Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Kosovo'

The purpose of this study is to present if it is the EU’s dissemination of norms or other factors that affects Kosovo’s accession as a candidate country to the EU. The purpose was answered by finding out to what extent Kosovo can meet EU standards and values in terms of the Copenhagen criteria first criterion of stable institutions. Furthermore, what forms of dissemination the EU have used in trying to spread these standards. The study has used a main theory called Normative Power Europe, by Ian Manners, which describes the EU as a normative force and its mechanism of spreading values towards third-party countries. The conclusion in this study is that the biggest factor in why Kosovo isn’t a candidate country to the EU is because of the state’s infected conflict with Serbia.The conflict with Serbia is the basis of all the factors that keeps Kosovo to fail to meet EU requirements. Although, the EU have made improvements constitutionally since its increased commitment after 2008, the constitution hasn’t been implemented in practice by the Kosovan regime. The conflict needs to be resolved before Kosovo can take the next step and adapt to the rest of Europe.

Corruption is a global phenomenon were countries get involved socially, politically and economically.1 Corrupted actions in one country don’t need to be seen as corruption in another country, the law on what is considered corruption differs. The empirical analysis which I used is a qualitative theory-consuming research design with Kosovo as case in center. The essay’s research question is Which corruption syndromes does Kosovo get affected by? The essay explains in which way corruption affects Kosovo by Johnston corruption syndrome. Johnston uses influence markets, elite cartels, oligarchs and clans and official moguls as different corruption syndromes, to explain diverse corruption. Influence markets handle uses of wealth to search influence within political and administrative institutions. Elite cartels consist of politicians, bureaucrats, military and ethnic leaders who distribute the benefits of corruption among themselves. Oligarchs and clans handle organized crime, officials and corrupted politicians who use political power and violence to get their will through. Political figures within official moguls “set the frame” for which direction societies shall strive. Kosovo, I find is undergoing official moguls-syndrome corruption because of its occurrences which show that those who are involved in corruption cases have connections to senior politicians.

The security sector of a state is supposed to deliver a secure environment for its citizens. Security Sector Reform (SSR) are reforms aiming to develop the security sector of a state in order to guarantee human security. In Kosovo SSR is in operation to create a more secure society with greater civil control.

The aim of this essay is to examine how Kosovos’ security sector is organized year 2007 and how its development should progress in order to facilitate security and civilian control of the security sector, with focus on three central actors: the Kosovo Police Service (KPS), the Kosovo Protection Corps (KPC) and the security service. The theoretical framework used, with a descriptive purpose, pinpoints Human security, Post- conflict reconstruction, Intrastate Security Dilemma, SSR and Implementation theory for networks as important elements for the study and understanding of SSR.

The main findings are that a holistic approach is needed when addressing SSR and that all further SSR in Kosovo are dependent of the future status of Kosovo and a good economic development. Currently, one of the main problems facing the security sector in Kosovo is the lack of civil oversight.

Key words: Security Sector Reform (SSR), human security, Kosovo, Kosovo Police Service (KPS), Kosovo Protection Corps (KPS), security service.

Nyckelord: Säkerhetssektorreformer (SSR), mänsklig säkerhet, Kosovo, Kosovo Police Service (KPS), Kosovo Protection Corps (KPS), säkerhetstjänst.

On February 17, 2008 Kosovo declared its independence from Serbia and the event spurred significant media attention. Countries like Spain, Romania, and Russia feared that the event would engender separatism on their own territories, while the U.S., Germany, France, Italy, and UK regarded it as a democratic step. This thesis uses the framing theory to content analyze newspaper articles in seven languages (N=191) that appeared between November 17, 2007 and May 17, 2008, three months before and three months after Kosovo became an independent state. The thesis uses the five generic frames (responsibility, human interest, consequences, morality, and conflict) developed by Semetko and Valkenburg (2000) as well as the three â macro-framesâ (cynicism, speculation, and metacommunication) established by Constantinescu and Tedesco (2007). Results revealed that media from the countries that supported the Kosovo independence framed the event from the perspective of democracy and were almost twice more likely to discuss the position of the U.S., a key decision- maker in the Kosovo issue, than media from the countries that opposed it. Furthermore, newspaper articles from countries that did not support the event were nearly three times more inclined to present the Kosovo independence from the perspective of a precedent for separatism in Europe and the world. By applying the framing theory in an international study, this thesis sheds light on the discrepancies in media coverage from these different democratic systems.
Master of Arts

Syftet med denna studie var att via intervjuer av nyckelpersoner, varav tre inom vårdsektorn och en antropolog, identifiera en del av de faktorer som påverkar arbetet med att förbättra den orala hälsan och i synnerhet införandet av ett förebyggande tandvårdssystem i Kosovo. Kvalitativa intervjuer med fyra nyckelpersoner genomfördes och analyserades enligt Graneheim och Lundmans kvalitativa innehållsanalys. Resultat av intervjumaterialet mynnade ut i följande kategorier: Förebyggande tandvård saknas, Socioekonomiska hinder, Brist på strategi och fakta och God vilja. Kategorierna visar på följande faktorer som påverkar situationen för den orala hälsan i Kosovo. Det finns en hälsoplan där man bland annat planerar att minska kariesförekomst med 10 procent fram till år 2014, men den verkställs inte. Detta får till följd att kariesprevalensen fortfarande är hög och akuttandvården dominerande. Resultat från intervjuerna visar även att sociala bestämningsfaktorer påverkar oral hälsa och tillgången till tandvård, patienter med låg socioekonomisk status undviker tandvården och söker vård endast vid akut värk. Respondenterna uppgav att epidemiologiskt underlag och forskning skulle underlätta utveckling av olika preventiva aktivitetsprogram. Brist på ett sjukförsäkringssystem och korruption anses förhindra utvecklingen av en fungerande förebyggande tandvård. I intervjumaterialet har faktorer identifierats som på sikt gynnar införandet av den förebyggande tandvården. Man har nyligen startat en kurs i förebyggande tandvård vid odontologiska fakulteten i Pristina. Studien visar att avsaknad av ett förebyggande tandvårdssystem försvårar situationen för den orala hälsan i Kosovo. De sociala bestämningsfaktorerna påverkar idag tillgången till tandvården och även utveckling av hälso- och sjukvårdssystemet.
The aim of the study was that through interviews with key persons, including three in health sector and an anthropologist, identify some of the factors affecting the work to improve the oral health and especially the introduction of a preventive dental care system in Kosovo. Qualitative interviews with four key persons was conducted and analyzed, according to Graneheim and Lundmans qualitative content analysis. Results of the interviews fall into the following categories: Preventive dental care is lacking, Socio-economic barriers, Lack of strategy and facts and Good will. The categories show the following factors affecting the situation of the oral health in Kosovo. There is a health plan that includes plans to reduce tooth decay by 10 percent until 2014, but it is not being executed. This has the effect of caries prevalence is still high, and emergency dental care is dominant. Results from the interviews also show that the social determinants affect oral health and access to dental care, patients with low socioeconomic status avoids dental care and seek treatment only for acute pain. Respondents stated that the epidemiological data and research would facilitate the development of preventive activity program. Lack of a health insurance scheme and corruption are considered being barriers for the development of a workable preventive dental care. The interviews also identified factors which ultimately favor the introduction of preventive dental care. Recently the faculty in Pristina started a course in preventive dentistry. The present study shows that the lack of a preventive dental care system complicates the situation for the oral health of Kosovo. The social determinants are affecting the access to dental care and also development of the health care system.

This essay is a type of case study, it examines if intervention in Kosovo were in accordance with humanitarian intervention criteria. This study gives an understanding that intervention may sometime worsen condition for the people it wants to rescue, and that inability to address humanitarian intervention prevails in diffuse victory. The purpose of this essay is to examine the Kosovo conflict and the approach of humanitarian intervention in 24 March, 1999.  The approach made by NATO was seen as a new international phenomenon that sought to protect values of human rights. The results of this study pose doubt to this notion; it reflects that the intervention rested not only on humanitarian grounds. The most important aspect of humanitarian intervention is promoting security for the people it wants to rescue. The results shows that NATO’s intervention in short term failed to provide security; it is shown that the air campaign had little impact at the beginning prevailing only after much damage and suffering has been done. The result also shows that failure to adopt the issue of Kosovo more adequately at an earlier stage on the international agenda resulted in the ''welfare'' of NATO's intervention. Despite the consequences of NATO’s action, situation prevailed for the better outcome for the Kosovar-Albanian people than what might have been has intervention been absent. FRY: s deliberative plan of expelling the Kosovo-Albanian to the last one would have been finalized if intervention would have been absent.

The theories on how to use airpower as coercion are divided between those who advocate strategic bombing and those who advocate support for land operations. The purpose of this study is to analyze whether Pape and/or Warden´s airpower theories applied on Operation Allied Force can explain how NATO´s air force was used. The result shows that both the Warden´s Enemy as a system and Pape´s Denial strategy can partly explain the outcome. Warden´s 5-ring system is the only variable in the survey assigned with a high variable value; this is because the analysis shows that it is judged to influence the outcome extensively. Parallel attacks occurred at low frequency and have a low variable value. Pape´s theory occurred with high frequency in variable support for the ground forces, however, the analysis shows that no variable value from Pape´s theory received higher variables than the medium. The conclusion is that both theories can explain how NATO used airpower during the operation but to different degrees.

El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo metodológico verificar si existe una voluntad de la población de Kosovo por acceder a la independencia y analizar jurídicamente si cumple las condiciones para ser considerado un Estado independiente. La pregunta principal que nos plantea el tema es conocer si la mayoría de la población de Kosovo se encuentra a favor de la independencia y soberanía de Kosovo. Queremos destacar la importancia de la metodología utilizada para la investigación académica, que representa el orden y la disciplina en el trabajo intelectual que es necesario para una tesis doctoral, por esa razón, dedicamos el primer capítulo para explicar como hemos organizado la investigación. Consideramos que a diferencia de las ciencias sociales, el derecho es más el arte de argumentar con solidez a favor o en contra de un problema jurídico, lo que explica el porque no existe unanimidad en la doctrina comparada. No se trata de un método para probar hipótesis verificables en estudios de campo, más propias de la psicología o la sociología, sino de una toma de posiciones basada en argumentos jurídicos según las fuentes del Derecho Internacional.
Tesis

Abstract

University of Växjö, School of Social Sciences

Course: PO 5363, Political Science

Title: Kosovo & Montenegro – Why Different Outcomes?

Author: Mimoza Ardolic

Supervisor: Lennart Bergfeldt

Date: 2008-01-15

The purpose of this study has been to assess why the pursuit for independence turned out to be a matter of such difficulty in the case of Kosovo and not in Montenegro, seeing as they are two apparent similar cases.

The research questions are:

 How can it be that two analogous situations where two regions (Kosovo and Montenegro), quite similar in several aspects, want independence from the same country (Serbia) result in so different outcomes?

 Why has Kosovo’s attempt to achieve self-government been such a difficulty?

 Why did Montenegro manage to achieve autonomy without (great) difficulties?

The findings are that despite the similarity between these two cases, they have ample differing characteristics as well. The factors detected are that whilst the Kosovo conflict is characterized by: a troublesome history, no common ground, an existing deep hatred, Russian opposition and the nationalist Milošević; the Montenegrin case is set apart by: an intertwining, rather peaceful history, friendly relations, Russian cordiality and the nationalist Djukanović.

The interpretation of these elements according to the nationalist theory is as follows: Milošević and Djukanović (and their ideology: nationalism) are the real causes. The other elements are mere means to their ambition for nation building. The difference between these two men and the elements (their means) explains the different outcomes in the two cases.

In this study, evaluation of Kosovo-Artana Concentrator tailings with flotation and leaching method is aimed. The minerological analysis of sample showed that sphalerite, galena, chalcopyrite and their oxidised forms are the main ore minerals in the sample, while pyrite, illite, quartz, calcite and gypsum are the gangue minerals. The metal contents of the sample are 1.2% Zn, 0.75% Pb, and 0.06% Cu. Flotation tests to produce bulk concentrate of copper-lead and lead-zinc were unsatisfactory. The recovery of the zinc with H2SO4 leaching were conducted both at room temperature and at elevated temperature. The effects of various parameters such as leaching duration, concentration of H2SO4, pulp density and temperature on the zinc metal recovery were examined. The maximum extraction of zinc was 80% and 89% at room temperature and at 80 °
C respectively for 120 minutes leaching period.

The international community undertakes complex interventions in states emerging from war. These interventions include broad efforts to reform the political and institutional structures of the state. After the United Nations took political control of Kosovo in June 1999, it embarked on such a reform program, extremely ambitious in nature. This thesis examines the efforts to rehabilitate and reform the health sector. The immediate post-conflict environment in Kosovo was extremely chaotic. Hundreds of millions of dollars poured into the province, funding the operations of several hundred non-governmental organisations. The initial efforts of the international community in the health sector were focused on coordinating resources and the activities of these organisations. However, Kosovo' s health system was in clear need of widespread reform. The system had been devastated by years of neglect and months of conflict. A reform program was undertaken, with the objectives of establishing a primary care based system, increasing the quality of secondary and tertiary care, modernizing the public health system, and ensuring a cost-effective, equitable health system. By 2004, the reform program had largely failed to meet these objectives. This study examines the reasons that health reform was so difficult utilizing a combination of methods, i.e. a review of literature on peacebuilding, health and conflict, and health reform; analysis of the implementation of reform utilizing primary evidence such as policy documents and health data; and interviews with key stakeholders. Results show two important lessons for other post-conflict interventions. First, the reform program neglected building the capacity of government institutions. If the state does not have the capacity to implement reforms, the sustainability of the health reform process will be undermined. And second, the Kosovo reform program failed to build the foundation for reform before initiating ambitious projects to modernize the health sector.

The case of Kosovo conflict serves as tool to test the validity of Huntington's theory. Owing to the fact that Mr, Huntington himself described the Balkans and Kosovo as an example of a fault line war, my aim is to verify his assumptions that the roots of the Kosovo conflict are to be found in the religion. During this work the conflict is reconstructed using Mr. Huntington's hypothesis and claims as well as interpreted by three hypothesis. Firstly, Kosovo could represent a conflict at the fault line, which would mean that the theory of the clash of the civilizations is verified. Secondly, the intervention of NATO implies participation of the third civilization in the conflict. To put in differently, the democratic West (NATO) intervened against the orthodox civilization (Serbia) in order to prevent the humanitarian catastrophe the Albanian population of Kosovo (Islam) was to face. Verification of this theory would imply that if there was a conflict between the civilizations in Kosovo, it was between the West (and Kosovo as an integral part of it) and the orthodox civilization. The third hypothesis interprets the Kosovo conflict as a war of the Civilization to promote its own values. Despite the fact that this explanation of the Kosovo conflict could possibly be the most probable one, original assumption of Mr. Huntington stating that the problems of Kosovo are of religious character would be falsified.

Cette thèse a pour objectif d’analyser le processus de construction identitaire des populations serbes au Kosovo, en s’interrogeant spécifiquement sur le rôle de l’espace de vie dans la production et la réception des identifications produites par les institutions étatiques, religieuses et d’enseignements. Les cas d’étude sélectionnés — le quartier serbe d’Orahovac et le village de Velika Hoča, le village de Štrpce et celui de Gračanica — se distinguent par des configurations spatiales différentes qui nous permettent d’analyser plus directement l’incidence de ces espaces de vie sur la production des identités. Nous avons ici choisi les narratifs comme porte d’entrée pour appréhender le processus de co-constitution entre agent et structure, à partir duquel la construction identitaire est aujourd’hui généralement conceptualisée. À l’échelle de la structure, ce sont les narratifs institutionnels qui ont été étudiés comme producteurs de représentations. À l’échelle des agents, nous avons porté une attention particulière aux gens ordinaires et à la façon dont ceux-ci reçoivent et/ou produisent des identifications. Jusqu’à présent, peu de recherches ont porté attention à l’espace de vie des gens ordinaires dans le cadre du processus de construction identitaire. Cette recherche révèle pourtant que celui-ci agit comme un médiateur à la relation agent-structure et impacte la façon dont les individus reçoivent et produisent les identifications. En ce sens, cette thèse nous amène à souligner la distinction centrale entre narratif et représentation pour aborder la construction des identifications. Elle suggère également que les identifications sont principalement une question de degré. Considérant le rôle de l’espace de vie, il apparaît que celui-ci est à la fois producteur et produit des identifications individuelles, fournissant un exemple d’interaction entre agent et structure. Cette observation conduit à discuter les compréhensions trop rigides et objectives des espaces de vie, et la marginalisation des gens ordinaires et de leur performance dans l’analyse de la construction des identités collectives.
This thesis aims to analyze the process of identity building of Serbs population living in Kosovo by focusing on how the living environment impacts the production and reception of identification. For the purpose of this study, the cases were selected because of their distinguishing spatial configuration: the Serbs neighborhood of Orahovac, the village of Velika Hoča, the village of Gračanica and the village of Štrpce. In this research, we choose to address identity building through institutional and local narratives in order to examine the co-constitution process between agency and structure which is the current conceptual framework through which identity building is studied. So far, very few studies have questioned the impact of the living environment in this co-constitution process. However, this thesis reveals that the living environment mediates the agency-structure relation and impacts how individuals receive and produce identifications. We stress the need to distinguish between narrative and representation in order to study the identity building process. We also suggest that identifications are mostly a matter of degrees rather than a zero-sum process. The living environment appears both as a producer and a product of individual identification, thus being a good example of a structure-agency co-constitution. This thesis discusses the very rigid and objective comprehension of the living environments as well as the marginalization of ordinary people and the ways through which they perform collective identity.

My goal was to attempt to analyze impact of Kosovo crisis on international relations. Kosovo issue and its solutions have shaped two important principles of international relations in the last decade, which by repeating tend to become precedents. The first principle is humanitarian intervention without the mandate of UN, which was first applied in Yugoslavia in 1999. Similar action was applied in several different states during the last decade. Second principle, which is the main subject of my thesis, is unilateral declaration of independence which was recognized by more sovereign states then in previous occasions. By analysis of events in Georgia I tried to prove that separatism could become an instrument of international relations in future. Authority of UN is shaken in last decade and it could lead to reshaping of world order. Single-sided interpretation of morality and principles can replace international law. Apart from analyzing global impact of Kosovo crises I have tried to explore the problem in detail by researching the causes that let to conflict. Most of the attention I have devoted to period between 1974 and 1999, which I find crucial in the forming a situation that led to unilateral declaration in 2008. In the first part of my work I tended to explore international law arguments that were used by both followers and opponents of independence and tried to preview aspects of teory of secession

Stress is something that affects women throughout their lives and has a huge effect on wellbeing. The negative consequences of gender inequality make it harder for women to improve their lives and be a part of the labour market because of responsibilities with children and housework. Women experience high levels of stress, which creates a burden affecting their health. The study aims to understand how gender roles, living and working conditions affect stress and stress coping for working Kosovo Albanian mothers in Sweden and Kosovo. The main focus is to understand how work-home relations affect these women in different societies. The study is based on theories of stress, stress coping, theory of gender and determinants of health. A qualitative study was carried out with individual semi-structured interviews concentrating on the phenomenological perspective with an in-depth insight into the women's experiences. Five women living in Sweden and five women living in Kosovo were interviewed digitally. The results show that personality, working and living conditions and social and community networks affect the experience and interpretation of stress and the choice of stress coping for the women depending on the context.
Stress är något som påverkar kvinnorna genom hela livet och har en stor påverkan på hälsan. Negativa effekten av ojämlika könsroller gör det svårare för kvinnor att förbättra deras liv, vara en del av arbetsmarknaden och samtidigt ta hand om barnen och hushållsarbeten. Kvinnor upplever högre mängder av stress, vilket skapar en börda som påverkar hälsan. Syftet med studien är att förstå hur könsroller, boende och arbetsförhållanden påverkar stress och stresshantering för arbetande Kosovoalbanska mammor i Sverige och Kosovo. Huvudfokus ligger i förståelse om hur arbets- och hemförhållanden påverkar kvinnorna i dessa två olika samhällen. Studien är baserat på teorierna stress, stresshantering, teorin om genus och hälsans determinanter. En kvalitativ studie genomfördes med individuella semistrukturerade intervjuer med fokus på fenomenologisk perspektiv med en fördjupadperspektiv på kvinnornas erfarenheter. Fem kvinnor i Sverige och fem kvinnor i Kosovo var intervjuade digitalt. Resultaten visar att personlighet, arbets- och livsförhållanden och sociala och samhälleliga nätverk påverkar upplevelsen och tolkningen av stress och den valda hanteringsmetoden av kvinnorna beroende av kontexten.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2008.
The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on August 12, 2009) Includes bibliographical references.

This thesis reconstructs the diplomatic response of the international community to the Kosovo conflict of 1998–99. It outlines the process which resulted in the failure of negotiations involving outside agencies and individuals as well as the recourse to air strikes against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Using primary sourced material from the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, personal interviews and other carefully selected primary sources, this thesis explores why international attempts to find a negotiated solution failed.

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, June 2001.
Thesis advisors, Donald Abenheim, Thomas Bruneau. Includes bibliographical references (p. 45). Also available online.

Thesis (Honors paper)--Florida State University, 2010.
Advisor: Dr. Will Moore, Florida State University, College of Social Sciences, Dept. of International Affairs. Includes bibliographical references.

Water has been heated with the sun has almost as long as there have been humans, but itis not until recently that more advanced and effective solar water heating systems havebecome common, and they are still gaining ground. Through the years new systems andnew solar collectors have been developed. In Kosovo, however, not much attention hasbeen paid to replace fossil fuels with renewable energy sources and solar water heatingsystems is a new concept.The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in Kosovo is working on a projecton sustainable development in Dragash Municipality in southern Kosovo. A solar waterheating system has recently been installed at the hospital in Dragash, as part of the UNDPproject. The system is a pilot project, to see how well solar energy can be used in thisarea.The existing solar water heating system at the hospital in Dragash was examined andevaluated. The possibilities of using the fundamental principle of the solar water heatingsystem at the hospital on residential houses in Dragash were looked into. Six prototypesof average residential houses in the village of Brod and Dragash Town were created. Thesolar collector size and storage needed to meet the demands for the six house prototypeswere calculated. Information on the incoming solar irradiation for each hour of a year wasobtained from the online service SoDa Solar Radiation Data. The total annual incomingsolar radiation for one square meter was calculated.The environmental, social and economic effects of solar water heating in Dragash wereconsidered and discussed. Rough economic calculations were made on the effects ofinstallation of solar water heating systems.The solar water heating system at the hospital in Dragash is a good pilot project, and islikely to work satisfyingly. The annual output effect of the system is approximately 7 400kWh. The fundamental principle needs to be altered to work on residential houses. Thesolar collector needs to be of a cheaper kind, and the collector and storage tank can be ofsmaller dimensions.Solar water heating can contribute to Kosovo’s work toward sustainable environmental,social and economic development focusing on hot water supply. Kosovo has sufficientsolar radiation for solar water heating systems to work in a satisfactory way. The outputeffect for a solar water heating system in Dragash is around 390 kWh/(m2∙year) with atotal efficiency for the system of 30%. If the solar water heating system replaces heatingby electricity the annual savings can be 31 €/m2 solar collector. The biggest obstacles forthe use of solar energy are the public’s lack of knowledge on solar water heating andenvironmental problems connected to energy, as well as economy.The work done in this thesis is a good foundation for future research on solar energy inKosovo. It can be extended and elaborated with more thorough economic calculations,since economy is an important factor in the future for solar energy. Only roughcalculations were made in this thesis, since it has a technical approach. More extensiveresearch could also be done to evaluate the possibilities of using solar water heating forspace heating.

Varmvatten har värmts med hjälp av solen nästan så länge det funnits människor, men detär inte förrän nyligen som mer avancerade och effektivare solvärmesystem har blivitvanliga, och de blir allt vanligare. Genom åren har nya system och nya solfångareutvecklats. I Kosovo däremot har inte mycket uppmärksamhet ägnats åt att ersätta fossilabränslen med förnyelsebara energikällor, och solvärme är ett nytt koncept.FN:s utvecklingsprogram (UNDP) i Kosovo arbetar med ett projekt med målet hållbarutveckling i Dragash kommun i södra Kosovo. Ett solvärmesystem har nyligeninstallerats på sjukhuset i Dragash, som en del av UNDP:s projekt. Systemet är ettpilotprojekt för att se hur bra solenergi fungerar i det här området.Det befintliga solvärmesystemet på sjukhuset i Dragash undersöktes och utvärderades.Möjligheterna att använda grundprincipen för solvärmesystemet på sjukhuset påbostadshus i Dragash undersöktes. Sex prototyper för genomsnittliga hus i byn Brod och iDragash centrum togs fram. Solfångararean och ackumulatortanksvolymen som krävs föratt klara behoven för de sex husprototyperna beräknades. Information om solinstrålningenför varje hus erhölls från SoDa Solar Radiation Data. Den totala solinstrålningen på enkvadratmeter beräknades.De miljömässiga, sociala och ekonomiska effekterna av solvärme i Dragash diskuterades.Ekonomiska överslagsberäkningar gjordes på effekterna av installation av solvärme.Solvärmesystemet på sjukhuset i Dragash är ett bra pilotprojekt, och är sannolikt attfungera tillfredsställande. Den årliga energi som systemet kan ge kommer att vara ungefär7 400 kWh. Grundprincipen behöver ändras för att fungera på bostadshus. Solfångarnabehöver vara av en billigare typ, och storleken på solfångare och ackumulatortankbehöver vara mindre.Solvärme kan bidra till Kosovos arbete mot hållbar miljömässig, social och ekonomiskutveckling med fokus på varmvattenbehov. Kosovo har tillräcklig solinstrålning för attsolvärmesystem ska fungera tillfredsställande. Med en totalverkningsgrad på 30 % för ettsolvärmesystem kan systemet ge ungefär 390 kWh/(m2∙year). Om systemet ersätteruppvärmning med el kan de årliga besparingarna bli ungefär 31 €/m2 solfångare. Destörsta hindren för användning av solenergi är allmänhetens brist på kunskap om solvärmeoch miljöproblem kopplade till energi, samt ekonomi.Arbetet i detta examensarbete är en bra grund för fortsatta studier om solenergi i Kosovo.Arbetet kan vidgas och utvecklas med mer ingående ekonomiska beräkningar, eftersomekonomi är en viktig faktor i framtiden för solenergi. Endast överslagsberäkningar gjordesi detta examensarbete, eftersom det har ett tekniskt förhållningssätt. Mer omfattandestudier kan också göras för att utvärdera möjligheterna ätt använda solvärme föruppvärmning av bostäder.

In my paper I have examined the United Nations role in the democratization of Kosovo. In order to complete this purpose I have asked two questions

• How has the UN contributed to the democratization of Kosovo that has taken place so far?

• What advantages and/or disadvantages has the UN presence in Kosovo had from a democratic perspective?

The method I have used in my paper is a qualitative one, and more specified a qualitative text analysis. This means that I have examined a rather small number of sources, but in return I have analyzed these sources very carefully. In addition to the choice of a qualitative method I have used Robert A. Dahl’s theory about polyarcy as a definition of democracy.

The results from my analysis are that the UN has done some work in favour of the democratization of Kosovo, but the UN has also acted in a way which restrains democratization of Kosovo in many ways. The main reason why the UN hinders the democratization of Kosovo is it’s unwillingness to let go of its power over the region to the local officials.

This thesis aims to study Russian foreign policy towards Kosovo during the period between 1998 and 2008 in light of the school of thought that claims that Russia'
s foreign policy toward Kosovo resembles the Cold War confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union. This thesis argues that Russia&rsquo
s role in the Kosovo war and its aftermath is motivated by Russia&rsquo
s interest in being seen as a great power in international system rather than using Kosovo in order to confront the United States. Besides an introduction and conclusion, the thesis consists of four main chapters. The second chapter presents historical background and discusses Russian foreign policy during the wars of secession in Yugoslavia. The third chapter focuses on Russian foreign policy and the 1998 &ndash
1999 war in Kosovo, while the fourth chapter covers the Russian role in the post-conflict settlement in Kosovo. Finally, the fifth chapter deals with Russian foreign policy as it relates to the resolved Kosovo situation.

Two years after the end of the "hot war" in Kosovo, the situation on the Balkans remains extremely tense. The West embraced the illusion to provide the Kosovo-Albanians with conditions for a substantial autonomy under the umbrella of an international protectorate.
The Kosovo-Albanians considered the substantial autonomy as a milestone on their way to independence, while a new Yugoslav-Serbian administration counted on regaining sovereign rights in Kosovo. The escalation of the crisis provided a fresh impetus for new expectations regarding the national question.
The claim to separate Kosovo from Yugoslavia had been strengthened. The Albanian role in this process remained ambiguous. Albania has to be considered as an actor and an object, and it perceives its national geopolitical and security interests as affected by the process in Kosovo. Tirana's political orientation is strongly moving towards the Euro-Atlantic community, yet hegemonic interests vis-à-vis Kosovo might play an important role besides Tirana's own limited political influence over the developments in Kosovo.

The two operations in Bosnia and Kosovo named Deliberate Force and Allied Force took place in 1995 and 1999. Both operations show clear signs that the use of air power was the main contributor to the outcome of the operations. Earlier research states that there are signs of coercive air power in both of these operations but fail to explain in what way. The purpose of this essay is to examine if Robert A. Papes theory about denial strategy in air operations can explain the different outcomes of the operations as the operation in Bosnia took 21 days and the operation in Kosovo took 78 days to reach its designated goals. This essay will also test Papes Theory on what constitutes a successful air campaign by comparing the two operations in Bosnia and Kosovo. The result supports Papes theory and shows that operation Deliberate Force acted according to Papes theory on denial in five out of six parts, excluding the strategic interdiction. Whereas operation Allied Force acted according to the theory as well but in a smaller extent. It can be argued that there are other background factors that also contributed to the outcome of the operations but by looking at the usage of the air power in both operations it shows that by acting accordingly to Papes theory the outcome was a success. By supporting Papes theory this essay adds to the earlier research a wider knowledge about coercive air power in military interventions.

Uppsatsen skriven VT 2017 under Termin 4 Officersprogrammet 15-18 med inriktning mot flyg. Examen genomförs VT 2018.

John A. Warden III is one the most mentioned air power theoretic of his time.He has written a number of theories concerning air power and the best way to use this to win wars.The author of this paper gives a short resume of what he consider are the central thoughts in John Warden´s theories. These thoughts result in four factors; Enemy as a system, centre of gravity, parallel attack/concentration and finally air superiority. These factors are then being used to inves-tigate if NATO used Wardens theories during the Kosovo war in 1999.The reason for the author to choose the Kosovo war specifically is due to the fact that NATO during the war only used air power as an instrument to get Serbia´s president Milosevic to the negotiation table but also the fact that this would turn out to be quite a challenge for NATO.The conclusion is that out of the four factors only one is traceable throughout the entire operation, and that is air superiority. Regarding the other three factors they can only be found in parts of the operation.
John A. Warden III är en av de mest omskrivna luftmaktsteoretikerna under sin tid. Han har lagt fram ett antal teorier för vad han anser är bästa sättet att använda luftmakt för att vinna krig. I uppsatsen ges en sammanfattning av vad författaren anser vara de centrala tankarna i hans teorier. Dessa utmynnar i fyra begrepp; fienden som ett system, tyngdpunktsbegreppet,parallell attack och kraftsamling samt luftrumskontroll. Dessa begrepp står sedan somutgångspunkt för en fallstudie av NATO:s luftmaktsanvändning under Kosovokriget 1999.Undersökningen syftar till att undersöka om NATO använde sig av John Wardens luftmaktsteorier under kriget.Varför författaren har valt just Kosovokriget beror bland annat på att NATO under kriget enbart använde sig av luftmakt för att få Serbiens president Milosevic till förhandlingsbordet samt att det också visade sig bli en stor prövning för dem.Slutsatsen blev att av de fyra utvalda faktorerna så var det endast en som NATO visade sig foku-sera på under hela operationen, detta var luftrumskontroll. Vad gäller de övriga tre faktorerna finner författaren att NATO använt sig av dessa i stort sett bara under slutskedet av operationen.

Thesis advisor: Ali Banuazizi
This thesis explores the centrality of myth in the master narrative of Serbian ethno-nationalism that erupted in the late 1980s through the 1990s. By looking at Serbian folk epics depicting the battle of Kosovo, this thesis examines the role of myth as a part of Serbian identity and culture. The way the myth of the battle of Kosovo is remembered is a way of reconstructing the past through using themes in the myth to manipulate public memory and political consciousness. This thesis shows that while myth represents a key construction of a master national narrative, the narrative does not represent the stories of all members of the nation. The theoretical and official “history” of a nation is separate from the lived history of individuals. The last chapter uses gender as a lens to examine the master national stemming from the Kosovo myth, showing how the national master narrative connects to the “myth of the all pervasive patriarchy” in how history is understood
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2018
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Departmental Honors
Discipline: History

Doutoramento em Engenharia Florestal e dos Recursos Naturais - Instituto Superior de Agronomia - UL
Kosovo’s forest products industry is a very important part of Kosovo’s economy and within the present work data was collected through a survey of all sawmills in Kosovo and information gathering from the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Rural Development of Kosovo. The forest resources and sawmill structure of Kosovo were analyzed and the availability of different species of wood in different regions of the country established. In parallel, the study of one home grown wood species, Quercus cerris, was conducted in order to improve its use in sawmilling to produce value added wood components. For this purpose, ten Quercus cerris trees, grown in two sites in Kosovo, were felled and discs taken at different stem height levels. Relevant data for this species was obtained on stem quality, including heartwood, sapwood and bark development as well as ring analysis. Chemical and durability characterization was also conducted together with the evaluation of density and Brinell hardness. Quercus cerris from Kosovo showed good potential as a timber species for the supply of stem wood to the saw-milling industry allowing good yields of heartwood-only sawn wood components. Taking into account the good technological properties measured together with the apparent low level of extracts and the low durability class against subterranean termites, interior or protected uses are highly recommended. The bark should also be considered for complementary valorization. Furthermore, based on the worked developed, a curricular programme combining scientific and technological knowledge for industrial management, communication knowledge and creative work was developed in close cooperation with wood processing enterprises in Kosovo, and with the Kosovo Wood Processing Association. Recommendations were also provided for further development of the forest and sawmill industry
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Dr. Robert A. Pape publicerar 1996 boken Bombing to Win. Kvantitativa studier av 33 konflikter där luftstridskrafter använts har genomförts. Detta för att söka ett samband mellan lyckade respektive misslyckade slutresultat. De teorier som Pape framför har därför en empirisk förankring och de slutsatser som förs fram är att strategisk bombning väldigt sällan fungerar och att luftstridskrafter istället bör användas för att neka fiendes styrkor framgång på slagfältet. Tre år efter att Bombing to Win publiceras inleds Operation Allied Force. En operation ledd av NATO för att förhindra den etniska rensningen av albaner i Kosovo. Syftet med detta arbete är att se om Robert A. Pape:s teorier uppmärksammats. Detta genom att leta efter händelser där NATO använder luftstridskrafterna på ett sätt som överensstämmer med Pape:s teorier. Slutsatsen är att det finns vissa händelser i konflikten där NATO:s agerande överensstämmer med de teorier Pape presenterar i Bombing To Win. Det finns däremot inte en koppling till ett särskilt skede eller del av operationen. Genom uttalanden av militära beslutsfattare går det att påvisa att teorierna har uppfattats av dessa. Politiska viljor har haft stor inverkan, och vissa militära strategiska viljor har fått stå tillbaka.

In everyday life, imposing your will on your neighbour is likely to turn out counterproductive for your mutual relationship in the long term. Yet, the EU’s Enlargement-policy is commonly perceived as embedded with a spirit of policy imposition. While this is commonly perceived as a by-product of the EU’s power vis-à-vis pre-accession countries, few scholars have studied the implications of such imposition in its pre-accession contexts. This thesis aims to study such implications by drawing on Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theoretical approach (1985). It therefore asks, how can we identify spaces in which counterhegemonic discourses emerge? In answering this, it applies a multi-method case study of Kosovo’s pre-accession context and conceives of Enlargement as a hegemonic discourse. It argues that counterhegemonic spaces can be identified by studying the undecidability of Enlargement’s discursive structure. It finds that Kosovans are subject to a plethora of hegemonic narratives, which simultaneously possess the potential for counterhegemonic disarticulations. From this perspective, events such as the general election in 2019 in Kosovo can be understood as a counterhegemonic moment. In developing its discourse theoretical approach, it contributes to poststructuralist IR and European Integration Studies by developing our understandings of the interplay between hegemonic and counterhegemonic discourses.

The main ambition of this doctoral thesis is to contribute to the development of interdisciplinary application of the concept of moral hazard developedin economic and insurance theory to the context of the inter-state conflicts with potential international intervention. The basic theoretical framework used in the thesis is derived from the concept of moral hazard of humanitarian intervention by Alan Kuperman who claims that the newly established norm of humanitarian intervention may well have unintended negative consequences. Kuperman argues that if the mere existence of insurance creates sufficient incentive for the insured to modify their behavior to the extent that they engage in the riskier behavior due to the fact that they are insured against the consequences of their actions, the rebels may well optimize their behavior in the same way. Currently, the transfer of the moral hazard theory to the context of interventions is hindered by a number of existing obstacles stemming from the differences in these areas. This thesis concentrates on reduction of three main identified drawbacks and addresses them by formulating three main research questions and derived hypothesis. The aim of this approach is to examine the limits of application and create the space for development of the concept of moral hazard of humanitarian intervention in the future research. (1) What is the interpretation potential, value added and limits of application of economic theory of moral hazard to the context of humanitarian intervention from the theoretical perspective? Hypothesis 1:The concept of moral hazard represents an efficienttool for evaluation of humanitarian intervention. (2) What is the potential of causal mechanism established by the Kuperman´s hypothesis to explain the reasons why in certain cases the state decides to escalate the inter-state conflict despite the public threats of intervention at a general level of research? Hypothesis 2: The threat of intervention causes the escalation of the inter-state conflict. (3) To what extent does Kuperman´s hypothesis modified to the conflict in Kosovo correspond with the actual state of affairs and their development? Hypothesis 3: The threat of intervention NATO/USA caused the escalation of conflict in Kosovo.

New Labour presented Nato's Kosovo campaign in 1999 as Britain's first war fought for purely humanitarian reasons, and this framing of the Nato campaign seemed to become the dominant image of the conflict in the British media. This study uses a framing conceptual framework to analyse the British media's coverage of the Kosovo Conflict, and tries to identify hegemonic influences on that media coverage; the analysis therefore works on a cultural and political level. The study uses framing as it has been used in previous social-political studies, as a tool for analysing whether Nato's framing of their campaign dominated the media discourse, in line with the hegemonic model. The objectives of the study are to analyse whether the media were sufficiently independent from the Nato perspective to provide the public with a balanced and informed view of Nato's Kosovo campaign; whether the humanitarian aspect of the Nato campaign brought a change in the traditional reporting of Britain at war in the UK media; whether the reorganisation of the Nato media operation brought an improved coverage for Nato in the second half of their campaign, and whether a newspaper being editorially anti-war affected the rest of its content to any noticeable degree. A triangulation of qualitative and quantitative research methods has led to the conclusion that the British media over-relied on Nato sources, and usually reported from a Nato perspective, in line with the hegemonic model, but provided a certain level of plurality in their opinions, and reporting of events, with Nato collateral damage receiving an especially prominent coverage. These findings seem to be in line with most recent research on the US and UK media when their nation is at war, although conclusions made by researchers with different expectations and interpretations, using different samples and methodologies, often lead to contrasting opinions on the performance of the media.

yes
In the context of a fragile political and security situation, an ambiguous legal constitutional status and an imprecise and contested balance of power between international `protection¿ and local ownership, academic and practitioner strategies in Kosovo have emphasized human protection, military security and public law and order. However, Kosovo is also a site of contention between economic norms. On the one hand, the external agencies have attempted to impose a neoliberal economic model, rooted in the 1989 Washington consensus on developmentalism. On the other hand, Kosovars have clung to clientism, shadow economic activities and resistance to centrally-audited exchange.

La tesi doctoral se centra en l'estudi del nacionalisme albanès en el territori de Kosova amb l'objectiu d'analitzar els seus orígens i la seva posterior evolució al llarg de la segona meitat del segle XX i l'inici del segle XXI fins a la proclamació, el 2008, de l'estat kosovar independent, una fita que culmina una etapa de l'evolució recent de la història de Kosova de forma exitosa per als interessos del seu moviment nacional.
El territori de Kosova ha estat, especialment al llarg del segle XX, una zona en disputa permanent entre dues sobiranies, la sèrbia i l'albanesa. Des de la seva integració al regne dels eslaus del Sud, el precedent del regne de Iugoslàvia, la població albanesa de Kosova visqué, fins a la fi del conflicte bèl·lic de 1999, sota dominació sèrbia, exceptuant un breu període durant la Segona Guerra Mundial, i l'ocupació nazi i feixista dels Balcans que, paradoxalment, propicià la unificació del territori de Kosova a l'Albània ocupada per les tropes de Mussolini.
Kosova ha estat, doncs, un territori en disputa entre dos moviments nacionalistes que han construït bona part del seu discurs en base a la reivindicació d'aquest territori.
La història del moviment nacional albanès de Kosova que centra aquest treball és una història d'èxit, que ha conduit aquest territori a esdevenir un estat independent, una situació difícilment imaginable en el moment de la gènesi d'aquest mateix moviment.
Un dels objectius principals de la present tesi doctoral és analitzar la gènesi i la posterior evolució del moviment nacionalista albanès a Kosova arribant fins al moment històric en el qual aquest moviment assoleix la fita de proclamar l'estat kosovar. Aquest moviment té les seves arrels en la Lliga de Prizren, constituïda el 1878, esdevenint la primera expressió organitzada del nacionalisme albanès, aleshores amb l'objectiu de desfer-se del jou otomà i construir l'estat independent d'Albània. L'establiment d'una Albània independent, el 1912, que deixà bona part dels albanesos fora de les fronteres del nou estat, propicià el sorgiment d'un nou nacionalisme albanès perifèric, amb epicentre a Kosova, que reclamava la integració dels territoris poblats majoritàriament per albanesos al recentment creat estat d'Albània.
La tesi doctoral Kosova. Gènesi i evolució del moviment nacional albanès, de l'autonomia iugoslava a l'estat kosovar independent té com a objectiu fonamental analitzar el naixement i l'evolució del nacionalisme albanokosovar dins de la Iugoslàvia socialista i federal i explicar les causes que acaben conduint aquest moviment nacional a la proclamació d'un estat independent, una fita que culmina bona part de les seves aspiracions.
La tesis doctoral se centra en el estudio del nacionalismo albanés en el territorio de Kosova con el objetivo de analizar sus orígenes y su posterior evolución a lo largo de la segunda mitad del siglo XX y el inicio del XXI hasta la proclamación, en 2008, del estado kosovar independiente, un hecho que culmina una etapa de la evolución reciente de la historia de Kosova de forma exitosa para los intereses de su movimiento nacional.
El territorio de Kosova ha sido, especialmente durante el siglo XX, una zona en permanente disputa entre dos soberanías, la serbia y la albanesa. Des de su integración en el reino de los eslavos del Sur, el precedente del reino de Yugoslavia, la población albanesa de Kosova vivió, hasta el conflicto bélico de 1999, bajo dominación serbia, a excepción de un breve período durante la II Guerra Mundial y la ocupación nazi y fascista de los Balcanes que, paradójicamente, propició la unificación del territorio de Kosova a la Albania ocupada por Mussolini. Kosova ha sido, pues, un territorio en disputa entre dos movimientos nacionalistas que han construido su discurso en base a la reivindicación de este territorio.
La historia del movimiento nacional albanés de Kosova que centra este trabajo es una historia de éxito, que ha conducido a esta región a convertirse en un estado independiente, una situación difícilmente imaginable en el momento de la génesis de este mismo movimiento.
Uno de los objetivos principales de la presente tesis doctoral es analizar el nacimiento y la posterior evolución del movimiento nacionalista albanés en Kosova hasta el momento histórico en el que este movimiento consigue el objetivo de proclamar el estado kosovar. Este movimiento tiene sus raíces en la Liga de Prizren, creada en 1878, la primera expresión organizada del nacionalismo albanés partidaria de deshacerse del yugo otomano y de construir el estado independiente de Albania. El establecimiento de una Albania independiente, en 1912, que dejó buena parte de los albaneses fuera de las fronteras del nuevo estado, propició el nacimiento de un nuevo nacionalismo albanés periférico, con epicentro en Kosova, que reclamaba la integración de los territorios mayoritariamente poblados por albaneses en el recientemente creado estado de Albania.
La presente tesis doctoral tiene como objetivo fundamental analizar el nacimiento y la evolución del nacionalismo albanokosovar dentro de la Yugoslavia socialista y federal y explicar las causas que acaban conduciendo a este movimiento a la proclamación de un estado independiente culminando así parte de sus aspiraciones históricas.
The thesis focuses on the study of Albanian nationalism in Kosovo with the aim of analyzing their origins and their subsequent evolution during the second half of the twentieth century until the start of the twenty-first century and the proclamation, in 2008, of an independent Kosovar state, culminating a period of recent developments in the history of Kosova so successful for the interests of their national movement.
The territory of Kosova has been, especially during the twentieth century, an area in constant dispute between two sovereignties, the Serbian and the Albanian. Since its integration into the Kingdom of the South Slavs, the precedent of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the Albanians of Kosova lived, until the end of the war of 1999, under Serbian domination, except for a brief period during World War II and Nazi-fascist occupation of the Balkans that, paradoxically, unified Kosova and Albania. Kosova has been a disputed territory between two nationalist movements that have built much of his speech on the basis of the claim of that territory.
The history of the Kosova Albanian national movement focused in this work is a success story that has led this country to become an independent state, a situation hardly imaginable at the time of the genesis of the movement.
A major focus of this thesis is to study the genesis and subsequent evolution of the Albanian nationalist movement in Kosova till the historic moment when this movement proclaims the independent state of Kosova. This movement has its roots in the League of Prizren, founded in 1878, becoming the first organized expression of Albanian nationalism, then with the aim of getting rid of the Ottoman yoke and building the independent state of Albania. The establishment of an independent Albania, in 1912, which left much of Albanians outside the borders of the new state, favoured the emergence of a new peripheral Albanian nationalism, with its epicentre in Kosova, which called for the integration of territories populated mainly by Albanians to the newly created state of Albania.
The thesis has the objective of analyze the birth and evolution of Kosovar Albanian nationalism in the socialist federal Yugoslavia and explain the reasons that drove this national movement to the proclamation of an independent state, a goal that ends much of their aspirations.
La thèse se concentre sur l'étude du nationalisme albanais au Kosova dans le but d'analyser leurs origines et leur évolution ultérieure au cours de la seconde moitié du XXe siècle jusqu'au début du XXIe siècle avec la proclamation, en 2008, d'un état kosovar indépendant, une étape qui met la fin à une période de l'évolution récente dans l'histoire du Kosova avec un grand succès pour son mouvement national albanais.
Le territoire du Kosovo a été, en particulier au cours du XXe siècle, une zone en litige constant entre deux souverainetés, la serbe et l'albanaise. Depuis son intégration dans le Royaume des Slaves du Sud, le précédent du Royaume de Yougoslavie, les Albanais du Kosova ont vécu, jusqu'à la fin de la guerre de 1999, sous la domination serbe, sauf pour une brève période au cours de la IIe Guerre Mondiale et l'occupation nazie-fasciste des Balkans qui, paradoxalement, a favorisée l'unification du territoire du Kosova à l'Albanie occupée par les troupes de Mussolini. Le Kosova a, donc, été un territoire contesté entre les deux mouvements nationalistes qui ont construit l'essentiel de son discours sur la base de la revendication de ce territoire.
L'histoire du mouvement national albanais du Kosova, que ce travail analyse, est une histoire réussite qui a conduit ce pays à devenir un état indépendant, une situation difficilement imaginable au moment de la genèse de ce mouvement.
Un des principaux objectifs de cette thèse est d'étudier la genèse et l'évolution ultérieure du mouvement nationaliste albanais du Kosova jusqu'au moment historique dans lequel ce mouvement réussit le but de proclamer l'état kosovar. Ce mouvement a ses racines dans la Ligue de Prizren, fondée en 1878, devenant ainsi la première expression organisée du nationalisme albanais avec le but de se débarrasser du joug ottoman et construire l'état indépendant d'Albanie. La création d'une Albanie indépendante, en 1912, qui laisse beaucoup d'Albanais en dehors des frontières du nouvel état, a favorisé l'émergence d'un nouveau nationalisme albanais périphérique, avec son épicentre au Kosova, qui a appelé à l'intégration des territoires peuplés principalement par des Albanais au nouvel état d'Albanie.
La thèse à, donc, pour objectif analyser la naissance et l'évolution du nationalisme albanais du Kosova dans la Yougoslavie fédérale et socialiste et expliquer les raisons qui ont conduit ce mouvement national à la proclamation d'un état indépendant, un objectif qui met la fin à la plupart de ses aspirations.

The purpose of this essay is to examine why some countries in the world decided to support Kosovo’s declaration of independence in 2008, while others did not. The essay is a type of case study, with Kosovo’s independence as the main focus. For the purpose of the essay, main focus will be on the United States of America, Russia, China and Serbia. The countries’ actions will be examined through the theoretical perspectives presented in the book Essence of Decision: Rational Actor Model, Organizational Behavior and Governmental Politics. The conclusion drawn is that countries put their own interests before the good of the international community, sometimes putting other countries at risk of conflict or war, to achieve their own goals. This can be seen in the cases of Russia and China especially, as they did not accept Kosovo’s independence partly because they have similar conflicts in their own states to that of Serbia’s with Kosovo.

This paper studies the importance of acknowledging social identities in a state-building process. Kosovo is a disputed area in which several ethnic groups reside. These groups obtain extensive rights within the legal framework of the Republic of Kosovo. Although these rights are extensive and, according to some, the best laws regarding minorities in Europe there are those who do not feel an attachment to the state. Historically states have been based on single-groups in so called nation-states in which the mainstream identity of the population were synonymous with that of the state. Today the view on the state has evolved into that of a multi-cultural society in which everyone are accepted regardless of their identity (i.e. sex, ethnicity, gender and so on). The conflict of Kosovo has its base in the Albanian population within Kosovo and their struggle for recognition as a people. Their struggle throughout the 20th century culminated with the complete removal of rights by Slobodan Milošević in 1989 and the formation of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) in 1993. By the end of the 20th century NATO intervened in the conflict resulting in the adaptation of UN Security Council Resolution 1244 in which the future of Kosovo where determined. After being administrated by the international UN mission (UNMIK) for almost 9 years Kosovo declared its independence. Kosovo were to be a multi-ethnic state constituted of its many communities (ethnic-groups). Today there are few people who uses the term 'Kosovar', instead people still identify themselves by their ethnic-identity. This paper studies the importance of social identities and if the citizenship of Kosovo can fill the position as an overlapping identity bringing the ethnic-groups of Kosovo together. Although the conclusion is that the citizenship cannot fill this position today the study identifies several issues that, when resolved, severely increases the possibility for the Kosovo citizenship to fulfill this position.

La thèse veut revenir sur l'histoire complexe du Kosmet en étudiant trois de ses composantes majeures abordées dans une perspective historique : à savoir la question du Kosovo (qui trouve ses racines dans une histoire de longue durée), la crise du Kosovo (telle qu'elle va se nouer dans les années 1980) et la réaction des grandes puissances européennes face à cette crise. Cette approche permet de voir la naissance, l'essor, l'aggravation et, enfin, l'internationalisation de ce problème ; ce faisant, cette approche permettra aussi de montrer l'évolution des nationalismes serbe et albanais ainsi que la formation et les transformations des États nationaux serbe et albanais, c'est­-à-dire de se pencher sur l'émergence et le développement des deux forces motrices, serbe et albanaise, qui jouèrent un rôle clef dans la question du Kosovo ; et elle permettra également de voir comment les grandes puissances européennes, dans le contexte de la disparition de la Yougoslavie socialiste, ont réagi à la crise et ont été progressivement partie prenante de la question du Kosovo et de son règlement
Kosovo is the disputed borderland between Serbia and Kosovo Albanians. The Serbs refer to Kosovo as the cradle of the Serb nation. The anniversary of the Battle of Kosovo Plain is the most important date in the Serbian national calendar. In 1981 there were major student protests in Pristina, followed by demands for Kosovo to be given republic status. The Serbian Communist leader S. Milosevic became president of Serbia in 1987 and in 1989 the Serbian parliament passed constitutional amendments reasserting Serbian control over Kosovo. In 1998 the Kosovo Liberation Anny unleashed a major guerrilla offensive. The conflict gained widespread international attention and was resolved with the intervention of the NATO