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1
Engelhardt, Georgi N. "Zlatanović S. Etnička identifikacija na posleratnom području: Srpska zajednica jugoistočnog Kosova. Beograd: Etnografski institut SANU: Čigoja štampa, 2018. 364 s. (Posebna izdanja; knj. 89)." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 16, no. 1-2 (2021): 266–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2021.16.1-2.12.
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Sanja Zlatanović’s book Etnička identifikacija na posleratnom području: Srpska zajednica jugoistočnog Kosova (Ethnicity in a Post-War Region: The Serbian Community of Southeast Kosovo) provides a valuable picture of the Serbian community of Kosovsko Pomoravlje (South-East Kosovo around Gnilane) during the first years of international rule in the disputed area. The book is based on field research carried out between 2003 and 2006 both in the area and in Southern Serbia with persons displaced from the area. S. Zlatanović describes the subdivisions between “Kosovo old-dwellers” and “Colonists” (of 1920s and 30s); between Serbs and Serbian Gypsies in Kosovo; and between KosovoSerbs and the population of Central Serbia. She also demonstrates the complexity of the Kosovo Serb perception of their neighbours – Kosovo Croats and Kosovo Albanians. The author reviews both the efficiency and limits of the komšiluk (traditional practice of neighbourhood solidarity), cultural similarities with the Kosovo Albanians, and the role of the Raška-Prizren Diocese of the Serb Orthodox Church and its influence upon the community, e. g., by the overcoming of traditional practices of religious syncretism. This ethnological study will be of use both for ethnologists and social anthropologists of the Balkans, as well as for historians and political scientists. The Kosovo Serb identity, their internal subdivisions, and the cultural stereotypes described by S. Zlatanović will exist as a part of the broader Serbian social texture for the foreseeable future.
2
Dimitrijević, Nemanja. "Reactions and plans of the state leadership of Serbia and Montenegro during the crisis in Kosovo and Metohija (march 17-19, 2004)." Zbornik radova Filozofskog fakulteta u Pristini 54, no. 1 (2024): 197–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp54-45097.
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The article analyzes the reactions and plans of the state leadership of Serbia and Montenegro during the crisis in Kosovo and Metohija in March 17-19, 2004, when radicalized groups of Kosovo Albanians expelled more than 4,000 Serbs from their homes. The same radicalized groups burned and destroyed 35 churches of the Serbian Orthodox Church. The state leadership of Serbia and Montenegro monitored the situation in Kosovo and Metohija and was ready to engage the army with the task of creating the humanitarian corridor for the evacuation of Serbs from Kosovo and Metohija to Serbia. During the crisis, the state leadership of Serbia and Montenegro did not send the army to Kosovo and Metohija because KFOR units stopped the expulsion of Serbs and the destruction of the cultural heritage of Serbian people
3
Bogdanova, Alena Vital'evna. "The evolution of Belgrade's position on the Kosovo issue after 2008." Международные отношения, no. 4 (April 2023): 34–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2023.4.68907.
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This article examines the evolution of Belgrade's official position on the Kosovo issue. The author explores such aspects as the importance of Kosovo in the historical consciousness of the Serbian political elite, the stages of the current attitude towards Kosovo on the part of the Serbian leadership, as well as the significance of historical events on the Kosovo for modern Serbia. The object of the study is the Kosovo crisis, the subject is the vision of the presidents and senior officials of Serbia of the fate of Kosovo. Special attention is paid to the historical stage of the formation of national ideas among Serbs and Albanians, in which the battle on the Kosovo field played a key role. Studying the positions of the presidents and senior officials of Serbia on Kosovo allows to track the process of folding the current position, and also allows to see the trajectory of the formation of attitudes towards Kosovo. The main conclusion of the study is the idea that the struggle for Kosovo in Serbia is a central national idea that serves as a unifying principle and builds patriotism around itself. A special contribution of the author is the systematic tracking of the evolution of Belgrade's position on the Kosovo issue. The novelty of the research lies in the fact that the article consistently and constructively describes the approach of various Serbian presidents to the problem based on their speeches, statements and actions in the international arena.
4
Vučetić, Radina. "Kosovo 1989: The (Ab)use of the Kosovo Myth in Media and Popular Culture." Comparative Southeast European Studies 69, no. 2-3 (September 1, 2021): 223–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2021-0043.
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Abstract The author explores the creation of public opinion in Serbia in the late 1980s and the (ab)use of the 600th anniversary of the Battle of Kosovo on 28 June 1989. As a result of Serbian president Slobodan Milošević’s carefully planned propaganda, a negative image of Albanians as well as a positive perception of Serbian nationalism were enforced. The media and popular culture played a particularly important role in reviving the Kosovo Myth, together with the leading Serbian (academic) institutions and influential intellectuals. Thirty-some years after 1989, the Kosovo Myth is presented in the media in a largely unchanged manner, while for Serbia the Kosovo problem remains unsolved.
5
Avramović, Zoran. "DEZINTEGRATIVNA ULOGA DELA SRPSKE INTELIGENCIJE U BORBI ZA KOSOVO I METOHIJU (STARU SRBIJU) - NOVIJE ISKUSTVO." Leskovački zbornik 63 (October 2023): 541–466. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/lz-lxiii.451a.
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Throughout history, the Serbian province of Kosovo and Metohija has been the place where Serbian national and cultural consciousness was established through the Orthodox faith and literature. Since the 15th century, the characteristics of Serbian national identity have been formed. In addition to the political struggles over this province after 1945, it is important to shed light on the public behavior of the Serbian intelligentsia during this period, especially after 1980. A patriotic wing was launched in 1986 when 212 prominent intellectuals signed a petition demanding the creation of a legal order in Kosovo. And in all the years that followed, the patriotic intelligentsia has not diminished. On the other hand, there are Serbian nationalist intellectuals who believe that Kosovo does not belong to Serbia or should not remain in Serbia. The spectrum of anti-Kosovo attitudes ranges from falsification of historical facts to negative assessments of the Serbian nation. The article explores the question of why a part of Serbian intellectuals and politicians are willing to renounce Kosovo and Metohija. The author critically questions the claim that this is a new reality in Kosovo and Metohija.
6
Batakovic, Dusan. "Serbia, the Serbo-Albanian conflict and the First Balkan War." Balcanica, no. 45 (2014): 317–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1445317b.
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After the restoration of Serbia in 1830, the areas of medieval Serbia left out of her borders were dubbed Old Serbia - Kosovo, Metohija, Rascia (the former sanjak of Novi Pazar and the neighbouring areas). Old Serbia (from 1877 onwards the vilayet of Kosovo) was dominated by local Albanian pashas, whereas the Christian Orthodox Serbs and their villages were attacked and pillaged by Muslim Albanian brigands. The religious antagonism between Muslims and Christians expanded into national conflict after the 1878 Albanian League had claimed the entire ?Old Serbia for Greater Albania?. The position of Christian Orthodox Serbs, who accounted for a half of the population at the end of the nineteenth century, was dramatically aggravated due to Muslim Albanians' tribal anarchy, Austria-Hungary's pro-Albanian agitation and, after 1908, frequent Albanian rebellions. All efforts of Serbia to reach a peaceful agreement with Muslim Albanian leaders in Old Serbia before the First Balkan War had ended in failure. The First Balkan War was the most popular war in Serbia?s history as it was seen as avenging the 1389 Battle of Kosovo which had sealed the Ottoman penetration into the Serbian lands. In October 1912, Serbia liberated most of Old Serbia, while Montenegro took possesion of half of the Rascia area and the whole of Metohija. While the decimated and discriminated Serb population greeted the Serbian and Montenegrin troops as liberators, most Albanians, who had sided with the Ottomans, saw the establishment of Serbian rule as occupation.
7
Rexhepi, Rinor, and Vigan Sahiti. "Kosovo-Serbia Negotiations." Path of Science 7, no. 4 (April 30, 2021): 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.22178/pos.69-3.
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Negotiations are forms of conversation, communication and bilateral or multilateral dialogue to resolve any kind of problem. Negotiations between Kosovo and Serbia are regional and global, as evidenced by the involvement of the EU and the US in these negotiations. The only way to finally resolve the problem between Kosovo and Serbia is dialogue. The purpose of the research is to analyse and measure Kosovo’s opinion on resolving the problem with Serbia through dialogue and their opinion on Kosovo’s representation in the talks and the agreement reached in Washington. The research was conducted through a questionnaire with structured questions, while a total of 470 respondents from all over Kosovo participated. Statistical analyses were analysed through the SPSS program, while qualitative ones through the inductive method. Based on the results, we see that demographic factors such as gender, age, and qualification affect the citizens of Kosovo’s citizens to solve the problem with Serbia. Part of this research was also interviewing with experts on the Kosovo-Serbia dialogue. What we can recommend from this research is that dialogue should move from technical issues to political issues because the essence of this dialogue is political. The only way to its final solution is to reach an agreement that would include its resolution of all problems. The solution can be achieved through one of the possible scenarios in this paper in the theoretical and research part.
8
Kandel, Pavel Efimovich. "The Kosovo problem: Serbia faces a decisive choice." Contemporary Europe, no. 3 (June 15, 2023): 57–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0201708323030051.
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The article concentrates on the agreements between Belgrade and Pristina reached on February 27, 2023 in Brussels, and on March 18, 2023 in Ohrid through mediation of the EU and the USA. It also traces the chronology of the process that led to the current result and discusses “The Agreement on the Path to Normalisation of Relations between Kosovo and Serbia” and the “Implementation Annex”. The analysis indicates the perception of the documents by society and political forces both in Kosovo and Serbia. Based on sociological surveys the study examines the attitude towards various ways of resolving the “Kosovo problem”, towards the EU, NATO, and Russia. It also draws attention to the change in the position of the influential Serbian Orthodox Church, and speculates on the reasons for this turn. The article makes an assumption regarding the future course of behavior of the leaders of Kosovo and Serbia along with representatives of the EU and the United States. Whether Serbia joins the anti-Russian sanctions is an open question. The choice should be made between interests and emotions, national mythology and material goods, tradition and the future. The Western push to further promote accession of Serbia to the EU in exchange for recognition of Kosovo's independence means essential revision of the national Serbian national identity. It is about a historical choice, which will require a corresponding response from Russia.
9
Milutinović, Irina, and Jovica Pavlović. "Serbia and Kosovo between secession and normalisation." Političke perspektive 12, no. 2 (December 28, 2022): 31–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pp.12.2.02.
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The Washington Agreement on Kosovo and Serbia economic normalisation (2020) is the subject of this enquiry, while its aim is to examine the role of news media in Serbia in the discourse on normalisation between Belgrade and Pristina. The main hypothesis is that the Washington Agreement was manipulatively used for self-promotion of political elites that negotiated in Washington. The research relies on Critical Discourse Studies, instrumentalist approaches to secession, media framing and agenda-setting theories. We conclude that the issue of Serbia and Kosovo normalisation in Serbian media is mostly framed with aim to mobilises citizens’ support for executive authorities. The media thus reproduce political hegemony within Serbian society, while pluralism is obstructed in a manner characteristic for competitive authoritarianism.
10
Stepic, Milomir. "Kosovo-Metohija component of de-serbing the Balkans: A possible epilogue and its geopolitical consequences." Glasnik Srpskog geografskog drustva 85, no. 1 (2005): 187–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gsgd0501187s.
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Throughout history, the Serbs have represented the most significant populational and spatial factor on the Balkans. Geopolitical aims of great forces and Serbian neighbours have been directed to continual decrease of that significance, by reducing and fragmentation of Serbian ethno-spatial potentials. That has been carried out multi-dimensionally in all Serbian areas, and especially in Kosovo and Metohija. After the war and the establishing of the protectorate in the year 1999, the process of systematic de-serbing of Kosovo and Metohija was continued in various ways, and accelerated. The epilogue is expected through the geopolitical act of official separation of Kosovo and Metohija from Serbia. This would happen in a similar way that was tested before (in Dayton-Paris agreement) - by "finished act" of forced territorialization and setting up the border lines. Geopolitical prognosis points to the expectation that the further operationalization of a hypothetical separation could have the following phases: further propaganda of the allegedly unavoidable independence of Kosovo and Metohija; further institutional distancing of Kosovo and Metohija from Serbia; Albanian military preparations; setting up of incidents as triggers of Albanian attacks; direct armed action of Albanians; extortion of Serbian agreement on losing Kosovo and Metohija, under the threat of hypothetical losing of larger territories.
11
Medojević, Jovo, and Saša Milosavljević. "Destruction of Serbian churches and monasteries in Kosovo and Metohija from 1999 to 2022: Cultural-geographical determinants." Zbornik radova Filozofskog fakulteta u Pristini 52, no. 4 (2022): 237–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp52-40045.
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The autonomous province of Kosovo and Metohija is a historical part of Old Serbia and the central area of the medieval Serbian state of the Nemanjić family, which makes it a historical-geographical and cultural-geographical area of enormous importance for the Republic of Serbia. At the same time, the Serbian Orthodox Church throughout its entire spiritual, historical and cultural existence in Kosovo and Metohija shares the fate of the Serbian people. The destruction of Serbian religious monuments in Kosovo and Metohija has been happening for centuries, so the continuity of the destruction of Serbian churches and monasteries can be traced from the 17th century to the present day. During the NATO intervention on the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and on the territory of the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija, which lasted from March 24 to June 9, 1999, Albanian extremists devastated and demolished the largest number of Serbian sacral monuments. At the same time, the period at the end of the 20th century and the first two decades of the 21st century was marked by the cruel persecution of Serbs from Kosovo and Metohija and the devastation of the entire Serbian cultural heritage. By applying the methodology of cultural-geographic research and field research, the goal of the paper is to confirm and document all known cases of devastation and destruction of Serbian sacral heritage in Kosovo and Metohija from 1999 to 2022, which were committed by the Albanian extremists.
12
Kostić, Ivan Ejub. "Attitudes toward Bosniak Muslims and Kosovar Albanians and historical revisionism in the Serbian media." Context: Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 7, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 31–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.55425/23036966.2020.7.1.31.
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For this paper, we monitored three daily newspapers in Serbia, Politika, Novosti and Informer, for issues of direct relevance to the lives of Balkan Muslims. We identified three dominant topics: 1. Undermining the statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina and (re)affirming the expansionist politics of Serbian nationalism; 2. “Kosovo is the heart of Serbia” and (Kosovar) Albanians are consequently an existential threat; and 3. Ideological treatment of the politics of remembrance and historical revisionism of crimes committed by Serb forces during the 1990s in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo in order to reaffirm the Greater Serbia project.
13
Koeth, Wolfgang. "The Serbia-Kosovo Agreement on Kosovos Regional Representation and the Feasibility Study: A Breakthrough in EU Kosovo Relations?" European Foreign Affairs Review 18, Issue 1 (February 1, 2013): 127–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2013007.
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2012 was a year of significant developments for Kosovo: on 24 February, Serbian and Kosovo-Albanian negotiators reached an EU-mediated agreement on the representation of Kosovo in regional fora. Whereas this agreement enabled Serbia to gain the coveted status as EU candidate in March, it opened the way for Kosovo to participate in international meetings at regional level as an entity in its own rights. As stipulated in this agreement, the European Commission on 10 October also delivered a Feasibility Study on the conclusion of a Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA) between Kosovo and the EU, which concluded that there would be no legal obstacles for the EU to sign an SAA (a mandatory pre-requisite for EU accession) with Pristina, in spite of the non-recognition by five EU Member States. However, it can be asked whether these measures were genuine diplomatic victories for Pristina or just rather symbolic measures without a real potential of opening a realistic accession perspective for both Kosovo and Serbia.
14
Kabashi, Haki. "Kosovo – Unique Case of the Parallel Justice System." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 2, no. 2 (April 30, 2016): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v2i2.p161-169.
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The end of the 1998/1999 war with Serbia, found Kosovo with two governments, which, UNIMK replaced conform the 1244 Resolution of the SC. UNMIK’s operation was based in four pillars and 14 departments. The Department of Justice was a department that operated with obstacles as a result of the organized Serbian parallel system in Kosovo’s territory. Which unfortunately transformed into a phenomenon that was allowed silently by UNMIK’s administration. The functioning of such an operation damages the interests of Kosovan citizens, who are trialed twice for the same case. Double sentences of Kosovo’s citizens in Kosovo’s courts and in the parallel Serbian courts that operate in Serbia are causing major problems in the already fragile Kosovan justice system. According to the official data, it results that there are 22 parallel Serbian courts that operate within this parallel system, in North Kosovo and various cities within Serbia. This form of parallel judiciary continues to function even after the Declaration of Independence (2008) and after the arrival of EULEX mission in Kosovo. We think that the functioning of this parallel Serbian system in a territory where it has no sovereignty, as a unique case in Europe, should seize to exist with the sole purpose of empowering and functioning of the juridical and justice system in Kosovo, for the sake of respecting fundamental principles of the human rights and respecting of the ne bis in idem principle.
15
Kabashi, Haki. "Kosovo – Unique Case of the Parallel Justice System." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4, no. 2 (April 30, 2016): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v4i2.p161-169.
Full textAbstract:
The end of the 1998/1999 war with Serbia, found Kosovo with two governments, which, UNIMK replaced conform the 1244 Resolution of the SC. UNMIK’s operation was based in four pillars and 14 departments. The Department of Justice was a department that operated with obstacles as a result of the organized Serbian parallel system in Kosovo’s territory. Which unfortunately transformed into a phenomenon that was allowed silently by UNMIK’s administration. The functioning of such an operation damages the interests of Kosovan citizens, who are trialed twice for the same case. Double sentences of Kosovo’s citizens in Kosovo’s courts and in the parallel Serbian courts that operate in Serbia are causing major problems in the already fragile Kosovan justice system. According to the official data, it results that there are 22 parallel Serbian courts that operate within this parallel system, in North Kosovo and various cities within Serbia. This form of parallel judiciary continues to function even after the Declaration of Independence (2008) and after the arrival of EULEX mission in Kosovo. We think that the functioning of this parallel Serbian system in a territory where it has no sovereignty, as a unique case in Europe, should seize to exist with the sole purpose of empowering and functioning of the juridical and justice system in Kosovo, for the sake of respecting fundamental principles of the human rights and respecting of the ne bis in idem principle.
16
Demjaha, Agon. "Inter-Ethnic Relations in Kosovo." SEEU Review 12, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 181–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/seeur-2017-0013.
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AbstractThe paper aims to analyse the state of inter-ethnic relations in Kosovo between ethnic Albanians and ethnic Serbs, with special focus on the period after unilateral declaration of independence of Kosovo in 2008. Inter-ethnic conflict in Kosovo has exclusively been over its territory since both Serbs and Albanians have made claims about history and ethno-demography to justify their alleged exclusive right to this ethnically mixed region. Consequently, inter-ethnic relations between Albanians and Serbs in Kosovo have been rather problematic throughout the most of the 20thcentury. During this period Albanians in Kosovo have been subjected to discrimination, intimidation and even mass expulsion by Yugoslav/Serb authorities. In late 1990s, these relations between Albanians and Serbs in Kosovo have progressively worsened and finally escalated in an armed warfare in 1999.Immediately after the war, Serbs in Kosovo were occasionally exposed to acts of inter-ethnic and retaliatory violence. Inter-ethnic relations between the two major ethnicities continued to be tense and fragile after independence of Kosovo in 2008. Dramatic changes of ethnic composition structure, atrocities and huge number of refugees due to the war, have left a legacy of deep mistrust and animosities between Albanians and Serbs in the newly created state. Consequently, Serbs in Kosovo have from the beginning refused to recognize Kosovo’s independence and have rigorously refused any governance by Kosovo authorities. Serbian community, especially in the North, claims stronger territorial autonomy, even separatism and unification with Serbia. The paper claims that in Kosovo inter-ethnic and interstate relations are basically the components of the same equation. Therefore, paper concludes that only overall improvement of relations between Kosovo and Serbia could contribute to overall relaxation of inter-ethnic relations between Albanians and Serbs in Kosovo. Unfortunately, the latest incidents between Kosovo and Serbia have increased the tensions between the two sides to alarming levels.
17
Batakovic, Dusan. "Kosovo and Metohija: Serbia’s troublesome province." Balcanica, no. 39 (2008): 243–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0839243b.
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Kosovo and Metohija, the heartland of medieval Serbia, of her culture politics and economy (1204-1455), experienced continuous waves of spiralling violence, forced migration and colonization under centuries-long Ottoman rule (1455-1912). A region which symbolizes the national and cultural identity of the Serbian nation as a whole now has an Albanian majority population, who consider it an ancient Albanian land, claiming continuity with ancient Illyrians. Kosovo was reincorporated into Serbia (1912) and Yugoslavia (1918) as a region lacking tradition of interethnic and interreligious tolerance and cooperation. The two rivalling Kosovo nations, Albanians and Serbs, remained distant, maintaining limited interethnic communication throughout the twentieth century. The mounting national and ideological conflicts, reinforced by the communist ideology made coexistence almost impossible, even after the 1999 NATO bombing campaign and establishment of KFOR-secured UN administration. Kosovo?s unilateral declaration of independence in February 2008 is a dangerous attempt to establish a second Albanian state extended into the heartland of Serbia, a failed state cleansed of both Serbs and other major non-Albanian communities.
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Dalipi, Dr Sc Samet, and MSc Nehat Demiri. "Rational Dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia - Way Toward Reconciliation." ILIRIA International Review 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2015): 323. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v4i1.67.
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Within a decade, Kosovo has compromised twice: accepting the process of decentralization in order to achieve independence and international recognition, through the President Martti Ahtisaari’s Comprehensive Proposal for the Kosovo Status Settlement (2 February 2007), and finally, by approving to offer autonomy for Kosovo Serbs for the sovereignty, but still within the limits of the Ahtisaari Plan.Coincidentally, the same Serbian political parties which had fought three wars, resulting in dissolution of the state (Former Yugoslavia) at that time (the Socialist Party and the Serbian Radical Party), now are in power in the Republic of Serbia, and have the possibility to finally solve the Kosovo case, and to open the perspective for this part, Europe’s black hole, to be engaged in global integration. Statements by senior Serbian politicians are positively shifting, compared to the radicalization of the relations between Albanians and Serbs three decades ago and it is believed that the developments will evolve towards rational choice and acceptance by the parties. Being under pressure by difficult socio-economic situation and need for integration processes, both sides undertake risky and unpopular steps by signing unclear political and verbal agreements on normalization of relations, which may produce difficult solving externalities in the future. The risk lies in the possibility of further damaging the Kosovo’s “piece of the cake”, after every refusal step by the Serbian side, which will damage the interest of Kosovo side according to the “zero sum” game. Analyses of the dialogue process between Kosovo and Serbia reflect the mixed benefits to the parties, resulting in not very soon European integration, and with hope on difficult but necessary reconciliation between Albanians and Serbs in the region. The broken, after the war established, status quo is better than entering into a protracted conflict in the middle of Europe.
19
Khoshev, Andrey Yu. "Situation in Kosovo and Metohija before the Kosovo crisis of 1998–1999: The attitude of the Russian Orthodox Church." Issues of Theology 5, no. 3 (2023): 471–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu28.2023.308.
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Kosovo and Metohija is a territory in the south of modern Serbia, associated with the history of emergence and development Serbian statehood and the autocephalous Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC) in the 13th–15th centuries. Being the center of the sacred places of Serbian Orthodoxy, Kosovo and Metohija during the Ottoman yoke was turned into a hotbed of forced de-Christianization by ousting the Orthodox population and replacing it with Islamized Albanians. This strategy survived the Turkish era and was continued during the period of occupation in 1941–1945, as well as in the subsequent period of communism, culminating in the expulsion of Kosovo Serbs and the mass destruction of the SOC’s shrines with impunity under the so-called Kosovo crisis 1998–1999 and NATO aggression against Yugoslavia. The support of Russia and the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) for the Kosovo Serbs and the SOC in Kosovo and Metohija during the years of the Kosovo crisis is relatively well known and studied, including in the author’s monograph. This article, in turn, is devoted to Russian-Serbian interchurch relations in the previous period, starting from 1945 and with an emphasis on the 1980s. The visit of Patriarch Pimen of Moscow and All Russia in Kosovo and Metohija as part of his tour to Yugoslavia in 1984, as well as the subsequent development of contacts with the SOC on the Kosovo theme, is presented in detail. The article uses unpublished documents from the Archive of the Department for External Church Relations of the Moscow Patriarchate, the State Archive of the Russian Federation, the Archive of Yugoslavia, the Archive of Serbia, as well as materials published on the pages of the official periodicals of the Russian Orthodox Church and the SOC in noted historical period.
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Pavlenko, Alexander. "The Development of Internal Political Processes in Kosovo (1999-2017)." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 26 (November 27, 2017): 325–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2017.26.325.
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Influence of Yugoslavia’s collapse, as well as of external factors on Kosovo’s separation from Serbia is explored in this article. Particular features of Kosovo’s internal policy development and problems with a full international recognition of its independence are also highlighted. The problem of Kosovo’s status within the diplomacy of “power poles” in modern international relations system in the context of NATO’s war against Yugoslavia in 1999 is underlined. Kosovo is a multi-party parliamentary representative democratic republic. The State is governed by legislative, executive and judicial institutions which derive from the Constitution adopted in June 2008, although until the Brussels Agreement, North Kosovo was largely controlled by institutions of the Republic of Serbia or parallel institutions, funded by Serbia. The legislative power in Kosovo is held by Parliament. The executive authority is vested in the Government, headed by Prime Minister. The President is Head of State and represents the unity of the people, elected every five years, indirectly by the National Assembly, in a secret ballot by a two thirds majority of all deputies of the Assembly. Key trends in Serbian policy towards Kosovo after the democratic transformation of its political system and in conditions of Serbia’s aspirations for European integration was examined. The process of Kosovo’s recognition has shown that Kosovo is an irreversible reality and an essential factor for peace and stability in the Balkan region. This could be best proved by the recognition of Kosovo among all neighboring countries (except Serbia), by the vast majority of the countries in the region and the Euro-Atlantic community.
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Hamiti, Urtak. "Prishtina-Belgrade Technical Agreement Promotes Political Dialogue but with Delay of its Implementation It Sharpens Ethnic Divisons." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 1, no. 2 (August 30, 2015): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v1i2.p45-48.
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The Technical Agreement between Prishtina and Belgrade, brokered by European Union in April 2013, was hailed as a milestone in the process of normalization of relations between the two countries as well as unblocking the path of both Kosovo and Serbia towards European Union. The dialogue held a promise as a vehicle which, in conjunction with bilateral pressure on both sides by EU and a tailored enlargement process, could finally lead to normalization of relations between Kosovo and Serbia. However, most of the deadlines set up in the implementation plan of the Agreement have been stepped over. This delay in implementation combined with the victory of “Serbian List”, Kosovo Serb political party backed heavily by Belgrade Government, in the last general elections in Kosovo, have brought into jeopardy two of the main targets of the Technical agreement as a vehicle to a broader and more important political dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia as well as integration of local Kosovo Serbs into institutions of the state of Kosovo. This paper argues that Germany, United Kingdom and USA need to be more directly engaged in the process to pressure both sides to fulfill what was agreed in April 2013. It is a prevailing belief among many analysts that the only peaceful acceptable outcome depends on full integration of Kosovo Serbs in Kosovo’s state institutions, full normalization of relations between Prishtina and Belgrade, mutual recognition, and rewarding Kosovo by suspending the visa regime for EU countries for citizens of Kosovo. Delay in implementation, loss of pace and interest of EU in this process, is leading to sharpening of ethnic divisions in Kosovo and increasing the numbers of those who oppose dialogue on both sides.
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Hamiti, Urtak. "Prishtina-Belgrade Technical Agreement Promotes Political Dialogue but with Delay of its Implementation It Sharpens Ethnic Divisons." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 2, no. 1 (August 30, 2015): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v2i1.p45-48.
Full textAbstract:
The Technical Agreement between Prishtina and Belgrade, brokered by European Union in April 2013, was hailed as a milestone in the process of normalization of relations between the two countries as well as unblocking the path of both Kosovo and Serbia towards European Union. The dialogue held a promise as a vehicle which, in conjunction with bilateral pressure on both sides by EU and a tailored enlargement process, could finally lead to normalization of relations between Kosovo and Serbia. However, most of the deadlines set up in the implementation plan of the Agreement have been stepped over. This delay in implementation combined with the victory of “Serbian List”, Kosovo Serb political party backed heavily by Belgrade Government, in the last general elections in Kosovo, have brought into jeopardy two of the main targets of the Technical agreement as a vehicle to a broader and more important political dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia as well as integration of local Kosovo Serbs into institutions of the state of Kosovo. This paper argues that Germany, United Kingdom and USA need to be more directly engaged in the process to pressure both sides to fulfill what was agreed in April 2013. It is a prevailing belief among many analysts that the only peaceful acceptable outcome depends on full integration of Kosovo Serbs in Kosovo’s state institutions, full normalization of relations between Prishtina and Belgrade, mutual recognition, and rewarding Kosovo by suspending the visa regime for EU countries for citizens of Kosovo. Delay in implementation, loss of pace and interest of EU in this process, is leading to sharpening of ethnic divisions in Kosovo and increasing the numbers of those who oppose dialogue on both sides.
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Glišin, Vanja, and Ljubiša Despotović. "The geopolitical and security aspects of the Kosovo-Metohija knot." Vojno delo 74, no. 3 (2022): 3–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo2203003g.
Full textAbstract:
Due to the intertwined and parallel interests of the great powers in Kosovo and Metohija, a kind of geopolitical knot has been created, as a field of aggressive geopolitical actions by non-Balkan and Balkan neighbouring political factors, which is reflected in current events, making them politically and security complex. After 2008, we have witnessed the unilaterally recognized so-called independence of Kosovo, which continued the process of internal transition and territorial fragmentation of Serbia that is clearly marked as a challenge and threat even in the current geopolitical and security context. Therefore, the paper has tried to show and explain the importance of the southern Serbian province, first of all emphasizing its geographical and geopolitical importance as a central area on the Balkan Peninsula, which makes it very important for the control of traffic, economic, communication, strategic and other corridors. The second part of the paper presents a geopolitical analysis of the current events in the south of Serbia and the consequences for the country's internal political structure and international position. In addition, the security aspects of the Kosovo-Metohija knot have been analysed, with a focus on national security and security problems caused by the violent exclusion of the Serbian territory and the self-proclamation of the so-called independence of Kosovo, in order to find sustainable solutions for the security situation in the south of Serbia.
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Filimonova, Anna Igorevna, and Kseniya Dmitrievna Kot. "The role of Zoran Djindjic in resolving the Kosovo issue." Uchenyy Sovet (Academic Council), no. 5 (April 22, 2021): 372 (402)—383 (409). http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/nik-02-2105-05.
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The article is devoted to one of the most dramatic events in the history of Serbia - the assassination of Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic, in terms of analyzing two key aspects. Firstly, numerous inconsistencies, discrepancies, contradictions and outright falsifications were revealed on the part of the official investigation and the official version of the attentate, in which it was not possible to reliably establish the motives, methods of committing the crime and the true perpetrators of the prime minister's death. Consequently, the reason for the murder of the prime minister, which, no doubt, lies precisely in the politics, remains hidden. In the Serbian political dimension, Kosovo and Metohija have long been the main stumbling blocks. Secondly, the authors of the article analyze the radical change in Zoran Djindjic's policy, which took place in general across a wide range of issues, and in particular, on the indicated "Kosovo problem". The Serbian prime minister had a sharp change in political orientations due to specific measures taken by the US, the EU and the "world community" towards Serbia, among which there were extremely destructive tendencies covered by double standards and humanistic rhetoric. The West did not need a "renewed Serbia", moreover, Serbia, renewed on the basis of a combination of democratic and national-state principles, which, in fact, became the policy of Zoran Djindjic a few months before the attentate, was a direct threat to the West. In particular, it hindered the implementation of the plans to build a certain order (characterized through the formula "constant chaos of low intensity"). Pax Americana, or the "new globalized order", can only be established in the Balkans on the rubble of Serbia, with dysfunctional state institutions, a devastated economy and destroyed national consciousness. The West needs Serbia only in the form of a failed state. The key point is the deprivation of its main attribute of statehood - sovereignty, inviolability of borders and territorial integrity. The withdrawal from Serbia of its southern region, Kosovo and Metohija, occurred contrary to the UN Charter, the entire complex of international legal acts on the territorial integrity and sovereignty of states, a number of UN Security Council resolutions, including Resolution No. 1244, the Constitution and legislation of Serbia. Without idealizing or romanticizing the image of this Serbian statesman, the authors consistently identify the steps taken by Zoran Djindjic in the Kosovo direction at the international and regional levels, testifying to his firm desire to implement the provisions of UN Security Council Resolution 1244, to reconsider relations with the West in general and build democratic Serbian state on national basis. All undertakings were interrupted by an unknown sniper's bullet fired on March 12, 2003. English version of the article on pp. 402-409 at URL: https://panor.ru/articles/role-of-zoran-dindic-in-resolving-the-kosovo-issue/66002.html
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Perić, Dragoljub. ""Kosovo" by Branislav Nušić, land of heaven and earth: From demographic-etnographic picture to national-ideological (re) interpretation of tradition." CM: Communication and Media 18, no. 54 (2023): 215–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/cm18-49023.
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The paper aims to show what Nušić's intentions were in writing this unusual documentary demographic-ethnographic book about Kosovo and Metohija. At the centre of this cultural and folkloric-rhetorical interpretation is the legend about the (first) Battle of Kosovo, as well as the ways explored by the author to select and represent particular motifs from the legend of the Battle of Kosovo. The analysis shows that the territory of Kosovo and Metohija, in Nušić's opinion, is not only the territory that covers the historical core of the feudal Serbian country (Old Serbia), or the geographical zone located on the periphery of the crumbling Ottoman Empire during the last decade of the 19th century, which records the increasing migratory movements of the Serbian population towards the Kingdom of Serbia. It is not only the spiritual and physical homeland of our ancestors, nor is it simply an area of the centuries-old Serbian cultural heritage. It is all of this at the same time. In this context, to the author, the Kosovo legacy, Lazar's sacrifice, Miloš' feat, for example, represent the embodiments of the Christian archetype of the martyr and an exemplary model of heroism, valued by the price of life laid down for the freedom of one's own people. The folklore narrative, supported by material evidence and based on the rhetorical strategy of credibility, joined and connected through the legend about the Battle of Kosovo, to Branislav Nušić, becomes the national and identity-defining category.
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Oliveira Teles de Menezes, Gustavo. "North Kosovo and the Serbia-Kosovo normalization dialogue." Političke perspektive 10, no. 2-3 (June 12, 2021): 111–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pp.10.2-3.06.
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The article describes and discusses political and security trends in Serb-majority North Kosovo during the Serbia-Kosovo normalization process launched in 2011. Perspectives from the local Serb population in the face of the interests and policies of the governments of Serbia, Kosovo and the Western great powers that promote normalization are highlighted, showing that critical views of normalization and associated trends are widespread in North Kosovo. In this connection, it is argued that dissatisfaction and insecurity with normalization and associated trends also became present in the region’s political life, pointing to latent challenges to the legitimacy and sustainability of normalization.
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Nielsen, Christian Axboe. "Serbian Historiography after 1991." Contemporary European History 29, no. 1 (November 12, 2019): 90–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077731900033x.
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Few countries in Europe have witnessed as much turbulence during the past quarter century as the seven states which emerged from socialist Yugoslavia after it dissolved amidst a catastrophic series of wars of succession. Although actual armed conflict only took place in Serbia (then still including Kosovo in the rump state Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) in 1998 and 1999, Serbia directly participated in the wars of Yugoslav succession beginning in 1991 in Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and then finally in Kosovo. For nearly a decade from 1992 until 2001 Serbia's economy languished under the combination of a kleptocratic regime, expensive and protracted military engagements and international sanctions. The long Serbian transition entered a new phase in October 2000, when Yugoslav President Slobodan Milošević was ousted by a very heterogeneous political coalition whose leaders shared only an intense antipathy for Milošević. The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was transformed into the short-lived state union of Serbia and Montenegro, which disappeared when Montenegro declared its independence in 2006, followed by Kosovo in 2008.
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Mladenovich, M., and M. Tomic. "The unilateral declaration of independence of Kosovo and Metohija is a precedent in international politics." Гуманитарные и юридические исследования 10, no. 1 (2023): 77–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.37493/2409-1030.2023.1.10.
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The attempt to secede from Kosovo, which began in the nineties of the twentieth century, ended with NATO’s aggression against Yugoslavia, which formally usurped the southern Serbian province by the most powerful Western countries. The threat to the national security of the Republic of Serbia by the armed aggression of the NATO Pact is a unique example of the violation of all existing international legal norms prohibiting aggression against a sovereign and independent state. It is emphasized that even with the introduction of the Interim International Administration (UNMIK), the security situation has not stabilized. The political decisions of the representatives of the international community were framed in the paradigm of “absolute independence” of Kosovo and Metohija, despite the dissatisfaction of the then top officials of the Republic of Serbia. The illegal attempt to secede from Kosovo and Metohija through the adoption of the Declaration of Independence in 2008 by representatives of the Albanian national minority raised a number of political, economic and social questions about the strategy of the subjects and forces of the national security system of the Republic of Serbia. It is indicated that the ongoing dialogue between representatives of the Provisional Kosovo Institutions and representatives of the Republic of Serbia contributed to the signing of agreements in various fields. However, their implementation has a negative impact on the sovereignty, i.e. the jurisdiction of the institutions of the Republic of Serbia. The international administration created to date has failed to ensure the implementation of UN Security Council resolution 1244. The article analyzes the dynamics of events that led to the unilateral declaration of independence in violation of all norms of international law, including the right to political self-determination. The results of the work indicate an uneven interpretation of some norms regulating the status of national minorities (in this case, Albanians), as well as an attempt by Western countries to impose a solution to the Kosovo problem on the Republic of Serbia exclusively through various forms of recognition of the so-called independence.
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Koloskov, Evgenii. "28 June in the Serbian calendar of 1985-1991." A day in the calendar. Celebrations and memorial days as an instrument of national consolidation in Central, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe from the nineteenth to the twenty-first century, no. 1 (2019): 124–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2018.1.6.
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The article is devoted to the formation of the contemporary Vidovdan tradition in the Socialist Republic of Serbia in 1985-1991. Beings the key date in modern Serbian national history, 28 June was used to provide commemorative practices by various Serbian forces during the decomposition of centralised power in Yugoslavia in that period. The process of codifying of a new national mythology precipitated by the disintegration processes in the SFRY after the death of Tito, is examined on the background of the political discourse in Serbia. The research uses sources such as the public speeches and writings of leading political figures (above all Slobodan Milosevic), which are openly available, for example the Memorandum of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, and which were published in the three most popular newspapers in the Socialist Republic of Serbia: Борба (Struggle), Политика (Politics) and Вечерње новости (Evening News) and the two main newspapers of the Autonomous Province of Kosovo: Rilindja (Revival) and Jeдинство (Unity). The research concludes that it is obvious that the establishing of a tradition of celebrating the anniversary of the Kosovo Battle as an annual public holiday is directly related to the interests of the political forces in SR Serbia.
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BEREND, IVAN T. "The Kosovo Trap." European Review 14, no. 4 (September 8, 2006): 413–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798706000445.
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In February 2006, talks began in Vienna to decide the status of Kosovo. The solution was forecast in several statements: instead of officially remaining a province of Serbia, considering that 90% of the population of the area is Albanian, mostly Muslim, and want independence, independent statehood might be granted to Kosovo. Kosovo enjoyed an autonomous status under Tito (abolished by Milošević) and thus has the legal right to decide on independence.Serbia wants to keep its authority over the province, which is considered to be the ‘cradle of Serbia,’ a sacrosanct place in Serbian history. However, the Serb population has gradually decreased and become a small minority. This happened due to a huge Serb emigration after the Ottoman conquest of the region, a spontaneous, sometimes forced emigration, which gained special impetus during the Second World War, when the region became part of ‘Great Albania,’ and Serbs were killed and chased out of the province. The tension and violence of the post-war decades made emigration advisable for Serbs. Milošević's Kosovo war-and-rape campaign made the Kosovars victims of exalted Serb nationalism in the late 1990s. The NATO bombing stopped this but the Serb minority declined into an unbearable situation. The Kosovo Liberation Army's violent actions, killing Serbs, burning their houses, shooting at school buses, continued until recently and led to the flight of half of the remaining Serb population, and ‘cleansed’ Kosovo of 80% of the Roma population.
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Bojanic, Bojan, and Zaklina Spalevic. "ONE DRAFT OF A POSSIBLE CONSTITUTIONAL ARRANGEMENT FOR KOSOVO AND METOHIJA." Srpska politička misao 70, no. 4/2020 (February 2, 2021): 227–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/spm.7042020.12.
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The authors will point out some possible models for solving an extremely complex problem, which for decades has been an open issue for which, without much success, a mutually acceptable solution is being sought – Kosovo and Metohija. The paper analyzes three possible options, with different intensity of relations between the Republic of Serbia and so called Kosovo. In the first case, which implies the strongest relationship between Serbia and Kosovo and Metohija, this issue could be resolved by passing a law on substantial autonomy (with changes to certain constitutional provisions) which would formally assign all the competencies now available in the province, while the other two models do not imply the adoption of such a law, so it could be done exclusively by changing the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia. In none of the proposed models, the so-called Kosovo would not have full international legal subjectivity, Serbia would not recognize Kosovo’s self-proclaimed independence, nor could so-called Kosovo become a member of the United Nations, and there would be no Kosovo Army. The province would have internal sovereignty.
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Beha, Adem. "Disputes over the 15-point agreement on normalization of relations between Kosovo and Serbia." Nationalities Papers 43, no. 1 (January 2015): 102–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2014.990367.
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This paper examines the 15-point agreement on normalization of relations between Kosovo and Serbia. Two mainstream discourses have prevailed since the agreement was ratified by both countries: on one hand, the Government of Kosovo has branded this agreement as historic, given the fact that in the last century no agreement has ever been reached between Kosovo and Serbia. On the other hand, Kosovo's political opposition has critiqued this agreement stressing that the 15-point agreement devastates Kosovo's statehood. Beyond both extreme stances, we argue that an enhanced autonomy for four northern Serb municipalities ought to be seen as a tool for integration, rather than disintegration of Kosovo statehood. This paper concludes that the dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia as a top-down arrangement lacks transparency, and this might jeopardize the achievements reached through this process. Moreover, the EU position should be clearly articulated that redrawing and rearranging the borders of Kosovo and Serbia might overturn the EU's and USA's immense investments in stability, peace, and prosperity in the Western Balkans.
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Echimovich, Mariana, Svetozar Shchekich, and Maksim Braјovich. "Features of Albanian separatism in Kosovo and Metohija." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 2 (February 2023): 12–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2023.2.40882.
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Authors examine the formation and development of Albanian separatism in the Serbian province of Kosovo and Metohija. The article deals with the main aspects of the history of creation and functioning of the first armed extremist groups of Kosovo Albanians, in particular the activities of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) during the hottest phases of the Kosovo crisis in the 1990s, including the role of international actors in the development of Albanian terrorism in the Serbian province. In the article, the authors conclude that Albanian separatism is not a spontaneously organized ethnic group with the aim of fighting against "terror" perpetrated by state power, but is instead the embodiment of the idea of a "Greater Albania", projected in the First and Second Prizer Leagues. Western countries also actively supported the formation, training, logistical support and funding of the KLA. The leader among Western states supporting Albanian separatism in Serbia was the United States, which provided Kosovo separatists with comprehensive support. With the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1244 and the arrival of the UN Military and Civil Mission in Kosovo and Metohija (KFOR and UMNIK), Albanian extremists and terrorists used all-out violence to expel the non-Albanian population from Kosovo and Metohija. The separation of Kosovo from Serbia, which took place under the careful guidance of the international community represented by the USA and the EU, as well as the recognition of the so-called Kosovo's "independence" by, above all, Western countries, grossly violated not only UNSC Resolution 1244 and international law in general, but also created an international legal precedent which gave other proponents of territorial secession an excuse and right to seek the same as that of the so-called Kosovo.
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Mantiri, David William Izak, and Natalia Yeti Puspita. "Legitimasi Mediasi Uni Eropa Dalam Manajemen Konflik Kosovo-Serbia." Lex Prudentium Law Journal 1, no. 2 (February 3, 2023): 112–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.61619/lexprudentium.v1i2.9.
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Uni Eropa bertindak sebagai peace-mediator dalam penyelesaian konflik Kosovo-Serbia. Mengingat Uni Eropa merupakan organisasi internasional, maka diperlukan legitimasi terkait personalitas hukum dan wewenang Uni Eropa dalam memediasi penyelesaian konflik internasional. Tujuan Penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui legitimasi mediasi Uni Eropa dalam manajemen konflik Kosovo-Serbia. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa, Uni Eropa memiliki legitimasi dalam menyelesaikan konflik internasional sebagai bentuk turut serta menjaga perdamaian dunia berdasarkan Pasal 21 Paragraf (c) juncto Pasal 28 Paragraf 1 Lisbon Treaty. Hal tersebut dilaksanakan melalui European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP). Penyelesaian konflik Kosovo-Serbia menjadi perhatian Uni Eropa untuk mewujudkan perdamaian keamananan terutama di kawasan Eropa. Uni Eropa berperan sebagai mediator dalam konflik Kosovo Serbia dengan mendasarkan pada Concept on Strengthening EU Mediation and Dialogue Capacities. Konsep tersebut menjadi landasan mediasi Uni Eropa dalam manajemen konflik internasional
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Milović, Marko, and Borivoje Baltezarević. "Ravishment of the material treasure of Kosovo and Metohija by international and domestic factors." Megatrend revija 18, no. 4 (2021): 293–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/megrev2104293m.
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The material and cultural treasures of Kosovo and Metohija have been written and spoken about for decades, even centuries. Somehow, this story about both treasures, both for us and for others, and here we also mean various international factors, never loses its significance. Although the territory of Kosovo and Metohija, as it has been known since 1999, is not under the jurisdiction of the state of Serbia, this topic is not extreme. Conflicts, wars, riots and the like in the territory of Kosovo and Metohija are an inseparable part of its history, and the background of all these unpleasant events is not only the territory as such, but precisely its enormous wealth that it possesses. In our paper, we referred to those riches, primarily ores, and why many have the desire to rule the southern Serbian province. The more brokers there are at various levels and in various areas in those areas, the less justice and rights there are, especially when it comes to the rights of the Serbian people and the protection of both their property and the property of the state of Serbia. In that sense, we pointed out the objective inability of the existing Kosovo judiciary to do its job, but also the subjective reasons, which are mostly of a political nature.
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R. Copley, Gregory. "MEETING THE BURDEN OF STATEHOOD: IS KOSOVO READY?" POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 1, no. 1 (January 15, 2007): 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj010125c.
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There is ample evidence that Kosovo has no legitimacy in the normal sense of a sovereign state, and that, if it was to be recognized as such, it would further erode the credibility of the international system. Kosovo does not meet any historical standards for sovereignty. For Kosovo to be recognized as a legitimate sovereign state, the international community must violate the sovereignty of another recognized state, the Republic of Serbia. One should also take to consideration that Kosovo is already a territory run as a criminal enterprise, with links into jihadist movements. Already Kosovo is becoming like Afghanistan under the Taliban. And like the Taliban destruction of the ancient Buddhas of Bamiyan, the Albanian Islamist process of destruction of the Christian Churches will be complete if Kosovo is granted independence. The chaos of changing borders— such as we are seeing today in the Balkans, and elsewhere — is fertile ground for criminality. Europe is a major target for the global jihadist movements, and not only those under the al-Qaida label, but also those fi nanced and logistically made viable by the Iranian Government. Western fears have been strengthened by intelligence derived by European countries on the existence of a strong Islamist network in Kosovo and Bosnia. The “al-Qaida” phenomenon owes its success to the fi nancial links with what we are calling the Albanian mafi a, just as the Albanian criminals owe their success to the logistics and networks of al-Qaida. As far as Islamists are concerned, their goal is consolidation of their control over parts of the Balkans, specifi cally the so-called “Green transversal” belt which links the Adriatic Coast through Albania, FYR of Macedonia, the Serbian Kosovo and Metohija region, the southern Serbia/northern Montenegro Rashka (Sanjak) region, through the Gorazde Corridor into Bosnia, not only as a terrorist corridor but also to facilitate a clear highway for narco-traffi cking and weapons shipments. Signifi cantly, the Serbian Government within the union of Serbia & Montenegro, had, until the recent Serbian elections, attempted to ignore the growing incitement to a new outbreak of violence and unrest on the part of the Muslim community of southern Serbia (Rashka) and Kosovo because it did not wish to be seen to be drawing attention to the growing Muslim agitation. Finally, Kosovo Liberation Army still, and is able to access much of its narcotic product, because of its close interrelationship with jihadist movements worldwide and foreign state sponsors. There is no ground for optimism in the future. The wars to break up Yugoslavia are still unfi nalized. And in many of the new wars we will see savagery abound as groups “re-discover” old identities, and seek to capitalize on the permissive climate of change and chaos. However, it not just Balkans that is endangered. Deeply placed sources within the Islamist community in Kosovo have identifi ed the source and type of the explosives used in the jihadist terrorist bombings in London on July 7, 2005, and the Madrid commuter railway bombings of March 11, 2004.
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Mirovic, Dejan. "Why Serbia is asked to recognize Kosovo with comparative examples of Bangladesh and Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 149 (2014): 991–1000. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1449991m.
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In the context of public international law and relations between principles of territorial integrity and right to self-determination, independence of Kosovo will never be legal if it is not recognized by Serbia. This can be concluded from the examples of violent secession of Bangladesh and Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. That is why Serbia still has a right to decide about the independence of Kosovo and Metohija despite signing Brussels Agreement and the fact that 100 UN member states recognized Kosovo as an independent state. Forty years after the secession of northern part of the island, Nicosia has not recognized Turkish republic of Northern Cyprus, which caused that this secessionist creation does not become a member of the UN. Its independence is not full from the perspective of international law, and this fact that cannot be disputed in spite of the factual occupation of the northern part of island by Turkey. On the other side, Pakistan recognized the independence of Bangladesh and forever lost half of its population and state territory. In return, half of its foreign debt was written off, 90,000 prisoners were released and 13,000 square kilometers of territory in western part of Pakistan, controlled by India, were returned. However, no one is offering anything similar to Serbia to recognize the independence of Kosovo. Debts of Kosovo towards IMF and World Bank are paid by Serbia. In addition, if Serbia recognized the independence of Kosovo, Serbia would lose about 100,000 Serbs living on that territory and about 1,200 square kilometers of territory in the northern part of Kosovo which is not controlled by Pristina. In that context, it is clear that principles of territorial integrity are still stronger in international law then right to self-determination. Postmodernist theories have a goal to hide that fact. Key of the independence of so-called ?Kosovo? is still in hands of Belgrade. That is why there are so many persistent attempts and strong pressures from the West to recognize the independence of ?Kosovo?. Example of Cyprus shows how to resist those attempts within the framework of public international law (by applying the principles of territorial integrity). However, if in the future Serbia chooses the same approach as Pakistan in the case of Bangladesh, Kosovo will be lost forever. At that moment, it would be clear that the relations of great powers in the world have changed.
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Mustafa, Liburn, and Mensur Morina. "Central governance and minority rights: The case of the developing country." Corporate Law and Governance Review 4, no. 2 (2022): 57–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/clgrv4i2p7.
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The purpose of the paper is to study the institutional approach of the Serbian state toward ethnic minorities, specifically towards the Albanian ethnic minority in Serbia. The research focuses on the Serbian state governance forms and how these forms reflect on local governance policies by the Albanian majority. The deprivation of many individual and national rights has influenced the strengthening of the national identity (Searle-White, 2001). The paper is a theoretical study that is based on the qualitative research method and includes the discourse analysis of programs, events, writings, and statements of intellectual and political figures of the relevant times. The paper finds out that the violation of freedom and national rights toward the Albanian minority in Serbia has reflected strong forms of political behavior. In conclusion, it turns out that the Albanian political class in Serbia, disappointed by the state institutions, seeks the help of the mother state of Kosovo so that the status of the Albanians in Serbia is resolved the same as the status of the Serbs of Kosovo. This paper seeks to contribute to central government relations with ethnic minorities as well as making a non-prejudiced approach to the freedoms and rights of ethnic minorities in general
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Atlagić, Marko, Aleksandar Martinović, and Dalibor Elezović. "Noble English woman Adeline Paulina Irby on Kosovo and Metohija in Serbia." Bastina, no. 51 (2020): 395–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bastina30-26781.
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This paper is about Adeline Paulina Irby, an English lady. She left deep trace and indelible mark in memory of Serbs from Bosnia and Old Serbia (Kosovo and Metohija). Furthermore, it is focused on her journey through whole "European Turkey" (the Balkans) where she was acquainted with living conditions of the Christians there. She informed England and the whole western world about it. For that purpose, she travelled through Old Serbia-Kosovo and Metohija. Irby broke all the stereotypes Western World adhered to, in the first place stereotypes about "wild Slaves living in the Balkans". Irby presented to English reader the whole truth about Serbian nation whose Empire was conquered by Ottomans. Paper is particularly focused on her humanitarian work.
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Barišić, Igor. "Asymmetric threat to the security of the Republic of Serbia: Theoretical framework for the analysis of problems in Kosovo and Metohia." Politika nacionalne bezbednosti 26, no. 1 (2024): 83–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/pnb26-50171.
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The application of the concept of asymmetry in the domain of security enables a comprehensive overview of the strategic relations between the opposing parties, as well as the methods used by the adversaries in an effort to turn this type of inequality into a permanent strategic advantage. As a process, asymmetry can most often be reduced to the creation or exploitation of power inequality between adversaries, with the ultimate goal of generating strategic or political asymmetry. By skilfully exploiting the political and security asymmetry that arose after the NATO aggression in 1999, Pristina and its allies constantly constantly built statehood of the so-called "Republic of Kosovo". At the same time, they undertook various political, security and economic activities in order to reduce the effectiveness of the instruments of power of the Republic of Serbia in Kosovo and Metohija and neutralize Serbia's influence in the southern Serbian province. In addition to building institutions and developing various instruments of power, the Albanian political elite in Kosovo and Metohija worked intensively on building internal and external legitimacy. The key results of such activities of Pristina certainly represent: the extortion of the international community foreign policy attitude on the irreversibility of Kosovo's independence, the support of the USA, the EU and NATO members to the self-proclaimed independence, the relocation of Belgrade-Pristina negotiations outside the UN and the mediation of the European Union, the pressure of its international allies on Belgrade to "normalize" relations and stop the "de-recognition" campaign, in order to maintain the foreign policy asymmetry in international relations. In the domain of internal politics, Prishtina constantly exploits Serbia's key weakness, which is its inability to ensure security and normal living conditions for the local Serbian population in Kosovo and Metohija. A large part of the concessions that the Albanian side received, through a series of agreements with Belgrade, were achieved with combination of US and EU pressure on Serbia and internal political, security and socio-economic pressure on the Serbian population in the southern Serbian province. The above-mentioned activities of Pristina were especially intensified after the beginning of the war in Ukraine. Increasingly frequent instrumentalization of violence and demonstration of force and the undertaking of unilateral and provocative moves are evident. The authorities in Pristina are obviously counting on the preoccupation of the USA, the EU and NATO with the war in Ukraine. Albanian political elite from Kosovo and Metohija are actively exploiting US and EU efforts to prevent the aforementioned conflict from spilling over into the Balkan region. The analysis of Prishtina's actions so far, shows the implementation of the their's attrition strategy towards the USA, the European Union and Belgrade. At the same time they are gradually strengthening the institutions of the new Albanian state and establishing the new political order in the entire territory of the Kosovo and Metohija, with intention to strengthen the internal and build external legitimacy of the so-called "Republic of Kosovo". In this long-term process, violence is skilfully used to exploit the weaknesses of the policies of the European Union and the USA in the region and to reduce and neutralize the influence of the Republic of Serbia in Kosovo and Metohija. The strategy of the so-called "Republic of Kosovo" is not basically different from the rebel strategies of other non-state actors. The longterm goal of Pristina's strategy is to gradually build its own legitimacy and state institutions, while at the same time reducing the legitimacy and destroying political order of its opponents. In the last phase of this strategy, from the second half of 2023, the so-called "Kosovo Government", following Western counterinsurgency models, openly engaged on the complete dismantling of the "parallel" political system in the north of Kosovo and Metohija, using various instruments of political, security and economic coercion. Considering the weak reaction of the USA and the European Union, even more robust and energetic action by the government of the so-called "Republic of Kosovo" can be expected in order to completely remove any presence and influence of Serbia in the north of Kosovo. On the other hand, in the short term, Prishtina strives to make the concessions to the Serbian side as small and symbolic as possible. The formation of the Community/Association of Serbian Municipalities in Kosovo and Metohija with symbolic powers and responsibilities for them is a condition for the de-facto recognition of the so-called "Republic of Kosovo". In the long term, the constant and irreversible outflow of the Serbian population from Kosovo and Metohija, indicates that the actions of the so-called "Republic of Kosovo" on the ground are gradual assimilation, constant segregation and narrowing of the socio-economic and cultural space for Serbs, so that they would "voluntarily" leave Kosovo and Metohija and thus solve the Serbian problem according to the "Croatian model".
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Ilić, Petar, Anđelka Kovač, and Biljana Pavlović. "Serbian Folk Lullabies in Preschools: Significance and Representation." Društvene i humanističke studije (Online) 7, no. 3(20) (October 30, 2022): 295–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.51558/2490-3647.2022.7.3.295.
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This paper discusses the importance of traditional folk lullabies in the education of preschool children and their representation in music education literature and practice. Scientific research indicates the development potential and importance of folk lullabies in early childhood. Serbian folk lullabies are not sufficiently represented in preschool education in central Serbia and Kosovo and Metohija, which is the starting hypothesis of the research presented in this paper. This research aims to determine the extent to which Serbian folk lullabies, as music content, are used in preschool education in central Serbia and Kosovo, and Metohija. The research included a total of 692 participants – preschool teachers and parents. It was found: 1) that Serbian folk lullabies are insufficiently represented in music education literature for preschool age; 2) that preschool teachers and parents are not sufficiently informed about the educational benefit and importance of folk lullabies. The paper contributes to the actualization of Serbian traditional folk lullabies, and their greater representation in music education literature and practice. The descriptive method was used in the research, as well as the analysis and synthesis method.
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Šuljagić, Sanja. "On the antiquity of Serbian identity in Kosovo and Metohija." Politička revija 77, no. 3 (2023): 59–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/pr77-45777.
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In this text author used an analytical-synthetic method to present directions for proving the source of Serbian identity on the territory of Kosovo and Metohija or "Old Serbia", as was the name of this territory in the past. The author presented various sources to prove the antiquity of the Serbian Patriarchy of Pec and the formation of the territory of Kosovo and Metohija as a medieval center of statehood and spirituality of Serbian people. This medieval state with its own church jurisdiction, laws, moral values, economic achievements, national customs and manners, and other achievements continued and upgraded the previous church jurisdiction and cultural tradition of Prima Iustiniana. In the text, there is also underlined the significance of the territory of Kosovo and Metohija for Serbian identity in the historical and geopolitical context of genealogical, political, and cultural liaisons of members of the medieval Serbian Nemanjic dynasty with the members of the medieval Greek, Bulgarian, and Russian dynasties. For the purpose of argumentation of significant determinants of the territory of Kosovo and Metohija for Serbian identity, there are used various Serbian and world-historical sources such as the results of archeological research, Serbian medieval state documents, artifacts, heraldic and folk legends and beliefs in the context of historical processes which have shaped the Serbian identity and promoted the territory of Kosovo and Metohija as the cradle of Serbian identity throughout history.
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Jovanović, Luka. "Priest Anđelko Nešić (1870-1941): Narrative sketch for the portrait of a priest in Kosovo Vilayet." Zbornik radova Filozofskog fakulteta u Pristini 52, no. 4 (2022): 215–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp52-40463.
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The paper deals with the national activites of the Mitrovica priest Anđelko Nešić (1870-1941) during the last decades of the Ottoman Empire rule in Old Serbia. Although in the service of religion, his activity is primarly national, aimed at protecting the Serbian people and serving the interests of the Kingdom of Serbia in the Kosovo Vilayet. The paper covers the chronological period until the beginning of the First Balkan War in 1912.
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Jani, Shivani, Nilesh Patel, Urvi Chotaliya, and Ashok Patel. "Comparison of Regulatory Requirements for Pharmaceuticals in Non- European Union Member States Kosovo, Ukraine and Serbia." Applied Clinical Research, Clinical Trials and Regulatory Affairs 7, no. 1 (March 3, 2020): 37–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2174/2213476x06666190624152156.
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Background: Literature review suggested that regulatory guidelines should be harmonized for better processing of applications and for the upliftment of the regulatory field. Therefore it was thought worthwhile to compare the guidelines for countries where there is requirement of harmonization. Kosovo, Ukraine and Serbia were selected because of being European countries and still they are not a part of EU. Introduction: Kosovo, Ukraine and Serbia are small countries of Europe but they are not members of European Union. They have their own guidelines for the submission of MAA for marketing of pharmaceuticals and medical devices. They are trying to obtain the EU membership and therefore it was worthwhile to compare the guidelines of these countries. Method: The registration process of pharmaceuticals in Kosovo, Ukraine and Serbia was studied throughly. Along with it, the guidelines for European Union were also studied. A comparison of guidelines of all the three countries with the guidelines of European Union for pharmaceuticals was carried out. Result: The comparison of guidelines showed that there are still some changes needed in the guidelines of Kosovo, Ukraine and Serbia before they can merge with the guidelines of European Union. Some of the points in the guidelines are very different from the guidelines of EU. Conclusion: So it was worthwile to study the regulatory requirements of pharmaceuticals in Non- European Union Member States Kosovo, Ukraine and Serbia.
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Marinkovic, Milos. "The music in serbia festival as a “permanent social obligation of music workers”." Muzikologija, no. 35 (2023): 105–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/muz2335105m.
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The Music in Serbia festival (Muzika u Srbiji - MUS) was held in Belgrade and other Serbian cities from 1976 to 1991. Presenting contemporary creativity of composers from the former Socialist Republic of Serbia and its two provinces (Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Socialist Autonomous Province of Vojvodina), as well as works by Serbian authors of older generations, MUS existed as a unique place of valorization and revalorization of domestic art music. Through the analysis of program and organizational strategies, financial aspects, repertoire policy, and forms of dissemination and promotion, this article points not only to the artistic scope but also to the socio-political implications of the Music in Serbia festival.
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Mrdalj, Mladen. "From Pararepublic to Parastate: International Leverage in Shaping Kosovo’s Secession." Nationalities Papers 48, no. 1 (January 2020): 42–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2019.85.
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AbstractThe Kosovo Albanian political movement in the 1990s contained three fluctuating factions with distinct strategies: boycotting Serbian institutions, participating in elections, and resorting to an armed insurgency. This article shows how expectations of external assistance, primarily from the Clinton administration, influenced which strategy was to dominate the movement at certain periods. It also shows how the movement successfully conflated the issues of human rights and the ethnonationalist secessionist agenda, even though the secessionist agenda predated the claims of human rights violations following the rise of Slobodan Milošević to power in Serbia. In the end, the article discusses how the Clinton administration’s failure in the Rambouillet peace talks, the diplomatic result of the NATO attack on Serbia, and the fall of Slobodan Milošević set the foundations for freezing the conflict and turning Kosovo into a parastate.
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Mani, Kujtim. "Lute and Canon: Millosh Encounters Miloš." Balkanistic Forum 32, no. 1 (January 15, 2023): 74–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v32i1.5.
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This paper seeks to examine the epic and canonical status of the lute and songs of the Kosovo Cycle in both, Albania and Serbia. The interplay of epics with national identity and political aims will be scrutinized, with a particular focus on the nexus of imagination, identity, and history. Moreover, the Kosovo Cycle of Serbs, takes a central position concerning the fall of the medieval state following from the Battle of Kosovo (1389). On the other hand, the Albanian Cycle is more consecrated to the hero as an individual, a brave loyal nobleman and honest chevalier who fights for his besa as code d’honeur. Millosh Kopiliqi/Miloš (K)obilić, the hero of the Battle of Kosovo, is without doubt the most chevaleresque figure of the cycle, in Albanian and Serbian songs. Why the lute became an identity corner stone of Albanians, Serbs, and the other nations in the region? Figuratively speaking, it is the lute epic space of the Kosovo Cycle in Albanian and Serbian where Millosh encounters Miloš and historical truth and imaginary encounters fiction.
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Hebda, Wiktor. "KOSOVO STATUS ACCORDING TO STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ZAGREB AND THE UNIVERSITY OF BELGRADE." Politika nacionalne bezbednosti 18, no. 1/2020 (May 25, 2020): 201–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/pnb.1812020.9.
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Kosovo independence still remains a key issue on a global scale. In simple terms, there are two contradictory stands on the sovereignty of Kosovo. According to the first one, Kosovo declaration of independence is illegal due to the breach of international law and the constitution of the Republic of Serbia of 2006. Meanwhile the second stand proves that unilateral Kosovo declaration of independence was legal since Kosovo Albanians are fully entitled to the right of self-determination. The following paper presents an opinion on Kosovo independence expressed by the students of the Faculty of Political Science at the University of Belgrade and the University of Zagreb – two most important universities in Serbia and Croatia. The results presented in the paper are based on the survey carried out by the author in 2013.
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Rossi, Michael. "Ending the impasse in Kosovo: partition, decentralization, or consociationalism?" Nationalities Papers 42, no. 5 (September 2014): 867–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2014.937683.
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This paper argues that current Western-backed approaches to conflict resolution in Kosovo have failed to alter Serbia's policy toward the region and have contributed to the exacerbation of political tensions between Belgrade and Brussels, while deepening ethnic cleavages between Serb and Albanian communities. While there is no possibility of Kosovo returning to Serbia's control, there is an equal unlikelihood that Serbian-populated regions of Kosovo, especially the north, will submit to Pristina's authority. Most importantly, there is little hope that Kosovo can gain full international recognition and membership in international organizations without a compromise settlement with Serbia. While territorial partition has long been a suggested option, I conclude that the best possible solution for Kosovo, given the positions of all parties involved, is a process of significant decentralization beyond the internationally supported measures in the Ahtisaari Plan. A model of consociational power sharing is one in which Serbian and Albanian municipalities are granted high levels of autonomy similar to arrangements made for Bosnia. While this solution may not be ideal and further weakens central authority, I argue that consociationalism reduces the problems of ethnic conflict, encourages local self-government, and preserves the overall territorial integrity of Kosovo.
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Havolli, Refik, and Bastrie Uka Havolli. "WORLDWIDE GOODS PRODUCED IN SERBIA AND THE 100% TAX EFFECT ON THEIR IMPORTS TO KOSOVO." Knowledge International Journal 30, no. 6 (March 20, 2019): 1627–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij30061627h.
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The imposition of a 10% defensive measure by the Kosovo Government, pursuant to Decision No. 01/74 dated 06.11.2018, for product imported from Serbia and Bosnia Herzegovina, had a big impact on the brands trademarks of Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina.On 21.12.2018, the Government of Kosovo raised the tax rate from 10% to 100% as well as for the international brands it produces in these countries. Only a few of these international brands had been deployed.On December 28, 2019, the Kosovo Government also took the decision to ban all non-produced trademarks produced in Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, which entered into force on 01.01.2019. So to supplement and amend the decision No. 01/76 dated 21.11.2018 was passed, from which paragraph 2 of the basic decision was removed.The reason why the government of Kosovo took the decision for 100% tax was the wartime campaign for denying the state and the fights against Kosovo for the membership in Interpol.This tax was decided without any analysis, benefiting only the intersects of different groups. Where is the lack of coordination between MTI-Customs, Finance Ministry, Government of Kosovo (Prime Minister).There were statements against this matter for the imposition of this tax. Making this decision had positive effects on politics, but had far greater impact on the economy.The pressure to remove the tax from the international community fell when the government decision banned the import of international trademarkThe reasons why international brands were deployed in Serbia, and none of them in Kosovo was because there was much greater institutional support, while in Kosovo there was a deficiency in the privatization process.