Academic literature on the topic 'Kosovo War, 1998-1999'

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Journal articles on the topic "Kosovo War, 1998-1999"

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Ristić, Katarina, and Elisa Satjukow. "The 1999 NATO Intervention from a Comparative Perspective: An Introduction." Comparative Southeast European Studies 70, no. 2 (June 1, 2022): 189–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2022-0026.

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Abstract The special issue revisits the NATO intervention in the 1998–1999 Kosovo War by bringing together comparative perspectives from the war-affected states of the former Yugoslavia, on the one hand, and countries that supported or opposed NATO, on the other. The authors in this special issue look at the mediatization of the NATO intervention and its ambivalent legacies in and beyond the Yugoslav region. They provide insights into contested processes of mobilization for or against a military intervention in the Kosovo War, focusing on the case studies of Greece, Germany, and China. Moreover, they analyze the political legacies and mnemonic practices in the aftermath of this military intervention by highlighting the opposing narratives of memory politics in Kosovo and Serbia.
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Freedman, Lawrence. "Force and the international community: Blair’s Chicago speech and the criteria for intervention." International Relations 31, no. 2 (May 10, 2017): 107–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117817707395.

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Tony Blair’s April 1999 Chicago speech is widely seen as foreshadowing his later decision to support the invasion of Iraq. Two sets of context for the speech are described: other criteria for the use of force, going back to the Just War tradition and more recent contributions from Caspar Weinberger and Colin Powell, and the December 1998 strikes against Iraq and the Kosovo War, which began in March 1999. The origins of the five factors mentioned when considering force are explored and their implications assessed.
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Lufi, Simon, and Marsel Nilaj. "The Kosovo War In The British Parliament Talks In 1999." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 17 (June 29, 2016): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n17p24.

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The Kosovo War in the 1990s was one among a series of wars in the former Yugoslav federation. It was the final war that ended the dissolution which had started with Slovenia from1990 to 1991, Croatia and Bosnia - Herzegovina from 1992 to 1995 and the Kosovo War from 1998 to 1999. However, the Kosovo war happened during a different situation and period. It was at a time and in a position to cause the domino effect in the Balkans and an outbreak of wars in a large part of the Balkans. This fight could include Albania and Macedonia as nations with an ethnic Albanian population. It could also have a religious or cultural impact that threatened to involve other states such as Bosnia and Turkey on the one hand and Greece on the other. The interest of major countries in Europe, as well as the world, was focused on this war. A country among them was the UK. As one of the founding states of the European Union, United Nations, and NATO, the UK was quite involved in this war. The UK and the US were two countries that became the political and military leadership in this struggle since its beginning, while reaching a peak in 1999. This situation involved talks in the British Parliament in the UK, especially the House of Lords where the decision-making aspect of parliamentary politics is achieved. The war was also a major concern for the parliament. On the one hand, it was important to resolve the situation in Kosovo without worsening it with other massacres. On the other hand, this situation required caution in dealing with the Serbian people. The destiny of Kosovo refugees was important to them. However, the future of the Serbian people in Kosovo had to be guaranteed. The most important thing was to obtain full autonomy for Kosovo, but also to achieve a bilateral cooperation from both countries. The House of Lords and the interest of some lords in this war made the British policy, as a whole, a lot more responsible for accomplishing what it had started since diplomacy regarding weapons and the military intervention used to manage the situation of refugees in Kosovo had a huge impact in Europe. The British parliamentary sessions were very crucial in leading to an international level this whole historical phase for Kosovo.
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Hasani, Enver, and Getoar Mjeku. "International(ized) Constitutional Court: Kosovo’s Transfer of Judicial Sovereignty." ICL Journal 13, no. 4 (March 26, 2020): 373–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/icl-2019-0016.

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AbstractThis paper discusses the transfer of judicial sovereignty in Kosovo from a comparative perspective. In particular, it addresses the transfer of constitutional jurisdiction to the Special Court of Kosovo. This court was formed as a result of Kosovo’s commitment to address allegations made by the Council of Europe in a document known as the Dick Marty report. The report alleges that war crimes and crimes against humanity and international law were committed during and in the aftermath of the Kosovo war (1998–1999). It took several years for the Court to be formed as constitutional amendments, legal infrastructure, and other practical steps were needed to make the Court operational. These preparatory measures have been taken, but practical results are missing, and there is fear that the Court might end up like previous UN- and EU-led justice systems, which did too little and were too late to address the culture of impunity in Kosovo.
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Kijewski, Sara, and Markus Freitag. "Civil War and the Formation of Social Trust in Kosovo." Journal of Conflict Resolution 62, no. 4 (September 16, 2016): 717–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002716666324.

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While a new, growing subset of the literature argues that armed conflict does not necessarily erode social cohesion in the postwar era, we challenge this perspective and examine how civil war experiences shape social trust in Kosovo after the war from 1998 to 1999. Based on a nationwide survey conducted in 2010 and the disaggregated conflict event data set of the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project, we simultaneously analyze the impact of individual war-related experiences and exposure to war in the community through hierarchical analyses of twenty-six municipalities. Our findings confirm that civil war is negatively related to social trust. This effect proves to be more conclusive for individual war experiences than for contextual war exposure. Arguably, the occurrence of instances of violence with lasting psychological as well as social structural consequences provides people with clear evidence of the untrustworthiness, uncooperativeness, and hostility of others, diminishing social trust in the aftermath of war.
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Istrefi, Remzije, and Arben Hajrullahu. "Conflict-Related Sexual Violence in Kosovo and Lessons to be Learned from the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia." Journal of International Humanitarian Legal Studies 12, no. 2 (November 29, 2021): 198–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18781527-bja10038.

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Abstract This article examines challenges in seeking justice for Conflict-Related Sexual Violence (crsv) survivors in Kosovo. It analyses the roles and responsibilities of international missions and how deficiencies impact the prosecution and adjudication of crsv by Kosovo’s justice system. A key question is why two decades after the 1998–1999 war in Kosovo survivors of crsv cannot find justice? The end of the international mandates, the large number of war crime cases transferred, unfinished files, and the necessity for specific expertise in handling the gender-based violence are some of the existing challenges which undermine the prosecution and adjudication of crsv in Kosovo. The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (icty) established accountability for sexual violence in armed conflicts. This article seeks to scaffold the icty experience by developing an accurate and comprehensive understanding of the nature of crsv and by examining its impact on survivors and victims’ alike. This paper then explores how a contexualist interpretation of international and domestic criminal law provisions can prioritise the prosecution of crsv amid other pressing needs in Kosovo.
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Freitag, Markus, Sara Kijewski, and Malvin Oppold. "War experiences, economic grievances, and political participation in postwar societies: An empirical analysis of Kosovo." Conflict Management and Peace Science 36, no. 4 (July 18, 2017): 405–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894217716464.

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This article contributes to the debate evolving around the political legacy of armed conflict. We evaluate the effect of war experiences during the 1998–1999 civil war in Kosovo on various modes of political participation. We find that war victims are on average more likely to participate in non-institutionalized forms of participation such as signing petitions and to participate in protests in the postwar era. In addition, we show that the impact of war experiences on political protest is contingent upon the postwar situation. War experiences are linked to protest behavior when a survivor is economically disadvantaged after the war. However, war experiences lose their impact on protest behavior when people do not encounter economic grievances in the postwar environment. In this vein, exploring the postwar context enriches our understanding of the political legacy of war victimization.
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Kraja, MA Eglantina, and Dr Sc Adelina Ahmeti. "Internalizing and Externalizing Problems in Children of War Veterans in Kosovo." ILIRIA International Review 5, no. 1 (June 30, 2015): 365. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v5i1.25.

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The aim of this study was to explore internalizing and externalizing problems in adolescent children of veterans of the war in Kosovo (1998-1999). The results of this study are quite interesting from the perspective of the dilemma for the state of the children of veterans even 15 years after the war ended. Parents’ emotional problems affect the functioning of the family in general and children in particular. Children can react to symptoms of parents by developing different symptoms as trouble sleeping, appetite loss, emotional instability or even problems in development, according to research done on children's reactions to the problems of parents explained by interactions between environment, brain and behaviour driven by trauma.The results of this study have shown that the internalizing problems have not shown gender differences, meantime externalizing problems were found higher in male participants. An interesting finding of this study was the highest scores of emotional problems in children born before and during the war, compare to those born after the war ended. We also found that anxiety problems in children [R2= .83, p < .001] were a significant predictor of internalizing problems. The assessment of the scale of positive qualities [R2= .19, p < .001] was also found to be a significant predictor for externalizing problems.Only 0.8% of the variance of internalizing problems was explained by the income.Considering that the subject of this study were adolescent children of war veterans of the 1999 conflict in Kosovo, we must take into account that the post-traumatic stress disorder is a very frequent problem among war veterans and that its impact on their personal and family life cannot be overlooked.
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Kajtazi-Testa, Laura, and Christopher J. Hewer. "Ambiguous loss and incomplete abduction narratives in Kosovo." Clinical Child Psychology and Psychiatry 23, no. 2 (February 7, 2018): 333–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1359104518755221.

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Ten mothers of men and boys who were abducted and listed as missing during the war in Kosovo in 1998/1999 were interviewed in Kosovo in the spring of 2012. Although the missing are presumed dead by the authorities, the mothers continue to live in a state of emotional ambiguity where a presumption of death is balanced with the hope of being reunited. In the absence of absolute proof, finding the remains of their loved ones becomes a major preoccupation. Using a social phenomenological approach, this study explored the social and political complexities existing within the life-world of these women. The findings suggest that they live in a continual state of psychological distress, and even when remains are returned, the unknown elements of the narrative of their abduction and murder only add to their distress and force many into self-imposed emotional exile away from community and close family.
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Krasniqi, Kolë. "Russian Subversive Influence on Islamic Radicalism in the Countries of the Western Balkans." National security and the future 25, no. 1 (April 10, 2024): 181–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.37458/nstf.25.1.8.

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After the outbreak of the war in Bosnia-Hercegovina (1992 – 1995) and of the armed conflicts in Albania, (1997), Kosovo (1998 – 1999) and North Macedonia (2001), the unchecked influx of dozens of extremist Islamist organizations from the Middle East began. Those organizations invested millions of Dollars to propagate a radical ideology and stoke religious hatred in all Western Balkan countries populated by Muslims.Furthermore, subversive activities of Islamic organizations have been observed since the beginning of the Russian military aggression in Ukraine. Those organizations support Putin openly and disseminate negative propaganda against the Western world, in line with certain doctrines pertaining to expanding Russian influence in the Muslim world. Additionally, they foster interreligious hatred in the region.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Kosovo War, 1998-1999"

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Tomić, Duško. "Položaj SPC u konfliktu na Kosovu i Metohiji." Beograd : Zadužbina Andrejević, 2006. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/174211413.html.

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Originally presented as author's Master's thesis titled: Savremeni položaj Srpske Pravoslavne Crkve u konfliktu na Kosovu i Metohiji ; defended July 11, 2005, Fakultet civilne odbrane Univerziteta u Beogradu.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 71-75) and index.
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Krempl, Stefan. "Medien, Internet, Krieg : das Beispiel Kosovo : ein Beitrag zur kritischen Medienanalyse /." München : Fisher, 2004. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb410731273.

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Loomis, Andrew Joseph. "Leveraging legitimacy in securing U.S. leadership normative dimensions of hegemonic authority /." Connect to Electronic Thesis (ProQuest) Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2008. http://worldcat.org/oclc/436297268/viewonline.

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Kellermann, Beate. "Das Kosovo zwischen Standard und Status - vom bewaffneten Konflikt in die unsichere Demokratie /." Stuttgart Ibidem-Verl, 2006. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2858445&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.

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Masuch, Christian-Albrecht. "Die rechtswissenschaftliche Diskussion der Kosovo-Intervention als Beispiel eines unterschiedlichen Völkerrechtsverständnisses der USA und Kontinentaleuropas /." Berlin : Logos-Verl, 2006. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2850257&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.

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Motta, Bárbara Vasconcellos de Carvalho. "War is peace : the US security discursive practices after the Cold War /." Marília, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/157464.

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Orientador: Samuel Alves Soares
Banca: Cristina Soreanu Pecequilo
Banca: Carlos Gustavo Poggio Teixeira
Banca: Thiago Moreira de Souza Rodrigues
Banca: Stefano Guzzini
O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"
Resumo: Como uma estrutura geral, o objetivo mais amplo desta tese é contribuir para o aprofundamento do debate em Relações Internacionais acerca da interconexão entre identidade e resultados políticos. Mais do que focar em como as articulações de uma identidade são realizadas por agentes específicos, esta tese está interessada em avançar o argumento de que a identidade "faz" alguma coisa e, portanto, tem através das práticas discursivas a capaacidade do que chamei de 'causalidadena- constituição'. Dessa forma, proponho a elaboração de um modelo para avaliar como os dispositivos de uma identidades podem ser mobilizados em contextos políticos, mais especificamente nos processos de tomada de decisão de política externa dos EUA. Neste sentido, através da avaliação dos casos empíricos da contrução das narrativas nos EUA para (des)legitimar as intervenções no Kosovo (1998/1999), a Guerra do Golfo (1999/1991), Afeganistão (2001) e Iraque (2003), apesar da intenção geral de desenvolver uma visão mais ampla do debate sobre política externa dos EUA após a Guerra Fria, esta tese também visa avaliar a força representacional da identidade como fonte de ordem para o âmbito nacional e propor um gradiente, de momentos de menor a maior insegurança ontológica, através dos quais pode-se visualizar a capacidade dos pontos de ancoragem da identidade para 'reassentar' a identidade e colocá-la de volta no lugar.
Abstract: As a general framework, the overall objective of this thesis is to further develop the interconnection between identity and political outcomes. More than focus on how articulations of identity are performed by specific agents, this thesis is interested in advance the argument that identity 'does' something and, therefore, has through discursive practices what I called a causality-in-constitution capacity. First, I propose a model to evaluate how identities' dispositions can be deployed in political contexts, more specifically in US foreign policy decision-making processes. In this sense, through the evaluation of the empirical cases of US narratives to legitimate the interventions in Kosovo (1998/1999), the Gulf War (1999/1991), Afghanistan (2001) and Iraq (2003), despite the general intention of this thesis to develop a bigger picture of the US foreign policy debate after the Cold War, it also aims at evaluating the representational force of identity as a source of national order and propose a gradient, from moments from less to more ontological insecurity, through which one can visualize identity's anchor points capacity to ground identity and put it back in place.
Resumen: Como una estructura general, el objetivo más amplio de esta tesis es contribuir a la profundización del debate en Relaciones Internacionales acerca de la interconexión entre identidad y resultados políticos. Más que enfocar en cómo las articulaciones de una identidad son realizadas por agentes específicos, esta tesis está interesada en avanzar el argumento de que la identidad "hace" algo y, por lo tanto, tiene a través de las prácticas discursivas la capa de lo que llamé de ' causalidad la constitución'. De esta forma, propongo la elaboración de un modelo para evaluar cómo los dispositivos de una identidad pueden movilizarse en contextos políticos, más específicamente en los procesos de toma de decisiones de política exterior de los Estados Unidos. En este sentido, a través de la evaluación de los casos empíricos de la construcción de las narrativas en los Estados Unidos para (des) legitimar las intervenciones en Kosovo (1998/1999), la Guerra del Golfo (1999/1991), Afganistán (2001) e Irak (2003), a pesar de la intención general de desarrollar una visión más amplia del debate sobre política exterior de los EE.UU. después de la Guerra Fría, esta tesis también pretende evaluar la fuerza representacional de la identidad como fuente de orden para el ámbito nacional y proponer un gradiente, de momentos de menor a mayor inseguridad ontológica, a través de los cuales se puede visualizar la capacidad de los puntos de anclaje de la identidad para 'reasentar' la identidad y colocarla d... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletrônico abajo)
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DE, FRANCO Chiara. "War by images : from Kosovo to Afghanistan." Doctoral thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10442.

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Defence date: 4 February 2008
Examining Board: Pier Paolo Giglioli (Univ. Bologna), Fritz Kratochwil (EUI) (Supervisor), Martin Shaw (Univ. Sussex), Pascal Vennesson (EUI/RSCAS)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
In the most classical way and a less than original strategy in International Relations, this research is about power, the sources of power, and power relations. However, the unit of analysis is all but classical; on the contrary, this is something which is still an unusual presence within the discipline: the mass media. This research, indeed, aims at understanding if, how, and why the news international television networks (and CNN in particular) had power over the political and military decision-making during NATO’s intervention in Kosovo and Operation Enduring Freedom. Having analysed the existing literature to clarify concepts and theories which explain media power during international conflicts, I advanced my criticisms and presented my hypotheses about media power, and its sources, in order to develop a theoretical framework on which I could ground the empirical part of the research. It has been clarified, therefore, that the international news networks have: a) Power over the political agenda; b) Power over the process (over timing of the decision making); c) Power over the selection of communication channels; d) Power over the choice of instruments. A complex set of different methods has been used, which leads to an essentially diagnostic case analysis. This is based on the examination of those processes which, through documentation and interpretation, would be considered as effects of media power. In particular, the presence of some different effects has been detected: Agenda Setting, Real Time Policy, Media Diplomacy, and what has been labelled Media War. Research methodology is a combination of qualitative methods of both data collection and analysis, varying for each supposed effect of media power. The most important data are transcripts from CNN, newspaper articles, press agency bulletins, memoirs, and texts of original interviews conducted with policy makers, journalists, and military officials. These texts have been considered both as sources of information and as text to be rigorously analysed through a particular method of text analysis, which is semiotics, in order show how meaning is constructed by different speakers.
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Solterbeck, Melanie. "Politicizing humanitarian aid: the European Union's aid program and its role in the Kosovo Crisis." Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/2307.

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As the field of humanitarian aid continues to grow exponentially, the politicization of humanitarian aid is an increasing concern. The European Union's humanitarian aid office (ECHO) is the world's second largest aid donor and widely understood to be unpoliticized due to its multilateral nature, relative institutional isolation, needs-based mandate and use of standardized assessment indicators. Using primary and secondary literature and interview sources, this thesis takes a critical look at the EU's aid program and ECHO's work with operating partners using a framework of four degrees of politicization. These degrees are applied throughout the thesis and in a short case study of the EU's aid programs during the Kosovo crisis of 1999. It finds that while ECHO offers an outstanding example of official policy commitments to unpoliticized aid, in practice, it too is subject to the influences of politicization. The thesis concludes with an assessment of how ECHO might address the politicization of aid to improve future aid programs.
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Books on the topic "Kosovo War, 1998-1999"

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Petritsch, Wolfgang. Kosovo, Kosova: Mythen, Daten, Fakten. Klagenfurt: Wieser, 1999.

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Li, Qing. Kosovo 1999. Beograd: Signature Biblioteka grada Beograda, 2000.

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Stewart, Ross. The war in Kosovo. Austin, Tex: Raintree Steck-Vaughn, 2000.

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Oschlies, Wolf. Kosovo '98. Köln: Bundesinstitut für Ostwissenschaftliche und Internationale Studien, 1998.

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Oschlies, Wolf. Kosovo '98. Köln: Bundesinstitut für Ostwissenschaftliche und Internationale Studien, 1998.

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1950-, Schmid Thomas, ed. Krieg im Kosovo. Reinbek: Rowohlt Taschenbuch Verlag, 1999.

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Apostolopoulos, Apostolos. Kosovo: Ho planētikos polemos. Athēna: Ekdot. Organismos Livanē "Nea Synora", 1999.

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Shala, Blerim. Vitet e Kosovës: 1998-1999. Prishtinë: Gama, 2001.

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Maas, Michel. Kosovo: Verslag van een oorlog. Amsterdam: Bezige Bij, 1999.

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1959-, Chiclet Christophe, and Ravenel Bernard, eds. Kosovo : le piège. Paris: Harmattan, 2000.

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Book chapters on the topic "Kosovo War, 1998-1999"

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McCumiskey, John P. "Britain’s Intervention During the Insurgency and the War in Former Yugoslavia and Kosovo 1998–1999." In British Foreign Policy in former Yugoslavia 1989–1999, 217–39. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-45210-9_6.

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Gow, James. "The War in Kosovo, 1998–1999." In Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies, 302–45. Purdue University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt6wq2r2.12.

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Gow, James. "The War in Kosovo, 1998–1999." In Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies, 304–45. Purdue University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt6wq753.14.

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Özlem, Kader. "A comparative analysis of the policies of Turkey, the Russian Federation, and Greece towards the Kosovo issue (1999–2008)." In Russia — Turkey — Greece: Dialogue opportunities in the Balkans, 122–29. Nestor-Istoriia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/4469-2030-3.08.

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The developments in Kosovo that occurred after the death of Josip Broz Tito were one of the key factors in the disintegration of Yugoslavia. Albanians in Kosovo, after the change of its status, started a peaceful resistance under the leadership of Ibrahim Rugova. However, the focus of the international community on the Bosnian War in the first half of the 1990s caused the Kosovo issue to decline in importance. As a result, Kosovo was not mentioned in the Dayton Accords, which caused Albanians to change their methods, and they subsequently militarized under the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA/UÇK). Clashes between the Yugoslavian Army, Serbian soldiers, and KLA in 1998 and 1999 concluded with NATO’s intervention on March 24, 1999. While the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) took the lead in the region, Albanians in Kosovo started to establish their own institutions after 1999. The failure of international negotiations over Kosovo’s status led Kosovo to declare her independence unilaterally with the support of the United States on 17th February, 2008. Turkey, as a member of NATO, joined the intervention in 1999 and supported the Kosovan independence process in the 2000s, while the Russian Federation (RF) opposed the unilateral independence declaration because the negotiations on Kosovo’s status did not conclude with a deal between both sides. In spite of Greece’s being a member of NATO, Athens only reluctantly supported the intervention in 1999 and Greek public opinion was firmly against that decision. Greece has been a traditional ally of Serbia in the Balkans, leading to a difficult situation for Greece. The result of this can be seen in the decision of Greece to not recognise Kosovo. This work compares the policies of Turkey, RF, and Greece on the Kosovo issue between the years of 1999 and 2008 and attempts to explore the primary motivations of these actors’ policies regarding Kosovo’s independence.
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Koloskov, Evgenii. "Memory about the war 1998–1999 in contemporary Kosovo." In Historical politics in the countries of the former Yugoslavia, 276–80. Nestor-Istoriia, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/4469-2069-3.18.

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Zlatanović, Sanja. "Serbian Wedding Practices in Postwar Kosovo." In The Oxford Handbook of Slavic and East European Folklore. Oxford University Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190080778.013.46.

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Abstract This chapter is based on extensive, long-term fieldwork among members of the Serbian community of southeast Kosovo after the war of 1998–1999 and the establishment of the United Nations administration in Kosovo in 1999. Research was focused on the interrelation between ethnicity and other forms of collective identification in a radically altered political and social landscape. Weddings are complex rituals, and their form, content, and significance make them particularly well suited for expressing identity (especially ethnic, religious, regional, local, and gender). They are private, family rituals but also involve many participants and activities that are performed on the public stage. Through visual content (the display of national flags) and narration (songs with national and/or nationalistic themes) as well as their inherently performative nature, weddings are prone to be politicized. Like fine-tuned seismographs, weddings register and express deep social processes and “shocks,” including changes in familial and gender relations.
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Schoppa, R. Keith. "Written on the Darkest Pages of Human History, 1991–2000." In The Twentieth Century, 130–50. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190497354.003.0008.

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From the standpoint of the 1990s, the twentieth century seems to have ended on especially depressing notes. Run through the catalogue of tragedy: the hopeful Oslo Accords go dead with the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin (1995); Serbian-Slovenian War (1991); Serbian-Croatian War (1991–1995); Bosnian War (1992–1996); first Congo War (1996–1997); Great War of Africa (1998–2003), where 6 million were killed; and the Kosovo War (1998–1999). Their driving force was nationalism, undoubtedly, some found themselves the key. For Aung San Suu Kyi of Burma (Myanmar) her choice in the three-tiered political identity was the nation for which she gave up her family and all the global ideals in the beginning of her career: human rights, democracy, and individual freedom.
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Jackson, Charles. "Process to Product." In Knowledge Management and Business Model Innovation, 402–13. IGI Global, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-878289-98-8.ch023.

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Knowledge, a resource that was once hoarded and rare, is becoming a commodity with potential to dramatically change the world. While knowledge advances as the key strategic fuel powering an information economy, researchers and entrepreneurs race to create tools to meet needs of effective knowledge management. There is a growing urgency for new technology support structures to link organizations’ people and information worldwide in more effective and valuable ways (Kelly, 1998; Kosko, 1999; Tapscott, 1999). The development of innovative processes and supporting products directly impacts the ability of business and society to use information and knowledge for improvement (Ruggles, 1997; Davenport and Prusak, 1998). Forecasts are common for multi-billion dollar growth in knowledge management products during the next decade. Ernst & Young predicts that knowledge management “has the potential to exceed ERP (enterprise resource planning) as an application opportunity. The principal driving force for this is a growing realization that effective management of knowledge can add real value to the organization (Landau, 1998; Koulopoulos, 1998). This, according to Dr. George Kozmetsky, “will continue well into the next century” (Kosmetsky, 1999). The objective of this chapter is to provide an outline of the general and specific technology issues relating to development of electronic knowledge management tools. Although it focuses particularly on the design of software systems, it provides a coherent overview of general technical aspects and considerations.
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Conference papers on the topic "Kosovo War, 1998-1999"

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Maxhuni, Bekrije. "Psychosomatic Symptoms in Primary Care Health and Correlation with Killed/Missing Familiar During the Last War (1998/1999) in Kosovo." In University for Business and Technology International Conference. Pristina, Kosovo: University for Business and Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.33107/ubt-ic.2018.417.

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