequent to the 2008 Kosovo Declaration of Independence. This paper explores the judicial dialogue on Kosovo’s independence between eulex judges and the kcc and identifies the limitations and risks of the ‘status neutral’ policy applied by international organizations to collaborate with Kosovar institutions without prejudging its political status. This submission suggests that ‘status neutrality’ leads to either acceptance or contestation of Kosovo’s statehood and thus brings more uncertainty than clarity to Kosovo’s position in international relations.
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Strohmeyer, Hansjörg. "Collapse and Reconstruction of Ajudicial System: The United Nations Missions in Kosovo and East Timor." American Journal of International Law 95, no. 1 (January 2001): 46–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2642036.

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Within the span of only a few months in 1999, the United Nations was faced with one of the greatest challenges in its recent history: to serve as an interim government in Kosovo and East Timor.In Kosovo, in response to massive attacks on the Kosovar Albanian population, including orchestrated and wide-scale “ethnic cleansing,” the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) conducted an eleven-week air campaign against Yugoslav and Serbian security forces and paramilitary groups. The campaign resulted in the agreement of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia to withdraw all Yugoslav and Serbian security forces from the territory. On June 10,1999, one day after the suspension of NATO’s air strikes, the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 1244 (1999), establishing the United Nations Interim Administration in Kosovo (UNMIK).
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Nielsen, Christian Axboe. "Serbian Historiography after 1991." Contemporary European History 29, no. 1 (November 12, 2019): 90–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077731900033x.

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Few countries in Europe have witnessed as much turbulence during the past quarter century as the seven states which emerged from socialist Yugoslavia after it dissolved amidst a catastrophic series of wars of succession. Although actual armed conflict only took place in Serbia (then still including Kosovo in the rump state Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) in 1998 and 1999, Serbia directly participated in the wars of Yugoslav succession beginning in 1991 in Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and then finally in Kosovo. For nearly a decade from 1992 until 2001 Serbia's economy languished under the combination of a kleptocratic regime, expensive and protracted military engagements and international sanctions. The long Serbian transition entered a new phase in October 2000, when Yugoslav President Slobodan Milošević was ousted by a very heterogeneous political coalition whose leaders shared only an intense antipathy for Milošević. The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was transformed into the short-lived state union of Serbia and Montenegro, which disappeared when Montenegro declared its independence in 2006, followed by Kosovo in 2008.
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Ukimeraj, MSc Albulena. "Promotion of Human Rights in the Republic of Kosovo." ILIRIA International Review 6, no. 1 (July 27, 2016): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v6i1.233.

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Fundamental rights and freedoms are constitutional category of democratic states whereas the standards for guaranteeing these rights have been determined in the highest international acts of the United Nations.Promotion of equality and compliance with human rights initially originated in social developments in antiquity period. The Greek philosophy represented by world class philosophers Plato and Aristotle, created the foundation for complying with these rights which still serve as principles in the modern times and democratic developments. In later stages of social developments, despite the progress, compliance with human rights in the slavery era but even in the medieval times was faced with many challenges. Meanwhile, the development of the modern world, as an enlightening historic moment, it is the French Revolution, which was of course preceded by important documents in the history of development and advancement of human rights such as: Magna Carta Libertatum and the US Constitution.The reason for addressing this topic consists in the fact that these fundamental rights and freedoms are parts of constitutions of many countries including Kosovo, which are proclaimed and protected by different acts and norms, however they continue to be infringed either by individuals or institutions. Thus, with the aim of promotion of human rights and legal basis related to them in the Republic of Kosovo, this paper will elaborate development of human rights and the legal infrastructure for protection and compliance of human rights in a chronological manner by providing conclusions on the promotion of human rights in the Republic of Kosovo.
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Cvijic, Srdjan. "Swinging the Pendulum: World War II History, Politics, National Identity and Difficulties of Reconciliation in Croatia and Serbia." Nationalities Papers 36, no. 4 (September 2008): 713–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990802230563.

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The downfall of communist Yugoslavia and the democratization process that followed at the end of the 1980s have led to the fragmentation of the country, which was accompanied by several wars of different intensity and duration (1991–1999). From the ashes of what once was the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia raised six independent states: Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Macedonia and Serbia. The situation relating to the southern Serbian province of Kosovo, after its unilateral declaration of independence at the beginning of 2008, and subsequent recognition by parts of the international community, remains unclear. Slovenia is already in the EU, while the rest of the former Yugoslav republics, within the framework of the Stabilization and Association Process of the European Union, have the status of EU Candidate or Potential Candidate countries and are slowly moving towards EU membership.
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Trubeta, Sevasti. "Balkan Egyptians and Gypsy/Roma Discourse." Nationalities Papers 33, no. 1 (March 2005): 71–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990500053788.

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Since the 1990s, yet another entity has emerged among the wide range of groups and minorities in the Balkans attracting the attention of politicians, scholars and the public. Known as “Egypcani” in Macedonia and Kosovo, or as “Jevgs/Jevgits” in Albania, these Albanophone Muslims are usually identified as Albanianised “Gypsies” by the societies in which they live, although they consider themselves to be descendents of Egyptian immigrants to the Balkans. Today, Balkan Egyptians are officially recognised as a distinct population group in the Republic of Macedonia, while they enjoy political influence through representative and cultural organisations in Kosovo and Albania.
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Salihu, Ekrem. "The Right of Pledge on Movable Items (Pignus) in Republic of Kosovo." European Journal of Social Sciences 2, no. 1 (March 30, 2019): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejss-2019.v2i1-55.

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The pledge is an item right based on which its official holder – the pledgee may seek the payment of his/her claims from the item if those aren’t paid within certain time limit. The right of pledge in the Republic of Kosovo constitutes a complex occurrence which has various relations on which at one side is the pledgee creditor, and in the other side are debtor pledgor and other third persons. The role of pledge and its affirmation is related to most qualitative changes of claims. The right of pledge as item right in foreign item (iura in re aliena) makes a history only to a certain degree of economic and social development. In this degree of development there was a need and necessity to secure the other’s claims even de facto, by the hand item, by ”pledging” of an item. The creditor requires that his claims to the debtor be secured by obtaining of a pledge of debtor item. The debtor’s conjunction of creditor by obtaining debtor’s item is safer for the creditor to realize its claims, rather than when the debtor secured these claims by his/her personality, bail, personal insurance. In the Kosovo legal system there is possessory pledge, non-possessory pledge and the pledge over the rights.
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Kritsiotis, Dino. "The Kosovo Crisis and Nato's Application of Armed Force Against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 49, no. 2 (April 2000): 330–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300064186.

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In the fifth week of NATO's 78–day aerial intervention in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY), the FRY initiated proceedings in the International Court of Justice against ten of its member States which it accused of violating the principles of international law in relation to the jus ad bellum and the jus in bello.1 NATO's action, known as Operation Allied Force, had commenced on the night of 24 March 1999 when cruise missiles were directed on Serbian targets located in the Kosovan capital of Pristina and in the Republic's capital of Belgrade.2 This robust application of armed force came on the eve of the 50th anniversary of NATO, an organisation which was established after the Second World War for the collective defence of its member States, and constituted the first offensive launched against another sovereign State in the organisation's entire history.
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Salihu, MA Arben. "The Potential of Economic Diplomacy for Kosovo’s Economic Growth." ILIRIA International Review 5, no. 1 (June 30, 2015): 287. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v5i1.21.

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Historically, the wise use of country’s economic potential brought conducive political gains. In contemporary times, where the business competition has reached its peak, the creative diplomacy that caters economic concerns, generally called the economic diplomacy is gaining pace. The term of Economic Diplomacy is fairly new, but apparently the research and evaluation of this concept is rapidly increasing, primarily to assess its impact on economic growth. Despite gaining popularity and acknowledgment, many countries are not taking full advantage of economic diplomacy, the Republic of Kosovo is case in point. The aim of this work is to explore the importance of economic diplomacy for Kosovo, a developing country, but with vast potential for growth. The study begins with a brief analysis on Kosovo economic history and the first signs of economic diplomacy. In addition, it discusses the role, importance and the future of economic diplomacy for Kosovo, vis a vis challenges and opportunities. It analysis the level of the use of economic diplomacy in the region, as well as presents data concerning Kosovo trade with world during the period 2004-2014. Finally it offers a number of recommendations for economic development in relations to economic diplomacy and concludes that success of the economic diplomacy largely depends on active, creative and proactive leadership as well as shrewd decison making.
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SALIHU, Ekrem. "The Right of Pledge on Movable items (Pignus) on Republic of Kosovo." PRIZREN SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL 4, no. 1 (April 30, 2020): 42–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.32936/pssj.v4i1.139.

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The pledge is an item right based on which its official holder – the pledgee may seek the payment of his/her claims from the item if those aren’t paid within certain time limit. The right of pledge in the Republic of Kosovo constitutes a complex occurrence which has various relations on which at one side is the pledgee creditor, and in the other side are debtor pledgor and other third persons. The role of pledge and its affirmation is related to most qualitative changes of claims. The right of pledge as item right in foreign item (iura in re aliena) makes a history only to a certain degree of economic and social development. In this degree of development there was a need and necessity to secure the other’s claims even de facto, by the hand item, by ”pledging” of an item. The creditor requires that his claims to the debtor be secured by obtaining of a pledge of debtor item. The debtor’s conjunction of creditor by obtaining debtor’s item is safer for the creditor to realize its claims, rather than when the debtor secured these claims by his/her personality, bail, personal insurance. In the Kosovo legal system there is possessory pledge, non-possessory pledge and the pledge over the rights. Key word: The Right of Pledge, Pignus, Mortgage, Pledge Object, Pledge Principles, Titles for Obtaining the Right of Pledge by the Hand Item.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Kosovo (Republic) – History"

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Vaschenko, Vitalii. "Analysis of the modern inter-ethnic conflict : case study of Kosovo /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Mar%5FVaschenko.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil Military Relations))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2004.
Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-67). Also available online.
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Battaglia, Antonia. "Du droit des peuples non étatiques à se constituer en Etat souverain." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210207.

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La présente thèse veut fonder le droit moral à faire sécession, en analysant le principe de souveraineté nationale, le concept de peuple, celui de nation et de nationalisme, pour arriver à considérer la sécession en tant que phénomène inévitable suivant la dissolution de l'Etat en tant que principe absolu, et en tant que conséquence parfois souhaitable dans les conflits inter-ethniques qui n'arrivent pas à être résolus. Notre point de vue ne sera pas celui de qui veut forcer une minorité ou un groupe à demeurer dans une situation de status quo, afin de ne pas déranger les équilibres politiques internationaux ou de ne pas trahir le principe de la souveraineté d’un État sur son territoire ou celui de la non-ingérence. Nous aurons plutôt à cœur d’établir la réalité des faits derrière le mouvement sécessionniste, pour garantir au peuple demandeur de sécession une impartialité de traitement et l’avènement de meilleures conditions de vie pour sa population. Nos considérations seront pragmatiques, réalistes, marginalisant les fondements de droit international comme le principe de non-ingérence et le respect de la souveraineté étatique ainsi que les considérations d’ordre politique et stratégique.

Ce qui nous intéresse est la fondation d’un droit moral qui puisse se révéler capital dans la résolution de conflits et crises interethniques, et qui puisse faciliter les prises de décisions dans les crises sécessionnistes – quand la sécession en cours sera justifiable – pour aboutir à la création d’un nouvel État pour des raisons biens fondées, raisons qui n’ont pas pu être accommodées à travers des instruments tels quels l’octroi de droits spéciaux, les tentatives de pacification, la cohabitation forcée, l’autonomie, le fédéralisme.

Les événements qui portent une minorité ou un groupe national à contempler une solution sécessionniste sont en général marqués par une tension politique plus ou moins forte, des problèmes d’ordre social ou économique, parfois des violations de droits collectifs ou, pire, des conflits armés, violence de masse, génocide. Ce n’est jamais, ou seulement dans de très rares cas, une situation de bien-être qui génère une demande d’indépendance, et ce sera donc avec une encore plus grande humanité et de sentiments d’impartialité et de bienveillance qu’on devra considérer la situation en question.

Le droit à faire sécession existe parce qu’il appartient à chaque peuple de pouvoir se donner l’organisation politique et juridique de son choix. La référence juridique ne tournera plus autour des droits de l’homme (les droits fondamentaux des individus) mais autour des droits des gens (les droits fondamentaux des peuples) :ce droit, dans lequel ont cru aussi des philosophes comme Walzer, Livingstone, Boykin et Sandel, est une priorité éthique très forte pour la communauté internationale. C’est un droit fondamental et inaliénable, et comme tel il appartient à la sphère de la praxis humaine qui a à faire avec le comportement social, l’organisation politique et l’action civile pour une meilleure survie anthropologique du groupe.

La norme qui devrait sanctionner la fondation du droit moral à faire sécession est l’application effective du droit des peuples à choisir librement leur organisation politique et à poursuivre leur développement économique, social et culturel. Cette norme est reconnue à l’article 1er du Pacte international sur les droits politiques et civils, et à l’article 55 de la Charte des Nations Unies. Mais notre interprétation est très utopiste et elle se place très loin de la pratique de la politique internationale, qui veut voir dans le droit à l’autodétermination des peuples la seule autodétermination politique des peuples avec un État national bien défini :ce magnifique droit collectif est ainsi réduit à la seule possibilité de choisir son régime politique par les élections.


Doctorat en Philosophie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Books on the topic "Kosovo (Republic) – History"

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Gashi, Shkëlzen. Kosova 1912-2000 in the history textbooks of Kosova, Albania and Serbia. Prishtina: KAHCR, 2012.

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Kosovo: War and revenge. New Haven, Conn: Yale Nota Bene, 2002.

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Keçmezi-Basha, Sabile. Vlerësime historiko-politike. Prishtinë: Brezi '81, 2012.

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Kosovo: What Everyone Needs to Know. New York: Oxford University Press, 2008.

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Prokshi, Nezir. Baca Dinë dritë e shtigjeve të djemve të lirisë. Prishtinë: SHBPK (Shoqata të Burgosurve Politikë e Kosovës), 2013.

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Interpretimi i Deklaratës së Pavarësisë së Kosovës nga GJND. Prishtinë: Shtëpia Botuese Faik Konica, 2013.

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Đorđević, Svetlana. Svedočanstvo o Kosovu: Svetlana Đorđević. Beograd: Fond za humanitarno pravo, 2003.

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Ristić, Vojkan. The keys: Wartime prison diary of an arrested journalist from Vranje, 1999. Vranje: Vranje Press Print, 2006.

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Kosovo (Provisional government, 1990-2000). Kuvendi. Akte të Kuvendit të Republikës së Kosovës 2 Korrik 1990 -- 2 Maj 1992: Dokumente. Prishtinë: Akademia e Shkencave dhe e Arteve e Kosovës, 2005.

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Kosovo, (Provisional government 1990-2000) Kuvendi. Akte të Kuvendit të Republikës së Kosovës 2 Korrik 1990 -- 2 Maj 1992: Dokumente. Prishtinë: Akademia e Shkencave dhe e Arteve e Kosovës, 2005.

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Book chapters on the topic "Kosovo (Republic) – History"

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Peterson, James W. "Making different choices in the Balkan wars of the 1990s: Bosnia in 1992–95 and Kosovo in 1999." In Russian-American Relations in the Post-Cold War World. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526105783.003.0005.

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The historic Russian interest in the Balkans cmpeted with the American-led, changed NATO mission to generate considerable conflict in the immediate aftermath of the 1991 break-up of Yugoslavia. During the ensurng Balkan Wars, American and Russian interests clashed continuously during the Bosnian civil war of 1992-95. Further, the distinctiveness of the Kosovo republic within the shrunken Yugoslavia intensified these American-Russian differences. NATO air strikes took place both under the sponsorship of Operation Allied Force in Bosnia and in response to Serbian military incursions its own republic of Kosovo that included a 90% Muslim population. Conversations continued sporadically after completion of the NATO-Russian Founding Act in 1997, but military initiatives by the West threw them off the tracks.
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