Journal articles on the topic 'Kosovo War, 1998-1999'

Abstract The special issue revisits the NATO intervention in the 1998–1999 Kosovo War by bringing together comparative perspectives from the war-affected states of the former Yugoslavia, on the one hand, and countries that supported or opposed NATO, on the other. The authors in this special issue look at the mediatization of the NATO intervention and its ambivalent legacies in and beyond the Yugoslav region. They provide insights into contested processes of mobilization for or against a military intervention in the Kosovo War, focusing on the case studies of Greece, Germany, and China. Moreover, they analyze the political legacies and mnemonic practices in the aftermath of this military intervention by highlighting the opposing narratives of memory politics in Kosovo and Serbia.

Tony Blair’s April 1999 Chicago speech is widely seen as foreshadowing his later decision to support the invasion of Iraq. Two sets of context for the speech are described: other criteria for the use of force, going back to the Just War tradition and more recent contributions from Caspar Weinberger and Colin Powell, and the December 1998 strikes against Iraq and the Kosovo War, which began in March 1999. The origins of the five factors mentioned when considering force are explored and their implications assessed.

The Kosovo War in the 1990s was one among a series of wars in the former Yugoslav federation. It was the final war that ended the dissolution which had started with Slovenia from1990 to 1991, Croatia and Bosnia - Herzegovina from 1992 to 1995 and the Kosovo War from 1998 to 1999. However, the Kosovo war happened during a different situation and period. It was at a time and in a position to cause the domino effect in the Balkans and an outbreak of wars in a large part of the Balkans. This fight could include Albania and Macedonia as nations with an ethnic Albanian population. It could also have a religious or cultural impact that threatened to involve other states such as Bosnia and Turkey on the one hand and Greece on the other. The interest of major countries in Europe, as well as the world, was focused on this war. A country among them was the UK. As one of the founding states of the European Union, United Nations, and NATO, the UK was quite involved in this war. The UK and the US were two countries that became the political and military leadership in this struggle since its beginning, while reaching a peak in 1999. This situation involved talks in the British Parliament in the UK, especially the House of Lords where the decision-making aspect of parliamentary politics is achieved. The war was also a major concern for the parliament. On the one hand, it was important to resolve the situation in Kosovo without worsening it with other massacres. On the other hand, this situation required caution in dealing with the Serbian people. The destiny of Kosovo refugees was important to them. However, the future of the Serbian people in Kosovo had to be guaranteed. The most important thing was to obtain full autonomy for Kosovo, but also to achieve a bilateral cooperation from both countries. The House of Lords and the interest of some lords in this war made the British policy, as a whole, a lot more responsible for accomplishing what it had started since diplomacy regarding weapons and the military intervention used to manage the situation of refugees in Kosovo had a huge impact in Europe. The British parliamentary sessions were very crucial in leading to an international level this whole historical phase for Kosovo.

AbstractThis paper discusses the transfer of judicial sovereignty in Kosovo from a comparative perspective. In particular, it addresses the transfer of constitutional jurisdiction to the Special Court of Kosovo. This court was formed as a result of Kosovo’s commitment to address allegations made by the Council of Europe in a document known as the Dick Marty report. The report alleges that war crimes and crimes against humanity and international law were committed during and in the aftermath of the Kosovo war (1998–1999). It took several years for the Court to be formed as constitutional amendments, legal infrastructure, and other practical steps were needed to make the Court operational. These preparatory measures have been taken, but practical results are missing, and there is fear that the Court might end up like previous UN- and EU-led justice systems, which did too little and were too late to address the culture of impunity in Kosovo.

While a new, growing subset of the literature argues that armed conflict does not necessarily erode social cohesion in the postwar era, we challenge this perspective and examine how civil war experiences shape social trust in Kosovo after the war from 1998 to 1999. Based on a nationwide survey conducted in 2010 and the disaggregated conflict event data set of the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project, we simultaneously analyze the impact of individual war-related experiences and exposure to war in the community through hierarchical analyses of twenty-six municipalities. Our findings confirm that civil war is negatively related to social trust. This effect proves to be more conclusive for individual war experiences than for contextual war exposure. Arguably, the occurrence of instances of violence with lasting psychological as well as social structural consequences provides people with clear evidence of the untrustworthiness, uncooperativeness, and hostility of others, diminishing social trust in the aftermath of war.

Abstract This article examines challenges in seeking justice for Conflict-Related Sexual Violence (crsv) survivors in Kosovo. It analyses the roles and responsibilities of international missions and how deficiencies impact the prosecution and adjudication of crsv by Kosovo’s justice system. A key question is why two decades after the 1998–1999 war in Kosovo survivors of crsv cannot find justice? The end of the international mandates, the large number of war crime cases transferred, unfinished files, and the necessity for specific expertise in handling the gender-based violence are some of the existing challenges which undermine the prosecution and adjudication of crsv in Kosovo. The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (icty) established accountability for sexual violence in armed conflicts. This article seeks to scaffold the icty experience by developing an accurate and comprehensive understanding of the nature of crsv and by examining its impact on survivors and victims’ alike. This paper then explores how a contexualist interpretation of international and domestic criminal law provisions can prioritise the prosecution of crsv amid other pressing needs in Kosovo.

This article contributes to the debate evolving around the political legacy of armed conflict. We evaluate the effect of war experiences during the 1998–1999 civil war in Kosovo on various modes of political participation. We find that war victims are on average more likely to participate in non-institutionalized forms of participation such as signing petitions and to participate in protests in the postwar era. In addition, we show that the impact of war experiences on political protest is contingent upon the postwar situation. War experiences are linked to protest behavior when a survivor is economically disadvantaged after the war. However, war experiences lose their impact on protest behavior when people do not encounter economic grievances in the postwar environment. In this vein, exploring the postwar context enriches our understanding of the political legacy of war victimization.

The aim of this study was to explore internalizing and externalizing problems in adolescent children of veterans of the war in Kosovo (1998-1999). The results of this study are quite interesting from the perspective of the dilemma for the state of the children of veterans even 15 years after the war ended. Parents’ emotional problems affect the functioning of the family in general and children in particular. Children can react to symptoms of parents by developing different symptoms as trouble sleeping, appetite loss, emotional instability or even problems in development, according to research done on children's reactions to the problems of parents explained by interactions between environment, brain and behaviour driven by trauma.The results of this study have shown that the internalizing problems have not shown gender differences, meantime externalizing problems were found higher in male participants. An interesting finding of this study was the highest scores of emotional problems in children born before and during the war, compare to those born after the war ended. We also found that anxiety problems in children [R2= .83, p < .001] were a significant predictor of internalizing problems. The assessment of the scale of positive qualities [R2= .19, p < .001] was also found to be a significant predictor for externalizing problems.Only 0.8% of the variance of internalizing problems was explained by the income.Considering that the subject of this study were adolescent children of war veterans of the 1999 conflict in Kosovo, we must take into account that the post-traumatic stress disorder is a very frequent problem among war veterans and that its impact on their personal and family life cannot be overlooked.

Ten mothers of men and boys who were abducted and listed as missing during the war in Kosovo in 1998/1999 were interviewed in Kosovo in the spring of 2012. Although the missing are presumed dead by the authorities, the mothers continue to live in a state of emotional ambiguity where a presumption of death is balanced with the hope of being reunited. In the absence of absolute proof, finding the remains of their loved ones becomes a major preoccupation. Using a social phenomenological approach, this study explored the social and political complexities existing within the life-world of these women. The findings suggest that they live in a continual state of psychological distress, and even when remains are returned, the unknown elements of the narrative of their abduction and murder only add to their distress and force many into self-imposed emotional exile away from community and close family.

After the outbreak of the war in Bosnia-Hercegovina (1992 – 1995) and of the armed conflicts in Albania, (1997), Kosovo (1998 – 1999) and North Macedonia (2001), the unchecked influx of dozens of extremist Islamist organizations from the Middle East began. Those organizations invested millions of Dollars to propagate a radical ideology and stoke religious hatred in all Western Balkan countries populated by Muslims.Furthermore, subversive activities of Islamic organizations have been observed since the beginning of the Russian military aggression in Ukraine. Those organizations support Putin openly and disseminate negative propaganda against the Western world, in line with certain doctrines pertaining to expanding Russian influence in the Muslim world. Additionally, they foster interreligious hatred in the region.

The journey of the human society has gone through many challenges, the organization of which was based on written and unwritten rules that were used to preserve the kind. Later on these rules are replaced with written codes and laws. The separation in between criminal law and criminal procedure has its genesis with the appearance of the Austrian Criminal Code (1803). As it is historically known, after the Balkan Wars (1912), Kosovo was invaded by Serbia and Montenegro. On the Paris Conference (1919-1944) it was appended to the Yugoslavian Kingdom, Tito’s Yugoslavia (1945-1989 constitutive element of Yugoslavia). On March 23rd 1989 Milosevic destroyed its Autonomy with violence. On 1998-99 the war with Serbia breaks out, which on 10th of June 1999 ended (after NATO’s intervention), therefore installing the UNMIK Misssion and administration that even after the Declaration of Independence of Kosovo (17th February 2008). After UNMIK’s administration in Kosovo, the Law of the Criminal Procedure of ex-Yugoslavia was an applicable law. Its application was extended until the drafting and application of the Temporary Criminal Procedure Code of Kosovo (2004). The comparative methodology, written sources and different official raports are used to write this paper. The comparative data shows that with new Code, the authority of the Prosecution is empowered therefore weakening the role of the Court in the pretrial procedure, the number of the prescribed cases has risen and the discontent of the citizens also, towards the judicial system.

The journey of the human society has gone through many challenges, the organization of which was based on written and unwritten rules that were used to preserve the kind. Later on these rules are replaced with written codes and laws. The separation in between criminal law and criminal procedure has its genesis with the appearance of the Austrian Criminal Code (1803). As it is historically known, after the Balkan Wars (1912), Kosovo was invaded by Serbia and Montenegro. On the Paris Conference (1919-1944) it was appended to the Yugoslavian Kingdom, Tito’s Yugoslavia (1945-1989 constitutive element of Yugoslavia). On March 23rd 1989 Milosevic destroyed its Autonomy with violence. On 1998-99 the war with Serbia breaks out, which on 10th of June 1999 ended (after NATO’s intervention), therefore installing the UNMIK Misssion and administration that even after the Declaration of Independence of Kosovo (17th February 2008). After UNMIK’s administration in Kosovo, the Law of the Criminal Procedure of ex-Yugoslavia was an applicable law. Its application was extended until the drafting and application of the Temporary Criminal Procedure Code of Kosovo (2004). The comparative methodology, written sources and different official raports are used to write this paper. The comparative data shows that with new Code, the authority of the Prosecution is empowered therefore weakening the role of the Court in the pretrial procedure, the number of the prescribed cases has risen and the discontent of the citizens also, towards the judicial system.

Background: In the realm of property matters, or more precisely, the infringement of property rights and the pursuit of adequate justice, Kosovo stands out as one of the most unique cases. Its uniqueness stems not from a singular circumstance, law, or period but from a complex interplay of events, laws, and historical periods. The primary objectives of this paper revolve around property disputes stemming from ethnic conflicts, discriminatory laws, and wartime circumstances. The paper is grounded in two fundamental hypotheses. Firstly, it seeks to examine the property disputes that have arisen because of these conflicts, discriminatory laws, and war, particularly targeting certain segments of the population. Secondly, it aims to explore strategies for avoiding such consequences in the future and recovering material damages incurred. The context under observation is also important because of the significant involvement and influence of the international administration. In this sense, the case of Kosovo can serve as a typical example, theoretically and practically, for other societies and countries facing similar challenges. Lessons from the positive aspects of Kosovo's case should be considered while avoiding repeating numerous mistakes to prevent these countries from experiencing the consequences of such oversights. Methods: The foundational sources used to develop this paper encompass scholarly works such as textbooks and scientific papers, legislative acts including international conventions, and judicial practice. Given the paper’s unique nature and the problem it addresses, it further draws upon a range of research and reports from reputable international organisations that have systematically monitored the situation as impartial observers. The paper adheres to a specific methodology, with the historical method being indispensable in matters related to property. Through this method, the evolution of ownership, ideas, community consciousness, political and social movements that influenced the law, and international missions approaches that contributed to shaping distinctive legislation in Kosovo known as 'UNMIK Regulation’ are unveiled. This study predominantly employed the analysis method, synthesis method, and comparative method. The analysis method scrutinises relevant legal provisions and case law, while the synthesis method has been utilised within the framework of comparative methods. To a certain extent, the descriptive method was also employed to furnish readers with a clear overview of the events and relevant implementation mechanisms related to property rights. Results and Conclusions: The paper delineates three major types of property disputes arising from the unique circumstances characterising Kosovo: property claims deriving from ‘repressive measures’ (1990-1998), property claims deriving after the war (27 February 1998 - 20 June 1999); and property claims caused by the system of social property (after 1945)– subsequently deriving from its privatisation after 1999. For each of these violations of property rights, their causes, circumstances, and underlying purposes are examined and argued. The paper also discusses approaches for addressing these disputes. While it is concluded that addressing property claims deriving after the war (27 February 1998 - 20 June 1999) has been satisfactory, the same cannot be said for the other two categories of property disputes. In these instances, modern law remains largely silent. Therefore, although this paper is titled ‘justice’ in property matters it primarily grapples with the prevailing of ‘injustices’ in property matters. However, the paper offers ideas and suggestions on how modern law can address these categories of violation of property rights.

The end of the 1998/1999 war with Serbia, found Kosovo with two governments, which, UNIMK replaced conform the 1244 Resolution of the SC. UNMIK’s operation was based in four pillars and 14 departments. The Department of Justice was a department that operated with obstacles as a result of the organized Serbian parallel system in Kosovo’s territory. Which unfortunately transformed into a phenomenon that was allowed silently by UNMIK’s administration. The functioning of such an operation damages the interests of Kosovan citizens, who are trialed twice for the same case. Double sentences of Kosovo’s citizens in Kosovo’s courts and in the parallel Serbian courts that operate in Serbia are causing major problems in the already fragile Kosovan justice system. According to the official data, it results that there are 22 parallel Serbian courts that operate within this parallel system, in North Kosovo and various cities within Serbia. This form of parallel judiciary continues to function even after the Declaration of Independence (2008) and after the arrival of EULEX mission in Kosovo. We think that the functioning of this parallel Serbian system in a territory where it has no sovereignty, as a unique case in Europe, should seize to exist with the sole purpose of empowering and functioning of the juridical and justice system in Kosovo, for the sake of respecting fundamental principles of the human rights and respecting of the ne bis in idem principle.

The end of the 1998/1999 war with Serbia, found Kosovo with two governments, which, UNIMK replaced conform the 1244 Resolution of the SC. UNMIK’s operation was based in four pillars and 14 departments. The Department of Justice was a department that operated with obstacles as a result of the organized Serbian parallel system in Kosovo’s territory. Which unfortunately transformed into a phenomenon that was allowed silently by UNMIK’s administration. The functioning of such an operation damages the interests of Kosovan citizens, who are trialed twice for the same case. Double sentences of Kosovo’s citizens in Kosovo’s courts and in the parallel Serbian courts that operate in Serbia are causing major problems in the already fragile Kosovan justice system. According to the official data, it results that there are 22 parallel Serbian courts that operate within this parallel system, in North Kosovo and various cities within Serbia. This form of parallel judiciary continues to function even after the Declaration of Independence (2008) and after the arrival of EULEX mission in Kosovo. We think that the functioning of this parallel Serbian system in a territory where it has no sovereignty, as a unique case in Europe, should seize to exist with the sole purpose of empowering and functioning of the juridical and justice system in Kosovo, for the sake of respecting fundamental principles of the human rights and respecting of the ne bis in idem principle.

The Albanian National Army is a terrorist organization that operates on the territory of several Balkan states in the areas it considers to be the so-called geospace of "Greater Albania". It was created very soon after the end of the war in Kosovo and Metohija and has since then promoted the new Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) under a different name. The idea of the so-called Greater or Natural Albania dates from the middle of the 19th century. Namely, in 1878, a group of Albanians and Albanian champions, assisted by the Turks, formed their first organization, the League of Prizren, in the town of Prizren, Kosovo and Metohija, where they proclaimed the ideas of the so-called Greater Albania, as well as the fight against Orthodox Christians in the Balkans. That struggle continues today. It started with the so-called Kosovo Committee, and it continued until the end of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st century with the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA or UÇK). The idea of the so-called "Greater Albania" never died. It culminated in the wars of 1998 to 1999, as well as in new armed conflicts in 2000 and 2001 in the area of southern Central Serbia and part of today's North Macedonia. The inheritors and executors of this idea are the new terrorist organizations created by the reorganization of the KLA, namely "OVPMB", "ANA", "ONA" and "OVČ", as well as the armed formations of the so-called "Kosovo". These organizations will not be significantly different from their mother, the KLA, except that they will face new challenges. The great Western powers will also show their interests and will immediately provide their moral and economic support to the terrorists in the fight against the Serbian and Macedonian authorities.

This article analyses how crises may open policy windows which, when properly seized by policy entrepreneurs, made European defence policy a priority on the EU’s agenda. The article compares two periods which can be considered as critical junctures for European defence: the periods of its birth in 1998–1999, and its relaunch in 2016–2019. The analysis is based on the Multiple Stream Framework (msf) and considers European defence as a public policy shaped by policy actors. More precisely, the main hypothesis is that in both contexts policy actors from France and Germany took advantage of focusing events – the Kosovo War in 1998–1999, and Brexit extended by the election of Trump introducing turmoil within the transatlantic partnership in 2016–2019 – to advocate a policy solution to answer security challenges faced by the EU. The article also assesses how British policy actors played decisive yet inverse roles in both contexts. The first part of the article explains how the msf is used and why it is a stimulating agenda to study European defence policy. The second part of the article analyses the policy entrepreneurs taking advantage of the policy windows opened in both cases, and how they coupled the three streams underlying European defence by exploiting the British variable. The last part of the article focuses on the means used by the policy entrepreneurs to make it a policy priority on the European policy agenda in both the late 1990s and 2016–2019.

AbstractDo international reputations matter and are they transferable from one context to another? These critically important questions continue to frame policy debates surrounding US responses to crises in Syria and Ukraine. For skeptics, past actions and reputations for resolve have no bearing on an adversary's assessment of US credibility; relative “power” and “interests” explain behaviour (Hopf, 1994; Mercer, 1996; Press, 2005; Walt, 2013; Zakaria 2013). We argue that scholars who dismiss the relevance of reputations typically sidestep important questions about how adversaries actually acquire relevant information about US interests and power. Building on an extensive collection of qualitative and quantitative studies of US deterrence encounters in asymmetric conflicts over the last two decades, we argue that lessons from past actions inform an adversary's interpretation of US interests in any given case and provide crucial information about Washington's willingness to deploy military force (capabilities). By implication, lessons learned from Bosnia 1992–1995 informed actions in Kosovo 1999, which, in turn, informed subsequent assessments of US interests and commitments in Iraq 1991, 1998 and 2003. Similarly, lessons about US reputations and credibility in Iraq from 1991 to 2003 were critically important to successful WMD diplomacy in Syria. Policy implications are addressed in the conclusion.

This study examines the role of the Russian media in affecting public opinion in Russia regarding the Russian intervention in 2008. The largest armed conflict in Europe since Kosovo in 1999, the August 2008 war was fought between Georgia and Russia over the proclaimed independence of the Georgian separate governments of Abkhazia and South Ossetia which were supported by Russia. Russia intervened militarily and recognized the independence of the two separatist regions, supported by an overwhelming majority of the Russian population. This study analyzes the role of the Russian media in affecting the Russian public opinion regarding its government’s policies in relation to Georgia. The method used for study is discourse analysis, and the theoretical framework underlying the research is Barry Buzan’s (et al., 1998) concept of securitization and Edward Herman’s and Noam Chomsky’s (1988) concept of manufacturing consent which was later elaborated by Anthony DiMaggio (2009). The trends identified in the mainstream Russian media coverage may at least partly account for the positive opinion of the Russian public towards the intervention. The study also revealed the contrasting trends characterizing the mainstream and alternative Russian media coverage, thus once again confirming the crucial role of the media in establishing the different opinions among the public, by “building” contrasting images of the world.

The problem of the formation and development of state and social structures in the countries that emerged after the collapse of SFR Yugoslavia is closely related to the issue of the formation of their new national identities. An important role in this process is played by the image of a hostile “other” in the ordinary consciousness of the people, which has become one of the main means of internal consolidation of the new Balkan states. The tragic events of the 1991–1995 Yugoslav War and the 1998–1999 Kosovo Crisis brought a variety of myths and concepts about their national identities to the fore, resulting in new searches for their ethnic identities. In the context of the polysemous notion of “us and them”, images of empires from the distant past have become an important tool in the formation of ethnic identities of post-Yugoslav countries, designed to form a distinctive, different from neighbouring nations, perception of “homeland” in society, to emphasise its uniqueness and antiquity, especially as in the historical development of the Western Balkans it proved impossible to combine state borders with ethnic boundaries, as well as to correlate the concepts of identity and territory. Here too, the images of antiquity are not subject to scholarly inquiry or debate, but are presented to society as an “indisputable” historical argument and a fait accompli in territorial disputes with its neighbours. Thus, the ancient past of the Balkan region becomes an important instrument in a kind of memory war aimed at destroying any reference to the “strange” people who once lived on this territory and to the time of their forced neighbourhood, as well as “incontrovertible” proof that the small people belonged to the West and its values – the legacy of that same antiquity.

The model of development for Ottoman-style cities in the territory of Kosova from the 15th century to the first decade of the 20th century revolved around a distinctive triad: the local market, the mosque, and the bazaar. In the early periods of ottoman rule, mosques were strategically built in places where there was local market. This was done intentionally, since these were places where a significant number of people gathered. The bazaars and other type of buildings, as part of the mosque complexes, played an important role in the formation and development of cities during the Ottoman period as well. Thus, directly impacting the formation and growth of cities. Among these elements, the bazaars held a special significance, as they became the reference point of cities. And this was due, mainly because of their character, which was of craft, commercial and economic importance. The bazaars were more than just places of trade; they became emblematic reference points for cities, drawing local citizens and people from surrounding regions, who integrated these bustling spaces into their daily lives. In addition to their economic and commercial functions, the bazaars held immense historical, social, and cultural importance. As the centuries passed, living and engaging with the bazaars became inseparable from the life of Kosovar cities, and these spaces became an integral part of the collective memory and identity of the inhabitants. Throughout the centuries, the bazaars in Kosova became inseparable from daily life, contributing to the region's unique charm and heritage. However, this rich historical fabric has suffered significant losses as many bazaar shops fell victim to destruction. The destruction occurred over time due to exposure to the natural elements and human interventions, but there were also cases of intentional and planned destruction. These intentional and systematic destructions started immediately after the conquest of Kosova by Serbia in 1912. Urban and spatial plans as well as various military armaments during the Albanian-Serbian war in Kosova from 1998 to 1999 were responsible for deliberate and systematic mass destruction of the bazaars. Although, the types and methods of destruction varied, the underlying purpose remained consistent. This was done with the aim to destroy, the cultural, social, and economic significance of the bazaars, to change the physiognomy structure, and style of the old traditional cities in Kosova. Thus, by destroying Albanian tangible and intangible heritage and replacing it with the conqueror's creations, the conquerors sought to erase the cultural identity and history of the local autochthonous population. This study aims to explore the motives, methods, and intentions behind the targeted bazaar destruction, drawing upon relevant documents, past evidence, and available literature. By understanding the reasons behind such destructive actions, it becomes possible to preserve and safeguard the remaining bazaar heritage and restore a sense of continuity with the past. Through this research, we can shed light on the historical, cultural and social values of these bazaars, emphasizing the importance of their conservation, protection, and promotion for future generations. By safeguarding these heritage sites, Kosova can maintain a link to it's past and continue to celebrate the legacy of its ancestors, fostering a deeper sense of identity and pride among its inhabitants.

Статья посвящена предварительной публикации набора артефактов из грунтового могильника у с. Комаровка Ульяновской области. Предметы происходят из разрушенного несанкционированными раскопками погребения, совершенного по обряду кремации с преднамеренным повреждением погребального инвентаря. В состав анализируемого комплекса входят длинный однолезвийный клинок, наконечник копья и боевой нож, а также предметы конского снаряжения, украшения и детали костюма. Вероятная датировка комплекса - середина - вторая половина VI в. н.э. Наличие клинкового оружия и особенности погребального обряда делают публикуемый комплекс уникальным для именьковской культуры. Аналогии составляющим его артефактам обнаруживаются в материалах Северного Кавказа и Подунавья, а также Западной Сибири. Появление их в Среднем Поволжье может быть связано с культурными взаимодействиями периода формирования Аварского и Тюркского каганатов. 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Abstract The end of the Cold War and the advent of a new order was undoubtedly one of the most significant events of the 20th century, hence it is not surprising that this event also had an impact on the conceptualization of Russia’s foreign policy. The successor to the Soviet Union, Russia, emerged in the midst of political chaos, while Russia’s foreign policy underwent a transformation. The wars in Yugoslavia – both in Bosnia and later in Kosovo – unquestionably aroused the curiosity of the international community, including the Russian Federation. As a result of the war in Kosovo, namely with the NATO intervention, relations between Western countries and Russia entered a deterioration phase. Russian diplomacy after the 1990s consistently insisted that its status was equal to that of the Western countries, while even resolutely claiming that it was to be consulted when it came to the future of the security architecture in Europe. This article deals with the role of the Russian Federation in the Kosovo war and Russia’s reaction to the NATO military intervention. As we will see, Russia’s main concern was the shape that international relations were taking in the post-Kosovo period, and NATO’s increasing role in the larger European security. Özet İkinci Dünya Savaşı’nın bitişi ve ardından yeni bir dünya düzeninin ortaya çıkması, şüphesiz 20-nci yüzyılın en önemli gelişmelerinden birini teşkil eder. Bu haliyle, bu gelişmenin Rus dış politikasının şekillenmesinde etkisi olması şaşırtıcı değil. Sovjet Birliği’nin mirasçısı olarak Rusya siyasi kaosun içinde ortaya çıktı ve Rus dış politikası bir dönüşüm geçirdi. Eski Yugoslavya’daki savaşlar – hem Bosna hem daha sonra Kosova’da – şüphesiz Rusya Federasyonu dahil olmak üzere uluslararası toplumun merakını uyandırdı. Kosova’daki savaşın ve NATO müdahalesinin ardından, Batı ülkeleri ile Rusya arasındaki ilişkiler bir bozuluş sürecine girdi. ‘90lı yıllardan sonra Rus diplomasisi Rusya’nın Batı ülkeleri ile aynı statüde olduğu konusunda sürekli ısrar etti. Hatta kararlı bir şekilde Avrupa güvenlik mimarisinin geleceği konusunda kendisine danılışması gerektiğini savundu. Bu makale Rusya Federasyonu’nun Kosova Savaşı’ndaki rolünü ve NATO müdahalesine karşı tepkisini ele almakta. Görüleceği üzere, Rusya’nın endişesi bu savaş sonrasında uluslararası ilişkilerin yeni şekillenme biçimi ve daha genel olarak Avrupa güvenliğinde NATO’nun büyüyen rolü idi. Anahtar Kelimeler: Yugoslavya savaşları, Kosova, Rusya, BM, NATO Müdahalesi.

The Kosovo crisis occurred from February 1998 until 1999 in the former Yugoslavia. This conflict started when ethnic Albanians opposed ethnic Serbians and the Yugoslav government in Kosovo. International reactions to the upsurge of the Kosovo crisis have been prompt because of its urgency. Ethnic cleansing became good considering the international response. The intervention was carried out by NATO in the Kosovo crisis. The intervention by NATO raises speculation about humanitarian intervention during the crisis and whether it is justifiable or vice versa. According to the principle of Just War Theory, human intervention can be justified by logical explanations. NATO interventions in the Kosovo crisis are the appropriate instance to describe these situations by Just War Theory.

As I contemplate the rise worldwide in intrastate (in contrast to interstate) conflicts (see, e.g., van Creveld, 1991 and K. Holsti, 1996), leading to Yugoslavian and Rwandan-type situations, I sense the need to do something about them. As Rousseau has said, "wars occur because there is nothing to prevent them" (cited in Waltz, 1959, p. 232). And quite frankly, there are few, if any, mechanisms worldwide relevant to staving off a future Yugoslavia, Rwanda, and the like (see Lund, 1996): witness the unfolding of the violent Albanian-Serbian conflict in Kosovo into a possible, wider Balkan war (see, e.g., Nordland and Watson, 1998; Finn, 1999; Dinmore, 1999a, 1999b)!