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Journal articles on the topic 'Kosovo (Serbia) – International status'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Surlan, Tijana. "Recognition in international law: The case of Kosovo and Metohija." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 151 (2015): 289–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1551289s.

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Recognition is an instrument of the public international law founded in the classical international law. Still, it preserves its main characteristics formed in the period when states dominated as the only legal persons in international community. Nevertheless, the instrument of recognition is today as vibrant as ever. As long as it does not have a uniform legal definition and means of application, it leaves room to be applied to very specific cases. In this paper, the instrument of recognition is elaborated from two aspects - theoretical and practical. First (theoretical) part of the paper pre

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2

Koeth, Wolfgang. "The Serbia-Kosovo Agreement on Kosovos Regional Representation and the Feasibility Study: A Breakthrough in EU Kosovo Relations?" European Foreign Affairs Review 18, Issue 1 (2013): 127–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2013007.

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2012 was a year of significant developments for Kosovo: on 24 February, Serbian and Kosovo-Albanian negotiators reached an EU-mediated agreement on the representation of Kosovo in regional fora. Whereas this agreement enabled Serbia to gain the coveted status as EU candidate in March, it opened the way for Kosovo to participate in international meetings at regional level as an entity in its own rights. As stipulated in this agreement, the European Commission on 10 October also delivered a Feasibility Study on the conclusion of a Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA) between Kosovo and

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3

Pavlenko, Alexander. "The Development of Internal Political Processes in Kosovo (1999-2017)." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 26 (November 27, 2017): 325–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2017.26.325.

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Influence of Yugoslavia’s collapse, as well as of external factors on Kosovo’s separation from Serbia is explored in this article. Particular features of Kosovo’s internal policy development and problems with a full international recognition of its independence are also highlighted. The problem of Kosovo’s status within the diplomacy of “power poles” in modern international relations system in the context of NATO’s war against Yugoslavia in 1999 is underlined. Kosovo is a multi-party parliamentary representative democratic republic. The State is governed by legislative, executive and judicial

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Hebda, Wiktor. "KOSOVO STATUS ACCORDING TO STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ZAGREB AND THE UNIVERSITY OF BELGRADE." Politika nacionalne bezbednosti 18, no. 1/2020 (2020): 201–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/pnb.1812020.9.

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Kosovo independence still remains a key issue on a global scale. In simple terms, there are two contradictory stands on the sovereignty of Kosovo. According to the first one, Kosovo declaration of independence is illegal due to the breach of international law and the constitution of the Republic of Serbia of 2006. Meanwhile the second stand proves that unilateral Kosovo declaration of independence was legal since Kosovo Albanians are fully entitled to the right of self-determination. The following paper presents an opinion on Kosovo independence expressed by the students of the Faculty of Poli

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Dalipi, Dr Sc Samet, and MSc Nehat Demiri. "Rational Dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia - Way Toward Reconciliation." ILIRIA International Review 4, no. 1 (2015): 323. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v4i1.67.

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Within a decade, Kosovo has compromised twice: accepting the process of decentralization in order to achieve independence and international recognition, through the President Martti Ahtisaari’s Comprehensive Proposal for the Kosovo Status Settlement (2 February 2007), and finally, by approving to offer autonomy for Kosovo Serbs for the sovereignty, but still within the limits of the Ahtisaari Plan.Coincidentally, the same Serbian political parties which had fought three wars, resulting in dissolution of the state (Former Yugoslavia) at that time (the Socialist Party and the Serbian Radical Par

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BEREND, IVAN T. "The Kosovo Trap." European Review 14, no. 4 (2006): 413–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798706000445.

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In February 2006, talks began in Vienna to decide the status of Kosovo. The solution was forecast in several statements: instead of officially remaining a province of Serbia, considering that 90% of the population of the area is Albanian, mostly Muslim, and want independence, independent statehood might be granted to Kosovo. Kosovo enjoyed an autonomous status under Tito (abolished by Milošević) and thus has the legal right to decide on independence.Serbia wants to keep its authority over the province, which is considered to be the ‘cradle of Serbia,’ a sacrosanct place in Serbian history. How

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Pavlović, Aleksandar. "The everyday life of the Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica in the conditions of the undefined institutional status." Bastina, no. 51 (2020): 461–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bastina30-26304.

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In this paper the author presents the results of the research of the everyday life of the Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica in the conditions of the altered socio-political context after the war on Kosovo and Metohija in 1999. The main attention is paid to the status and the functioning of institutions. The aim of the paper is to offer a contribution based on the conceptualization of the ethnographic field work material in order to give the account of the everyday experience of Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica in the conditions of the undefined institutional relations caused by the with

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Stevanović, Miroslav, and Dragan Đurđević. "Cultural heritage in K&M in the light of implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1244." Megatrend revija 18, no. 2 (2021): 185–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/megrev2102185s.

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On the part of the Republic of Serbia, the UN Security Council has established a temporary mandate of the United Nations. During this mandate, self-government institutions should be developed, until a political solution is reached about the final political status of that part of the territory. As the territorialization of any political community implies the tradition in specific region, thus among the elements for considering are the historical ones, which are evidenced by the cultural heritage in the area. This significance is recognized at the international level and heritage enjoys internat

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9

Dimitrijevic, Dusko, Ivona Ladjevac, and Mihajlo Vucic. "The analysis of un activities in resolving the issue of Kosovo and Metohija." Medjunarodni problemi 64, no. 4 (2012): 442–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1204442d.

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After the Security Council had established the international administration in Kosovo on grounds of the Resolution no. 1244 of 10 June 1999 for the construction and reconstruction of the legal and economic systems, the support and protection of human rights, the provision of humanitarian and other assistance, it adopted the conclusion that the achievement of a political settlement for the southern Serbian province would primarily depend on the development and consolidation of peace and security. Accordingly, in May 2001, the international administration adopted the Constitutional Framework for

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10

Andrzejczak-Świątek, Małgorzata. "The process of reconciliation between Serbia and Kosovo and the international legal strategies of the EU States, the USA, and Russia(with particular emphasis on the activities of the Kosovo Specialist Chambers)." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 19, no. 4 (2021): 109–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2021.4.6.

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The aim of this article is to analyse the international legal and political process of reconciliation between Serbia and Kosovo in terms of its impact on the scope of development directions and strategies of the European Union countries as well as Russia and the USA. Particular emphasis was placed on the treatment of these issues in the light of the activities of the Kosovo Specialist Chambers and Specialist Prosecutor’s Office. The main theses assumed for the purposes of this article are as follows: firstly, that the policy of reconciliation between Serbia and Kosovo is multidimensional, incl

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11

Stošić, Sanja, and Mića Živojinović. "The geoeconomics of Kosovo and Metohija in the geopolitical pattern of the United States." Vojno delo 74, no. 3 (2022): 32–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo2203032s.

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Having in mind the number of countries that have recognized the independently proclaimed state of Kosovo, contrary to the principles of international law that does not recognize self-determination and secession, as well as those countries that have not recognized it, it can be concluded that the area of Kosovo and Metohija, as an integral part of the territory of the Republic of Serbia, has no status of an internationally recognized country. On the other hand, taking into account the natural resources in the area of the Kosovo-Metohija basin, especially mineral wealth, Kosovo and Metohija with

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12

Mirovic, Dejan. "Why Serbia is asked to recognize Kosovo with comparative examples of Bangladesh and Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 149 (2014): 991–1000. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1449991m.

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In the context of public international law and relations between principles of territorial integrity and right to self-determination, independence of Kosovo will never be legal if it is not recognized by Serbia. This can be concluded from the examples of violent secession of Bangladesh and Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. That is why Serbia still has a right to decide about the independence of Kosovo and Metohija despite signing Brussels Agreement and the fact that 100 UN member states recognized Kosovo as an independent state. Forty years after the secession of northern part of the island

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13

Nielsen, Christian Axboe. "Serbian Historiography after 1991." Contemporary European History 29, no. 1 (2019): 90–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077731900033x.

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Few countries in Europe have witnessed as much turbulence during the past quarter century as the seven states which emerged from socialist Yugoslavia after it dissolved amidst a catastrophic series of wars of succession. Although actual armed conflict only took place in Serbia (then still including Kosovo in the rump state Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) in 1998 and 1999, Serbia directly participated in the wars of Yugoslav succession beginning in 1991 in Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and then finally in Kosovo. For nearly a decade from 1992 until 2001 Serbia's economy languish

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Filimonova, Anna Igorevna, and Kseniya Dmitrievna Kot. "The role of Zoran Djindjic in resolving the Kosovo issue." Uchenyy Sovet (Academic Council), no. 5 (April 22, 2021): 372 (402)—383 (409). http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/nik-02-2105-05.

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The article is devoted to one of the most dramatic events in the history of Serbia - the assassination of Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic, in terms of analyzing two key aspects. Firstly, numerous inconsistencies, discrepancies, contradictions and outright falsifications were revealed on the part of the official investigation and the official version of the attentate, in which it was not possible to reliably establish the motives, methods of committing the crime and the true perpetrators of the prime minister's death. Consequently, the reason for the murder of the prime minister, which, no doubt,

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15

Bono, Giovanna. "The European Union and ‘Supervised Independence’ of Kosovo: A Strategic Solution to the Kosovo/Serbia Conflict?" European Foreign Affairs Review 15, Issue 2 (2010): 249–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2010018.

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Abstract. This article challenges the dominant view that the European Union (EU) acted as a neutral broker in the negotiations over the Kosovo status issue. It also questions some of the critical arguments that the EU behaved as a neo-colonial power. The article suggests that EU policy towards Kosovo was shaped by a ‘victors peace’ approach but it was non-strategic, that is, it was not based on a long-term assessment of how best to foster reconciliation in the region while at the same time safeguarding the EU’s economic, political and security interests. In fact, although a consensus had emerg

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16

Van Elsuwege, Peter. "Legal Creativity in EU External Relations: The Stabilization and Association Agreement Between the EU and Kosovo." European Foreign Affairs Review 22, Issue 3 (2017): 393–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2017032.

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This article puts the specific features of the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) between the EU and Kosovo in perspective. In particular, it analyses how the unsolved issue of Kosovo’s recognition affects the scope and content of the agreement. For this purpose, the SAA with Kosovo is compared to the SAA with Serbia. Despite the at first sight comparable structure of both agreements, the absence of mixity in the SAA with Kosovo as well as the reservations regarding its international legal status lead to a number of noticeable differences, in particular as far as the rules regarding

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17

Ramaj, Vehbi, Mensur Tusha, Hazir Hajdari, and Mustafë Kadriaj. "THE 100% TAX ON SERBIA’S PRODUCTS AND INTERNATIONAL PRESSURE ON KOSOVO." Knowledge International Journal 31, no. 1 (2019): 107–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij3101107r.

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With the imposition of a 100% tax in November 2018 for products originating from Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Government of the Republic of Kosovo, like never before, reacted to aggressive Serbian diplomatic politics. As a result of Serbian diplomacy, recognitions have been contested, causing Kosovo to fail in membership in international organizations. According to the current prime minister, the Government of Kosovo is determined until the Serbian state reflects, despite the international pressure until recognition of Kosovo, as an independent country in mutual recognition. The tax,

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18

Lisanin, Mladen. "Regional position of Serbia in light of foreign policy relations with its “old neighbors”." Medjunarodni problemi 69, no. 4 (2017): 483–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1704483l.

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Due to turbulent circumstances and controversial heritage in regard to the breakup of ex-Yugoslavia, regional position of Serbia is, within academic as well as the wider public, most often observed in the context of its relations with the ?new? neighbors - the states that have emerged from the breakup of the former common country. This is in part because of constant tensions in the relations with ex-Yugoslav states, but also due to the political agenda of Western actors, which sets the framework for regional integration processes through the concept of ?Western Balkans?. Foreign policy relatio

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19

Hajrullahu, Arben. "The Serbia Kosovo Dispute and the European Integration Perspective." European Foreign Affairs Review 24, Issue 1 (2019): 101–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2019007.

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This article examines the causes and consequences of the limited progress achieved to overcome the lasting conflict between Serbia and Kosovo. This dispute shows that international and local politics in the Western Balkans are characterized by myopia-like symptoms. Whereas the USA remains focused on other areas of the globe, the EU continues to be divided over the issue of Kosovo statehood, while also exhibiting, for years now, a de facto enlargement fatigue. Fundamental differences among the two parties to the conflict and their diametrically opposed positions undermine the real perspective f

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20

Goodwin, Morag. "From Province to Protectorate to State? Speculation on the Impact of Kosovo's Genesis upon the Doctrines of International Law." German Law Journal 8, no. 1 (2007): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200005381.

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The province of Kosovo – 2 million people in 11,000 square kilometres of territory nestled between Serbia to the North and Albania and Macedonia to the South – was thrust into the international limelight when Serbian actions to repress Kosovo Albanian calls for independence made it a subject of international concern at the end of the 1990s. While Kosovo is not unique in becoming well-known for suffering the repressive actions of a parent state, and while it has not even enjoyed the distinction of being the only territorial administration of its time, it appears to be unique in its (potential)

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Martynov, A. "Balkan in the Current European System of International Relationship." Problems of World History, no. 7 (March 14, 2019): 101–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2019-7-8.

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The historical period after the beginning of the global economic crisis has accelerated the transformation of the Balkan subsystem of the European system of international relations. In a strategic sense, the European Union faces a complex dilemma: to Europeanize the Balkans, or to risk the balkanization of Europe. The European Union, together with the United States, has overcome the scenario of European balkanization. Symbols for this were the completion of the process of joining NATO Albania, Montenegro, and Macedonia. It is critically important to overcome the conflict between Serbia and Kos

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22

Knoll, Bernhard. "Fuzzy Statehood: An International Legal Perspective on Kosovo's Declaration of Independence." Review of Central and East European Law 34, no. 4 (2009): 361–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/092598809x12474728805813.

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AbstractThis contribution subjects Kosovo's declaration of independence of 2008 to a comprehensive and detailed analysis from the perspective of international law. It begins with a reflection on Kosovo's status process as it unfolded in 2006 and discusses some of the challenges that Serbia faced when it proposed that Kosovo be vested with “more than autonomy, less than independence”. The main body of the article speculates on some of the implications that Kosovo's independence may have in public international law, especially with a view to the forthcoming International Court of Justice (ICJ) a

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Clark, Janine Natalya. "Kosovo's Gordian knot: the contested north and the search for a solution." Nationalities Papers 42, no. 3 (2014): 526–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.870147.

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Until 1999, Kosovo was a little-known province of Serbia. NATO's intervention, however, changed this. Suddenly, everyone was talking about Kosovo and the plight of the Kosovo Albanians. Today, Kosovo is no longer a major talking point; few authors are now writing about post-independence Kosovo and the many challenges that confront the young state. Particularly striking is the relative absence of scholarly writings that discuss the Gordian knot of northern Kosovo. Seeking to rectify this neglect, this article has three core aims: to provide new empirical insights into the situation on the groun

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Falk, Richard. "The Kosovo Advisory Opinion: Conflict Resolution and Precedent." American Journal of International Law 105, no. 1 (2011): 50–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.105.1.0050.

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The somewhat surprising majority view in the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) assessing Kosovo's declaration of independence has some bearingon prospects for an eventual end to the bitter conflict between Kosovo and Serbia. It may also have some relevance for a variety of political movements around the world whose leaders might be more inclined than previously to tempt fate by declaring their people and territory to be internationally independent of the sovereign state within which they are now geographically located. Significantly,the ICJ majority sidestepped the q

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Howse, Robert, and Ruti Teitel. "Delphic Dictum: How Has the ICJ Contributed to the Global Rule of Law by its Ruling on Kosovo?" German Law Journal 11, no. 7-8 (2010): 841–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200018861.

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The most immediately striking aspect of the ICJ's recent ruling on Kosovo's unilateral declaration of independence is the divergence between what the Court actually said and how its decision is being read in the media and by political actors. Typically the Court is said to have found secession by Kosovo to be “legal” or “lawful” under international law. According to Kosovo President Fatmir Sejdiu, “The decision finally removes all doubts that countries which still do not recognize the Republic of Kosovo could have.” The angry reaction to the decision by Serbian nationalists likewise supposed t

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Cvijic, Srdjan. "Swinging the Pendulum: World War II History, Politics, National Identity and Difficulties of Reconciliation in Croatia and Serbia." Nationalities Papers 36, no. 4 (2008): 713–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990802230563.

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The downfall of communist Yugoslavia and the democratization process that followed at the end of the 1980s have led to the fragmentation of the country, which was accompanied by several wars of different intensity and duration (1991–1999). From the ashes of what once was the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia raised six independent states: Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Macedonia and Serbia. The situation relating to the southern Serbian province of Kosovo, after its unilateral declaration of independence at the beginning of 2008, and subsequent recognition by par

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Heller, Regina. "Russia’s quest for respect in the international conflict management in Kosovo." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 47, no. 3-4 (2014): 333–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2014.09.001.

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This article examines the emotion-based status-seeking logic in Russia’s foreign policy vis-à-vis the West, presenting the example of Russia’s reactions to NATO’s military campaign against Serbia in 1999. It is argued that Russian assertiveness in combination with expressive rhetoric must be understood as a result of the ruling elite’s need to have Russia’s identity and self-defined social status as an equal great power in world politics respected by its Western interaction partners. Russia’s reactions to NATO’s intervention, which was not authorized by the UN Security Council, must be read as

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Mitrović, Miroslav. "The paper on the strategic communication on the Kosovo-Metohija security issue." Vojno delo 74, no. 3 (2022): 127–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo2203127m.

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Strategic communication is an expression of the state soft power, which expresses its strategic commitments, supports the state influence on the international scene and enables a more favourable status in providing national interests. It is the subject of strategic studies of all developed countries that strive to achieve their interests in international relations. It also represents a systemic approach to crisis response, as well as support to managing crisis and conflicts. A synergistic approach to the accomplishment of national interests and support in crisis management and post-conflict re

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Pavlović, Aleksandar, Gazela Pudar Draško, and Jelena Lončar. "A Battle for Sovereignty." Southeastern Europe 45, no. 3 (2021): 361–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763332-45030005.

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Abstract This article examines the role, status and perceptions of the Serbian cultural heritage in Kosovo from both Kosovo Albanian and Serbian perspectives. The analysis focuses on two cases, which attracted particular resistance on each of the two sides: the passing of legislation in the Kosovar parliament in 2012 that aimed to protect Serbian cultural heritage and the 2015 unsuccessful Kosovo bid for unesco membership. Both moments demonstrate how cultural heritage is primarily approached from the statehood perspective and used to additionally deepen inter-ethnic distances. The authors she

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Hodge, Carl Cavanagh. "Casual War: NATO's Intervention in Kosovo." Ethics & International Affairs 14 (March 2000): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2000.tb00052.x.

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One of the most remarkable features of contemporary international relations is the new prestige accorded universal standards of human rights. However, NATO's attempt to redeem the promise of human rights by way of military intervention during the recent Kosovo crisis may have established a disturbing precedent for humanitarianism. The Alliance exploited the capabilities of precision weaponry and digital information systems to wage war with air power alone, thus avoiding entirely the deployment of ground troops and the domestic political exposure such a deployment inevitably involves. The best

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Perera, Sandesha. "The Role of UN and Major Powers in Recognition of Kosovo." International Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Invention 5, no. 8 (2018): 4931–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsshi/v5i8.04.

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The recognition of states is a legal issue associated with international law, at present, it has become a political issue in the world. According to the international law, there are traditional and modern criteria to be considered when giving recognition to states. An entity has to be considered as a State in the international system if those criteria are satisfied. In contrary, major powers in the international system together with the United Nations play a significant role in giving recognition to states. The objective of this study is to find out the reasons for the United Nations and Major

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Shala, Albulena, Hysen Ismajli, and Rezearta Perri. "A Comparative Study of Prudential Regulation on Loan Classification and Provisioning of the South East European Countries." Acta Universitatis Agriculturae et Silviculturae Mendelianae Brunensis 66, no. 5 (2018): 1337–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.11118/actaun201866051337.

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This paper has been prepared to describe the regulatory measures regarding Loan classification and provisioning of South East Europe countries like Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, and Slovenia. A proper loan classification and provisioning system ensures credibility of the financial system that in turn restores trust and confidence in the mind of depositors. Determining what constitutes an adequate level of provisions to absorb credit losses is often subject of debate between banks and supervisors, as changes in provisioning estimate a

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Filimonova, Anna Igorevna, and Kseniya Dmitrievna Kot. "The negotiation process and the Martti Ahtisaari Plan as a way to the unconditional state independence of the "Republic of Kosovo"." Uchenyy Sovet (Academic Council), no. 4 (March 18, 2021): 257 (322)—269 (333). http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/nik-02-2104-02.

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The article presents an analysis of one of the most acute and urgent problems of our time — the acquisition of the de facto independence declared by Pristina on February 17, 2008 by the separatist forces of the Kosovo Albanians, represented mainly by the former leaders of the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army, of the sabotage and punitive character of the fighting, and the Albanian politicians completely subordinate to them by that time. The authors focused on identifying the role of the UN (UN Security Council and the UN Civil Administration in Kosovo and Metohija — UNMIK), the United States,

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CORTEN, OLIVIER. "Territorial Integrity Narrowly Interpreted: Reasserting the Classical Inter-State Paradigm of International Law." Leiden Journal of International Law 24, no. 1 (2011): 87–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156510000610.

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AbstractParagraph 80 of the Kosovo AO reflects a very traditional conception of international law. By insisting on the inter-state character of the principle of territorial integrity, the Court refused to challenge the classical argument of the ‘neutrality’ of international law in regard to secession. The Court also refused any reinterpretation of Article 2(4) of the UN Charter. As already stated in the Wall Advisory Opinion, the prohibition of the use of force is only applicable between states. It does not apply between states and non-state actors, whether secessionist or not. Similarly, the

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Mitić, Aleksandar. "The position of the people's Republic of China on Kosovo and Metohija in the context of the defence of international law and the expansion of the interest frontiers." Vojno delo 74, no. 3 (2022): 17–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo2203017m.

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Despite the geopolitical challenges in the immediate environment in Central Asia and the Pacific, the People's Republic of China plays an increasingly active diplomatic role in the Balkans, primarily by providing unconditional support to Belgrade regarding Kosovo and Metohija. Is it an isolated step forward or a tactical move that is in line with the new strategic foreign policy thinking? In search for an answer, the paper considers the evolution of the principle of non-interference in China's foreign policy, its re-evaluation and adaptation in the context of the transition to a multipolar wor

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Suny, Ronald Grigor, and Vicken Cheterian. "Making states and breaking states: Kosovo and the Caucasus in 2008: Introduction." Nationalities Papers 40, no. 5 (2012): 657–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.707461.

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Two events in 2008 shaped the political map of the Caucasus: the West's decision on the independence of Kosovo and the Russo-Georgian War. First, on 17 February, Kosovo authorities unilaterally declared the independence of what was at the time a UN protectorate. This declaration enjoyed much support in the West, including near-immediate recognition by key states such as the US, Germany, France, the UK, and a dozen others. But it also faced strong opposition from Serbia and Russia and strong skepticism from prowestern countries such as Georgia. Russia opposed not only the Kosovo declaration its

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Bergmann, Julian. "Same Table, Different Menus? A Comparison of UN and EU Mediation Practice in the Kosovo-Serbia Conflict." International Negotiation 23, no. 2 (2018): 238–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-23021156.

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AbstractThis article comparesUNandEUmediation practice in the Kosovo-Serbia conflict. It proposes a conceptual framework to analyze mediation effectiveness and its conditions and applies it to theUN-led Kosovo Status Talks in Vienna (2006–2007) and the ongoingEU-facilitated dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina (since 2011). TheEU’s relatively high degree of effectiveness compared to theUNeffort can be partly explained by the application of a strategy of manipulation, drawing on theEU’s strong leverage vis-à-vis both sides; partly by pointing to the conflict context which has been more favora

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Dolan, Chris J., and Arben Hajrullahu. "International and Domestic Factors Shaping Kosovo’s Euro-Atlantic Integration." SEEU Review 17, no. 2 (2022): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/seeur-2022-0061.

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Abstract This study examines the complex and dynamic relationship between Kosovo and NATO. It argues that Kosovo’s prospects for NATO membership are shaped by an array of contradictory and often confusing international and domestic political forces. It draws on theoretical sources, media reports, and descriptive statistical data to the factors shaping expectations for NATO membership. The study relies on theories and concepts from the established and evolving literature on alliance formation and expansion to explain how states aspiring for membership in security organizations must navigate a p

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Brava, Feim. "POLICIES AND MANAGEMENT IN THE FIELD OF SECURITY IN KOSOVO." Knowledge International Journal 26, no. 6 (2019): 1839–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij26061839b.

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Writing for security and security policies in Kosovo is a special pleasure. As it is well known, the Republic of Kosovo is one of the newest states in the world since it was separated from the Republic of Serbia in 1999 after the NATO military intervention, internationally recognized as an independent state from 116 countries around the world it should be noted that only 23 European Union countries have been recognized as independent states by 28 as the EU has. Kosovo as a new country with about 1.8 million people has had great achievements in the field of national security. A serious problem

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Macura, Jelena. "He’s Just Not That Into Yu(goslavia)." Political Science Undergraduate Review 1, no. 2 (2016): 111–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur27.

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The Former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia is an interesting case study that is applicable to various aspects of international relations scholarship. During a time where different regions struggled to coexist, questions of nationalism and ethnicity evolved into conflict. Slobodan Milošević was a Serbian politician, and capitalizing on the discontent of the Serbian nation, rallied support, and mobilized an army dedicated to achieving the dream of a “Greater Serbia”. It can be argued that rhetoric and discourse played an important role in formulating the view of a superior Serbian natio

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Jackson, Christopher. "Bandits, bondsmen, and leviathans: Ethnic groups contesting local security after conflict in the Western Balkans." Journal of Regional Security 16, no. 2 (2021): 215–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/jrs0-31813.

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This study analyzes how processes of contesting ethnically-distinct locales after conflict affects stability and violence after institutional settlements. Local institutions that develop during conflict present an obstacle to states reestablishing a monopoly on force and these locales become sites of continued contestation. Where states attempt to crowd local institutions and elites out of post-conflict policing, they have incentives to use violence against the state and police to upset the status quo. Where local institutions are integrated into state institutions, local elites have the incen

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ORAKHELASHVILI, ALEXANDER. "Kosovo and intersecting legal regimes: An interdisciplinary analysis." Global Constitutionalism 6, no. 2 (2017): 237–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045381717000120.

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Abstract:The unilateral declaration of independence by Kosovar authorities in Pristina in 2008 has been the source of various controversies in international affairs. From a legal perspective, Kosovo’s secessionist drive is contrary to the well-established position of international law regarding the territorial integrity of states. From a political perspective, Kosovo’s case exemplifies the political drive to alter the law – a drive that applies to other entities in Kosovo’s position. Both these phenomena are accompanied by the divergent interests held by Kosovars as the ‘local agency’ and by t

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Greenberg, Jessica. "Nationalism, Masculinity and Multicultural Citizenship in Serbia*." Nationalities Papers 34, no. 3 (2006): 321–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990600766628.

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Since the 5 October revolution that formally ushered Serbia into a democratic era, political commentators, scholars, civic activists and others have watched the country for signs of resurgent nationalism. Many perceived the primary threat to the new democratic order as the persistence of nationalism, particularly in the years after the 2003 assassination of Zoran Djindjić. Such nationalism, forged in the 1980s and 1990s, was subject to eruptions among unsavory politicians, pensioners, Mafiosi and denizens of Belgrade's suburbs and Serbia's “backward” countryside. The problem underlying this mo

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Romanenko, Sergei. "STUDYING THE HISTORY OF THE BALKANS / SOUTH-EASTERN EUROPE: RESEARCH TASKS AND PROBLEM FORMULATION." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2021): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.01.

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The new issue of the journal «Current Problems of Europe» opens with the problem-oriented article, dedicated to the analysis of the state of the Balkans / South-Eastern Europe region and its development in 2000-2020. The author gives a systemic description of the processes taking place in the intra-national and international intra-regional political, social and economic development of the countries of the region, and the problems generated by them. The changes are associated with a difficult transition phase, experienced by the states of the region, for the most part belonging to the post-soci

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Vulović, Marina. "Performing statehood in Northern Kosovo: Discursive struggle over contested space." Cooperation and Conflict 55, no. 3 (2020): 326–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836720906851.

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Since Serbia and Kosovo began their political and technical dialogue mediated by the European Union in 2011, numerous agreements were signed, but few of them implemented. In addition, since 2018 the idea of partitioning Kosovo along ethnic lines has entered public debates. This article asks why that is the case and argues that Northern Kosovo – specifically, who has the right to claim statehood over this area – lies at the heart of why partition was suggested as a viable option and why so few agreements have been implemented. In order to demonstrate this, the article adopts a performative view

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R. Copley, Gregory. "THE ROAD TO PEACE IN THE BALKANS IS PAVED WITH BAD INTENTIONS." RELIGION IN THE PROGRAMS OF POLITICAL PARTIES 1, no. 2 (2007): 143–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0102143c.

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It has been long and widely forecast that the security situation in the Balkans — indeed, in South-Eastern Europe generally — would become delicate, and would fracture, during the final stages of the Albanian quest for independence for the Serbian province of Kosovo and Metohija. The Kosovo region is now a lawless area. It has been ethnically-cleansed of Serbs, and re-populated by Albanians who have progressively and illegally, over the past decades, migrated into the area. Years of so-called peacekeeping by the international community count for nothing. Kosovo’s presence as a nominally indepe

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Vladimirovič, Nikiforov. "In discord or lockstep: In anticipation of the thirtieth anniversary of the dissolution of Yugoslavia." Napredak 2, no. 3 (2021): 5–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak2-34862.

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This paper gives a recapitulation of the Yugoslav crisis and considers the role of western states in the breaking up of Yugoslavia (SFRY and SRY). The author is of the opinion that the transformation of Serbian society began with the "antibureaucratic revolution" and that it concluded with the "bulldozer revolution" on October 5, 2000. The fall of Milosevic marked the final collapse of the entire political course he led during the Yugoslav crisis. The principal defeat of Serbian politics was the state split with Montenegro in 2006, while the de facto loss of Kosovo took place before the rise o

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Klip, André. "Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters in the Western Balkan." European Journal of Crime, Criminal Law and Criminal Justice 24, no. 4 (2016): 322–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718174-24042099.

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The central focus of the study is what obstacles might exist in national legislation and practice of the Western Balkan states that might hinder or complicate the efficiency of international cooperation, according to European standards. The states that are included in the study are all states that have expressed their wish to accede to the European Union (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia) and Croatia that already has become a Member State. The question “What could amount to impediments to international cooperation?” has been leading throughout the study. T

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Stroschein, Sherrill. "Making or Breaking Kosovo: Applications of Dispersed State Control." Perspectives on Politics 6, no. 4 (2008): 655–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759270808184x.

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In this article, I make a case for a dispersed state control model as an alternative to the territorial and hierarchical principles of the Weberian state. Rather than allocating governance powers in terms of territory, dispersed state controls are based on a functional principle, in which governance is allocated to various subunits by issue area or function. This examination is informed by recent debates in international relations theory on contractual and imperial network models of control, as well as work on non-territorial autonomy in the fields of nationalism and ethnic conflict. I examine

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Bojičić, Veroljub. "SLOWED SERBIAN DEVELOPMENT IN THE EARLY 19TH CENTURY UNTIL WORLD WAR II." Knowledge International Journal 26, no. 6 (2019): 1879–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij26061879b.

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Permanently economic backwardness of Serbia (as, after all, and most of the Balkan countries) compared to the Western and Central Europe always makes actual causes of this trend. Of course, there is no simple and straightforward answer. The prevailing opinion is that the countries of South Eastern Europe, because of the specificity of its historical development, primarily in the age of the first industrial revolution lost pace compared to the rest of the continent and found themselves at a disadvantage, which can not fail to compensate. Such thinking usually implies the necessity to southeast

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