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PUSZCZEWICZ, Agnieszka. "KOSOVO - A CHALLENGE FOR THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY." National Security Studies 3, no. 1 (December 2, 2012): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.37055/sbn/129770.
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Kosowo – samo państwo i jego niepodległość – wzbudza wiele emocji na świecie. Pojawiają się argumenty o możliwości zdestabilizowania sytuacji na całych Bałkanach Zachodnich oraz głosy o bezwarunkowym powrocie Kosowa do Serbii. Celem artykułu jest pokazanie stosunku społeczności międzynarodowej do niepodległości Kosowa z uwzględnieniem opinii jego mieszkańców, a także wpływu sytuacji w Kosowie na bezpieczeństwo w regionie.
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Zobeniak, Marta. "Kosowo - koniec Europy?" Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM, no. 1 (October 31, 2018): 121–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/r.2010.1.8.
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Russian Foreign Minister, Sergei Lavrov, once said that Kosovo’s independence could be the beginning of the end for Europe, and that official recognition of its sovereignty would threaten global security. It was feared that Kosovo’s unilateral declaration of independence, and its recognition by European countries in particular, would open up a Pandora’s Box. In fact, as it is claimed in this article, Kosovo may be treated a precedent by other separatist republics and autonomous regions, which might one day demand similar recognition and the same rights that the Kosovars can now possibly enjoy
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Izydorczyk, Monika, and Kornela Oblińska. "Misja EULEX Kosowo." Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne, no. 2 (June 15, 2010): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ssp.2010.2.01.
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PATERAK, Sławomir. "KONFLIKTY LOKALNE WSPÓŁCZESNEGO ŚWIATA (KOSOWO)." Journal of Science of the Gen. Tadeusz Kosciuszko Military Academy of Land Forces 174, no. 4 (October 1, 2014): 26–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/17318157.1143817.
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Skorczewski, Maciej. "Kosowo, mit kosowski i jego recepcja." Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 48 (December 1, 2013): 283. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/sdr.2013.13.
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Bujwid-Kurek, Ewa. "Pandemicznie doświadczony świat COVID-19 – reakcja rządów państw pojugosłowiańskich. Casus stanu wyjątkowego w zarysie refleksji politologicznej." Horyzonty Polityki 11, no. 36 (October 10, 2020): 59–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.35765/hp.1959.
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CEL NAUKOWY: Naczelnym celem badawczym niniejszych rozważań jest ustalenie, w których z państw pojugosłowiańskich w obliczu śmiercionośnej pandemii COVID-19 zdecydowano się na ogłoszenie stanu wyjątkowego.
PROBLEM I METODY BADAWCZE: Stan wyjątkowy ma chronić: bezpieczeństwo obywateli, ustrój państwa, porządek publiczny. W okresie stanu wyjątkowego zmieniają się proporcje między prawami człowieka a uprawnieniami państwa – na korzyść władz państwowych. W obliczy pandemii COVID-19 nie wszystkie rządy państw pojugosłowiańskich ogłosiły stan wyjątkowy. Zrobiły to: Serbia, Bośnia i Hercegowina, Macedonia Północna oraz Kosowo. W przypadku każdego z wymienionych państw ogłoszenie stanu wyjątkowego wiązało się ze sporami politycznymi, dzieląc zarówno gremia polityków, jak i społeczeństwo. Spór toczył się głównie wokół przesunięcia terminu wyborów parlamentarnych Artykuł powstał przy wykorzystaniu metod badawczych właściwych dla dyscypliny nauki o polityce i administracji: case stady (wąskie ujęcie), analizy źródeł pierwotnych i metody komparatystycznej
PROCES WYWODU: Artykuł składa się z wprowadzenia, w którym uzasadniono wybór tematu badawczego i ustalono istotę stanu wyjątkowego. W czterech kolejnych punktach zwrócona została uwaga na reakcję na COVID-19 tylko tych państwa pojugosłowiańskich (Serbię, Bośnię i Hercegowinę, Macedonię Północną, Kosowo), w których ogłoszono stan wyjątkowy. W rekapitulacji dokonano podsumowania, akcentując konflikty, które wynikły z ogłoszenia stanu wyjątkowego w państwach poddanych analizie.
WYNIKI ANALIZY NAUKOWEJ: Tylko w czterech spośród siedmiu państw pojugosłowiańskich ogłoszony został stany wyjątkowy. W Serbii, Macedonii Północnej i Kosowie przesunięte zostały wyznaczone kalendarzem wyborczym wybory parlamentarne, w przypadku każdego z tych państw wywołało to ostre spory polityczne, a w Macedonii Północnej wzbudzona na tym tle eskalacja konfliktu spowodowała dymisję rządu.
WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE, REKOMENDACJE: Omawiana problematyka jest innowacyjna, jak dotąd nie została przedstawiona w politologicznej literaturze przedmiotu. Intrygującym pozostaje pytanie, dlaczego nie wszystkie rządy państw (nie tylko pojugosłowiańskich) w obliczu tak groźnej dla zdrowia i życia ludzkiego pandemii, jaką jest COVID-19, nie zdecydowały się na ogłoszenie stanu wyjątkowego, który nadrzędne akty prawne (konstytucja) zwykły gwarantować.
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Czarota, Iwan A. "Kosovo as the cradle and the treasure of Serbian spiritualityin history and contemporary consciousness of the eastern Slavs." Elpis : czasopismo teologiczne Katedry Teologii Prawosławnej Uniwersytetu w Białymstoku, no. 27 (2013): 93–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/elpis.2013.27.13.
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Nadoveza, Branko. "KOMUNISTIČKA PRAVNO POLITIČKA DESTRUKCIJA KOSOVA I METOHIJE 1944-1990." Politička revija 66, no. 4/2020 (January 5, 2021): 333–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/pr.6642020.14.
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Ideja komunističkog pokreta u Jugoslaviji je bila od početka da se Kosovo izuzme iz sastava Srbije zbog navodnog većeg broja Albanaca od Srba na Kosovu i njihovog tretiranja kao nacionalne manjine. Spletom istorijskih okolnosti tu ideju su počeli da ostvaruju od 1944. zaključno sa Ustavom 1974. godine. Problem Kosova faktički postoji od 1944, kada komunističko rukovodstvo počinje njegovo izdvajanje kroz autonomiju iz već osakaćene Srbije i srpskog naroda. Dalje se to urušava pripajanjem delova tzv. Centralne Srbije i pravnim državnim ingerencijama Kosova umesto autonomije, posebno Ustavom iz 1974. Srpsko rukovodstvo marta 1989. poništava državne ingerencije Kosova, ali tada dolazi do raspada Jugoslavije, separatističkih tendencija na Kosovu, koje su kulminirale intervencijom NATO 1999. godine i nasilnim izdvajanjem Kosova iz Srbije sa još uvek nejasnim posledicama tog pitanja.
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Abrasowicz, Gabriela Dorota. "Nadbudowa matrycy mitów i ich transformacje na przykładzie najnowszej twórczości chorwackich, czarnogórskich i kosowskich dramatopisarzy oraz realizatorów scenicznych." Er(r)go. Teoria - Literatura - Kultura, no. 39 (December 16, 2019): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/errgo.7637.
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Mity stale ewoluują i podlegają transferowi, w ten sposób przekraczają linię podziału między epokami, obszarami geokulturowymi i gatunkami sztuki. Ten dynamiczny system symboli, archetypów, obrazów i schematów został zintegrowany przez kulturę i stymuluje twórczość artystyczną w XXI wieku. Ma to miejsce także w przypadku dramatopisarzy i realizatorów scenicznych aktywnych w krajach byłej Jugosławii. Na uwagę zasługują przykłady szczególnego przetworzenia mitów autorstwa Ivany Sajko (Chorwacja), Ljubomira Ðurkovicia (Czarnogóra) i Jetona Neziraja (Kosowo). W wyniku strategii takich jak m.in. prefiguracja, transpozycja i reinterpretacja dochodzi do konfrontacji treści antycznych i nowoczesnych oraz do wytworzenia się nowej jakości. Spektakle teatralne, które powstają na podstawie tych tekstów są kolejnym przykładem transferu i transformacji w zależności od okoliczności performatywnej ekspozycji. Ponadto, realizacje te mają charakter transgresyjny i wymiar transkulturowy.
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Ickiewicz‑Sawicka, Magdalena. "„Krajobraz po bitwie” – wybrane negatywne (kryminologiczne) następstwa ostatniego konfliktu na Bałkanach Zachodnich. Raport z badań terenowych." Wschodnioznawstwo 15 (2021): 209–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20827695wsc.21.010.14717.
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Artykuł dotyczy szeregu wybranych antagonistycznych konsekwencji ostatnich jugosłowiańskich wojen domowych (wojny serbsko‑chorwackiej, wojny w Bośni oraz wojny o Kosowo). Tekst jest pokłosiem badań terenowych przeprowadzonych w latach 2014 (badania pilotażowe) – 2019 (badania właściwe) na terytorium Serbii i Czarnogóry. Ich celem było ukazanie materialnych i niematerialnych (psychicznych i psychologicznych) skutków wojny domowej w postaci różnego rodzaju negatywnych doświadczeń: traumatycznych przeżyć (występowanie syndromu PTSD) oraz strat materialnych (ekonomicznych). Celem pracy jest zobrazowanie skomplikowanych relacji i zjawisk z perspektywy Serbów i Czarnogórców, którzy niewątpliwie ucierpieli w trakcie trwania ostatnich konfliktów w krajach Bałkanów Zachodnich. Rzecz jasna, nie jest to kompleksowa analiza, ale jedynie drobny wycinek tej zawiłej, trudnej i nade wszystko bolesnej postwojennej i postjugosłowiańskiej rzeczywistości wielkich mocarstw, uwikłanych w międzynarodową, bezduszną politykę, i bałkańskich mieszkańców południowej Europy. „Landscape after battle” – selected negative (criminological) consequences of the recent conflict in the Western Balkans. Field research report The article deals with the selected antagonistic consequences of the recent Yugoslav civil wars (the Serbo‑Croatian civil war, the civil war in Bosnia and the war for Kosovo). The text is the result of field studies carried out in 2014 (pilot studies) – 2019 (specific studies) in Serbia and Montenegro. The main topic showed the material and immaterial (psychological and psychological) effects of the civil war in the form of various negative experiences: traumatic experiences (occurrence of the PTSD syndrome) and material (economic) losses. The aim of the study illustrated the complex relations and phenomena from the perspective of Serbs and Montenegrins, who undoubtedly suffered during the last conflicts in the Western Balkan countries. Obviously, this is not a comprehensive analysis, but only a small fragment of this intricate, difficult and above all painful post‑war and post‑Yugoslav reality of the great powers, entangled in international, soulless international politics, and the Balkan inhabitants of southern Europe.
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Trix, Frances. "Publishing in Kosova/Kosovo." Slavic & East European Information Resources 1, no. 2-3 (February 20, 2001): 159–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j167v01n02_05.
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Zeqiraj, Nehare. "Comparative Perception Among Minority Communities on the Knowledge of UN Convention of the Rights of Child, Institutional Responsibilities and Child Participation in Decision Making Processes." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 1, no. 1 (April 30, 2016): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v1i1.p185-200.
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The survey document is mandated to address two issues in Republic of Kosova as following: I. Knowledge, Attitude and Practices of children and communities in relation to children rights and child protection in 5 Kosovo regions: Peja Gjakova, Ferizaj, Prizren and Fushe Kosovo II. Evaluation of the communities knowledge on existing services in case of violations of the children rights in 5 Kosovo regions: Peja Gjakova, Ferizaj, Prizren and Fushe Kosovo
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Mihailovich, Vasa D., and Slobodan Vuksanović. "Pesma o Kosovu / The Poem of Kosovo." World Literature Today 65, no. 4 (1991): 736. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40147758.
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BIZJAK, MATJAŽ. "MINSKA NEVARNOST NA KOSOVU V OBDOBJU OD 1999 DO 2001." KONCEPT KREPITVE ODPORNOSTI DRUŽBE/THE CONCEPT OF STRENGHTENING THE RESILIENCE OF SOCIETY, VOLUME 22/ISSUE 4 (October 23, 2020): 107–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.22.4.6.
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Povzetek Mine sta na Kosovu polagali tako jugoslovanska stran kot tudi kosovsko-albanske oborožene formacije. Program humanitarnega razminiranja se je začel izvajati takoj po koncu vojaških aktivnosti in je bil končan decembra 2001. Podatki o postavljenih minah so se zbirali že od začetka sovražnosti. Začetne ocene minske nevarnosti so bile pretirane. Na jugoslovanski strani so mine polagali vojska, enote ministrstva za notranje zadeve in paravojaki. Jugoslovanska vojska je polagala mine skladno s taktiko JLA. Nasprotna kosovsko-albanska stran je polagala predvsem manjše skupine min. Glede na vojaško-tehnični sporazum je jugoslovanska vojska enotam Kforja predala 624 zapisnikov minskih polj. Na Kosovu so mine polagali še po koncu spopadov. Ključne besede protitankovske mine, protipehotne mine, humanitarno razminiranje, Kosovo. Abstract In Kosovo, landmines were laid by both parties involved. The humanitarian demining program started immediately after the end of the military activities and was successfully completed in December 2001. Data on the landmines were collected from the beginning of the hostilities. According to various information, the initial mine risk assessments were exaggerated. On the Yugoslav side, landmines were used by the military, units of the Ministry of the Interior and paramilitary units. The Yugoslav Army was laying mines in line with the tactics of the Yugoslav People’s Army. The opposing Kosovo-Albanian side, however, was mainly laying small groups of landmines. According to the military technical agreement, the Yugoslav Army handed over 624 minefield records to KFOR units. In Kosovo, landmines were also being laid after the end of the conflict. Key words Anti-tank landmines, anti-personnel landmines, humanitarian demining, Kosovo.
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KRASNIQI, Milot, Laura TAHIRI, and Azem KOLLONI. "The Reform of Public Administration in Kosovo." PRIZREN SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL 4, no. 2 (August 31, 2020): 99–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.32936/pssj.v4i2.175.
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The reform of Public Administration in Kosovo is an essential part of the State-Building process. By the administrative reform, the Government aims to modernize the Public Administration, to strengthen its capacities and to make it more efficient and accountable. The post-conflict period in Kosovo from 1999 when the building of the new Public Administration in Kosovo began until the beginning of the administrative reform is a relatively difficult period for Kosovo. The reform of the Public Administration in Kosovo is manifested in two ways: first, in relation to its own development structure and, secondly, in relation to the functions it performs, the effects which are realized and the services provided to Institutions and citizens. The implementation of E-Government in Public Administration in Kosovo enables all efficient categories of Government services, at any time and from any distance, in order to meet daily needs of citizens. E-Government modernizes the administration and enables the creation of an efficient and accountable management at all levels of administration. Through the provision of electronic services to citizens, Kosova will be part of Europe.
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Engelhardt, Georgi N. "Zlatanović S. Etnička identifikacija na posleratnom području: Srpska zajednica jugoistočnog Kosova. Beograd: Etnografski institut SANU: Čigoja štampa, 2018. 364 s. (Posebna izdanja; knj. 89)." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 16, no. 1-2 (2021): 266–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2021.16.1-2.12.
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Sanja Zlatanović’s book Etnička identifikacija na posleratnom području: Srpska zajednica jugoistočnog Kosova (Ethnicity in a Post-War Region: The Serbian Community of Southeast Kosovo) provides a valuable picture of the Serbian community of Kosovsko Pomoravlje (South-East Kosovo around Gnilane) during the first years of international rule in the disputed area. The book is based on field research carried out between 2003 and 2006 both in the area and in Southern Serbia with persons displaced from the area. S. Zlatanović describes the subdivisions between “Kosovo old-dwellers” and “Colonists” (of 1920s and 30s); between Serbs and Serbian Gypsies in Kosovo; and between KosovoSerbs and the population of Central Serbia. She also demonstrates the complexity of the Kosovo Serb perception of their neighbours – Kosovo Croats and Kosovo Albanians. The author reviews both the efficiency and limits of the komšiluk (traditional practice of neighbourhood solidarity), cultural similarities with the Kosovo Albanians, and the role of the Raška-Prizren Diocese of the Serb Orthodox Church and its influence upon the community, e. g., by the overcoming of traditional practices of religious syncretism. This ethnological study will be of use both for ethnologists and social anthropologists of the Balkans, as well as for historians and political scientists. The Kosovo Serb identity, their internal subdivisions, and the cultural stereotypes described by S. Zlatanović will exist as a part of the broader Serbian social texture for the foreseeable future.
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Aadal Rasmussen, Niels. "Kosovo som uafhængigt – men hvordan?" Udenrigs, no. 3 (September 1, 2005): 28–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/udenrigs.v0i3.119618.
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Kosovos albanske befolkning ønsker uafhængig- hed, mens serberne kan godtage “mere end auto- nomi, men mindre end uafhængighed”, altså op- retholdelse af Serbiens suverænitet. Denne mod- sætning var en vigtig del af baggrunden for Kosovo-konflikten i 1990’erne.
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Dedaj, But, Genc Zhushi, Luljeta Aliu, Peter Eckl, and Mjellma Carabregu Vokshi. "Does the ESG matter for the countries that are not part of the European Higher Education Area?" International Journal of Research in Business and Social Science (2147- 4478) 8, no. 6 (October 20, 2019): 301–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.20525/ijrbs.v8i6.571.
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In recent years the European countries have created a standard form for their Higher Education Systems, the Standards and Guidelines for Quality Assurance in the European Higher Education Area (ESG). In this paper, we have analyzed the levels of the Accreditation Process applied to the Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) in Kosovo and Albania, and the compliance to the ESG guidelines. Furthermore, throughout the entire paper, we have made a comparison of the standards of the Accreditation Process for the HEIs in Kosovo and Albania. In order to capture these stages, we have surveyed both the accreditation agencies and the HEIs in Kosovo and Albania. From this analysis, we came to the conclusion that the accreditation process in Kosovo and Albania for the HEIs are in compliance to the ESG standards, and there is no a huge difference appearing, although Kosova is not part of Bologna Process. The paper gives hands-on information about the accreditation process of the HEIs in Kosovo and Albania that will be in the interest of all Higher Education System designers and developers of these two countries, but also for other transitions countries.
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Shala, Adem. "Global Effects and Conditions of Governance in an Independent Kosovo." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 2, no. 1 (December 30, 2014): 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v2i1.p136-147.
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Global processes between 1990 and 2013 have initiated essential changes in the institutions, legal structure, economy, information, values, attitudes, decisions, and action. Additionally, global effects, depending on regions and countries, have taken specific characteristics. Specific effects were noticed in the transition countries. The crisis and reforms in these countries and societies were a result of local efforts to change the conditions in all levels. In order to achieve these goals, transition countries, needed support from developed countries and global organizations. Even though, global processes were advanced, global organization and international law were unreformed and inefficient. The activity and the determination of the Kosovo society to overcome the situation compelled the International Community towards establishing attitudes, making decisions and acting, among others, in the case of Kosovo. Kosovo, as a country that belongs to all communities and citizens, is a specific case. The governing processes and institutions are directly influenced by the International Community and global effects. This Kosovo specific governing process is a compound of two processes, specific Kosovo circumstances and global effects in the region. A special approach should be applied when global effects are evaluated and analyzed in the case of Kosovo, of special interest the practical and theoretical activity, for understanding problems, circumstances, and causes as well as the way towards surpassing obstacles and the advancement of positive processes in governing, institutions and development. Effective governance in Kosovo should aim to create the enabling environment prerequisites for the development and integration process. This is the key role, function and essential obligation of this process. Gonverning institutions in Kosovo should be an interacting and guarantee factor in regards to the development and integration processes. This role and function, in line with a democratic orientation, of the Kosova leadrship is beeing demanded by the society and the Internatnional community.
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Nelles, Wayne. "Education, underdevelopment, unnecessary war and human security in Kosovo/Kosova." International Journal of Educational Development 25, no. 1 (January 2005): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijedudev.2004.07.001.
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Sula-Raxhimi, Enkelejda. "Reading the Present Through the Past: The Roma in Postwar Kosovo." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 2 (March 2019): 217–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.23.
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AbstractThis article explores the relationship between memory, political violence, and identity among the Roma minorities in Kosovo. In the aftermath of the 1998–1999 conflict in Kosovo, countless Roma were forced to escape Albanian retaliation, accused of being Serb collaborators. Many had to resettle in enclaves near Fushë Kosovë on the outskirts of Kosovo’s capital Prishtina, others left for Serbian-controlled northern Kosovo or to neighboring countries or to Western Europe. Through an ethnographic investigation with displaced Roma families around Prishtina and in Prizren, the article examines how the communities mobilize collective memories of the violent past to adapt to a new political situation, find their place, and navigate their present within Kosovo’s social, economic, and political landscape. It shows that the past is a constant reminder of compromised loyalties toward the majority group, which in turn dictates their (non)relations. Roma voices and narratives about the violent past are not part of the dominant and official discourse; they are counter-memories, telling a story that is silenced and unrecognized by the majority.
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Damjanović, Miloš M. "Relations among Jews and Gentiles in Kosovo and Metohija between the Two World Wars: From Autocentrism to Assimilation." Colloquia Humanistica, no. 9 (December 31, 2020): 121–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/ch.2020.009.
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Relations among Jews and Gentiles in Kosovo and Metohija between the Two World Wars: From Autocentrism to AssimilationThe period between the two world wars in Kosovo and Metohija (1918-1941) was a peak period of legal protection, economic development, national and political self-positioning, educational and cultural emancipation, and general progress of the local Jewish community. The local Sephardic community, dedicated to tradition, enriched by the presence of the most progressive Ashkenazi newcomers, and surrounded by the Islamic and Christian majority populations in the private and public arena, strived to access the broader, more general framework of modern societal trends. Encouraged by examples from the immediate surroundings, by the national Yugoslav framework and the more developed Jewish municipalities within the state, through daily and varied interaction with neighbors and institutional contact, a metamorphosis of the local Jewish community was enabled. Internal changes were partially conditioned by intensifying relations with the non-Jewish communities. They mostly accompanied these relations and were their inevitable outcome. Parallel to the development of increasingly diverse and more frequent contacts which were pursued in order to self-develop, to maintain and improve interethnic relations, at the social level there erupted elements of interethnic intolerance based on political, religious or economic grounds. Antisemitism strained and, alongside other factors (internal tightness, popular mentality, national tradition, religious differences), additionally complicated and halted closer cooperation. Besides these disagreements, integration into Yugoslav society was complete, especially among the young generation, but only in extraordinary conditions did it end in assimilation, which was exclusively enabled by the newly arrived Jews coming from other, more open and more cosmopolitan environments. This paper will show and elaborate on numerous examples of private and social collaboration between Kosovo-Metohijan Jews and other nations in the given chronological framework that were, above all, of wider importance for regional development and establishing civilizational heritage. Relacje Żydów ze społecznością nieżydowską w Kosowie i Metochii między dwiema wojnami światowymi – od autocentryzmu do asymilacjiOkres między dwiema wojnami światowymi w Kosowie i Metochii (1918-1941) to ważna epoka ochrony prawnej, rozwoju gospodarczego, samostanowienia narodowo-politycznego, emancypacji edukacyjno-kulturowej i ogólnego rozwoju tamtejszej społeczności żydowskiej. Wierna tradycji lokalna społeczność sefardyjska, wzbogacona o wpływy bardziej postępowych przybyszów aszkenazyjskich i otoczona w większości przez ludność islamską i chrześcijańską, w sferze prywatnej i publicznej aspirowała do wejścia na szerszą, ogólną ścieżkę współczesnych ruchów społecznych. Zachęcona przykładami z najbliższego otoczenia – ze strony narodów jugosławiańskich i bardziej rozwiniętych społeczności żydowskich w kraju, poprzez codzienne różnorodne obcowanie z sąsiadami i poprzez kontakty instytucjonalne, lokalna społeczność żydowska uległa metamorfozie. Zmiany wewnętrzne były częściowo uwarunkowane intensyfikacją stosunków ze światem nieżydowskim, z reguły podążały za tymi stosunkami i były ich nieuniknionym skutkiem. Równolegle z rozwojem coraz bardziej zróżnicowanych i częstszych kontaktów budujących, utrzymujących i poprawiających relacje międzyetniczne, na płaszczyźnie społecznej pojawiały się elementy nietolerancji międzyetnicznej, wynikającej z kontekstu politycznego, religijnego i ekonomicznego. Antysemityzm, oprócz kilku innych czynników (zamknięcie wewnętrzne, mentalność mieszkańców, tradycja ludowa, różnice wyznaniowe), dodatkowo obciążał i wstrzymywał jeszcze ściślejszą współpracę. Mimo tych sprzeczności integracja ze społeczeństwem jugosłowiańskim, zwłaszcza wśród młodego pokolenia, była pełna, ale tylko w wyjątkowych przypadkach kończyła się asymilacją, wyłącznie wśród nowo przybyłych Żydów, pochodzących z innych, bardziej otwartych i kosmopolitycznych środowisk. W artykule zostaną przedstawione i omówione liczne przykłady prywatnej i społecznej współpracy Żydów z Kosowa i Metochii z innymi narodami w podanych ramach chronologicznych, które miały przede wszystkim szersze znaczenie dla rozwoju regionalnego i postępu cywilizacyjnego.
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Jureković, Predrag. "PETRITSCH, WOLFGANG; ROBERT PICHLER: Kosovo-Kosova. Der lange Weg zum Frieden." Comparative Southeast European Studies 54, no. 2 (February 1, 2006): 296–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2006-540211.
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Istrefi, Remzie. "Multikulturalna agenda kao sastavnica izgradnje mira i kosovske države." Hrvatska i komparativna javna uprava 18, no. 1 (March 28, 2018): 31–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31297/hkju.18.1.5.
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U radu se analiziraju načini na koje je multikulturalizam zamišljen kao dio mirovnoga procesa i procesa izgradnje kosovske države u razdoblju nakon sukoba. Nakon sukoba na Kosovu 1999. godine i intervencije NATO-a, pokušaji međunarodne zajednice da se situacija normalizira odrazili su se u zakonskim i političkim rješenjima. Rezolucija 1244 Vijeća sigurnosti UN-a osigurala je zaštitu i promicanje ljudskih prava svih kosovskih građana. Ipak, s obzirom na povrede ljudskih prava i na netrpeljivost koja je vladala među nacionalnim zajednicama, međunarodna im je zajednica bila prisiljena posvetiti veću pozornost. Zakonsku zaštitu nacionalnim zajednicama pruža Ustavni okvir Kosova te ostali zakonski propisi Privremene administrativne misije Ujedinjenih naroda na Kosovu (UNMIK-a). Ustavni okvir uveo je zaštitu prava zajednica na Kosovu kako bi izrazio poštovanje svim zajednicama i osigurao im trajni boravak na Kosovu te kako bi prepoznao vrijednost njihovih socio-kulturoloških razlika. Vrlo visoke standarde ljudskih prava zajednicama također su zajamčili dokumenti proizašli iz političkih procesa na kojima se temeljila izgradnja državnosti Kosova. Nakon proglašenja kosovske neovisnosti prava su zajednica stekla status ustavne kategorije. To je uključivalo pravo zastupanja zajednica i pravo na sudjelovanje u javnom životu kao i pravo na ulaganje veta na zakone od značajnog interesa. Uvođenje multikulturalizma kao ustavne kategorije zakonskom zaštitom ljudskih prava označilo je preokret u načinu na koji kosovsko društvo gleda budućnost i suživot u različitostima. No usprkos zakonskim i političkim potezima međunarodnih i kosovskih vlasti, postavlja se pitanje jesu li ti potezi uspjeli omogućiti zajednicama veći doprinos javnom životu u inkluzivnom kontekstu Kosova. Nacionalne su zajednice i dalje podijeljene te ograničeno sudjeluju u javnome životu, dok provedba zakonom zajamčene zaštite njihovih prava i dalje predstavlja izazov. Stoga je ova analiza imala cilj utvrditi jesu li nastojanja međunarodne zajednice i kosovskih vlasti da izgrade mir i državu bila uzaludna ili su ipak uspjela osnažiti zajednice te na taj način pridonijeti dugotrajnom miru i procesu pomirbe.
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Zani, Orges. "The Role of Symbols in Social Movements." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 8, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v8i1.p67-72.
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This paper analyzes the birth of VETVENDOSJE as a social movement through different symbolic representations. Based on the theoretical model of symbolic interaction the study will analyse how the Network Action for Kosovo, created as a counter response against the Serbian dictatorship in Kosovo, continued its actions by creating the slogan “NO NEGOTIATION- VETVENDOSJE”, collecting signatures by the citizens and requiring to UNMIK, to investigate on the destiny of numerous Albania disappeared during the war by the Serbian Army. UNMIK did not take into consideration the petition because it was more interested in the development of institutional conversations to define the judicial status of Kosove. This made the followers of VETVENDOSJE to put the big slogan in front of the UNMIK building “NO NEGOTIATION-VETVENDOSJE! The appearance of this slogan transformed the network into the VETVENDOSJE movement and in the same time it made possible the idea that people will have their right to decide on the judicial and political sovereignty of Kosovo. This slogan had strong conceptual and emotional power on its followers and incited numerous protests and public meetings. From this we can conclude that symbols and their symbolic representations serve perfectly for the creation social movements
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Tomic, Milos. "SECESIJA VERSUS NACIONALNI INTERES: JEDNOSTRANO PROGLAŠENJE NEZAVISNOSTI KOSOVA I METOHIJE." Nacionalni interes 37, no. 1/2020 (May 5, 2020): 23–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/ni.3712020.2.
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Fenomen secesije dugi niz godina postaje nezaobilazan faktor u analizi političkog i bezbednosnog stanja velikog broja nacionalnih država. Neujednačena primena pruzrokovana različitim tumačenjem međunarodnog prava, jedan je od načina opravdavanja legitimiteta separtističkih zahteva bez obzira na negativne bezbednosne posledice. Očigledan primer selektivne primene/kršenja najvažnijih normi međunarodnog prava (zabrana oružane agresije, očuvanje suvereniteta i teritorijalne celovitosti država) a time i nacionalnog interesa, jeste pokušaj secesije Kosova i Metohije. Tokom devedesetih godina jedan deo međunarodne zajednice otvoreno je podržao terorističku organizaciju pod nazivom „Oslobodilačka Vojska Kosova“ kao i njihove zahteve za dobijanje „nezavisne“ države Kosovo. Do kulminacije stanja dolazi 1999. godine kada je izvršena oružana agresija NATO pakta na Saveznu Republiku Jugoslaviju. Posledice ove vrste ponašanja pojedinih država (velikih sila) dovele su do presedana u međunarodnoj politici. Internacionalizaciji pitanja „nezavisnosti“ južne srpske pokrajine doprineli su nekadašnji visoki činovnici pojedninih država kao glavni zagovornici NATO agresije a danas najsnažniji promoteri „nezavisnosti“ Kosmeta. Cilj koji se ovim radom želi postići jeste ukazivanje na sve nedoslednosti u međunarodnoj politici u vremenskom periodu od početka devedesetih pa sve do jednostranog proglašenja „nezavisnosti“ Kosova i Metohije 2008. godine.
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Fafet, Charlotte, and Erinë Mulolli Zajmi. "Qualitative Fire Vulnerability Assessments for Museums and Their Collections: A Case Study from Kosovo." Fire 4, no. 1 (March 10, 2021): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/fire4010011.
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Fires are among the most frequently recurring hazards affecting museums and cultural heritage sites. The fires of the National Museum of Brazil in 2018 and of Notre Dame de Paris in 2019 showed that the consequences of such events can be heavy and lead to irreversible heritage losses. In Kosovo, few studies were made about the risks that can affect cultural heritage sites. A project led by the NGO Kosovo Foundation for Cultural Heritage without Borders (CHwB Kosova) in 2018 explored the most prevalent risks for the cultural heritage sites of the country and highlighted fire as a predominant risk in Kosovo. In order to better understand it, vulnerability assessments were conducted in several museums in Kosovo. Data were collected through field visits in the different museums, in which interviews with staff members as well as observations were conducted. The aim of this paper is to present the main results of the fire vulnerability assessments conducted in Kosovo’s museums in 2018. An important aspect of this project is the approach to collect information in data-scarce environments. It is believed that the questionnaires used to lead interviews with museums’ staff members could help other practitioners to collect data in such contexts and evaluate more easily the risk of fire for the museums and their collections. In the context of Kosovo, one of the main findings is the identification and prioritisation of measures to ensure better protection of Kosovar museums. Structural mitigation measures such as alarm and fire suppression systems are not the only elements necessary to improve the resilience of Kosovar museums to fire. Indeed, the promotion of risk awareness, the training of staff members and the realisation of crisis simulation exercises are just as important in order to prevent and detect a fire, and above all, to respond quickly and accurately if a fire occurs.
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Përzhita, Luan. "Disa qendra të periudhës mesjetare në Fushë-Kosovë (Kosovë) / Some Centres of medieval Period in Fushë-Kosova (Kosovë)." Iliria 41, no. 1 (2017): 417–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/iliri.2017.2538.
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Abdullahu, Gent, and Ejup Fejza. "After - Sales Service and Pricing as Determinants on Consumer Buying Decision in Automotive Industry Case Study: Porsche Kosova." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 9, no. 2 (March 10, 2020): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2020-0021.
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The automotive industry is considered one of the most positive industries in global technological development. Various manufacturers have built and developed automobiles not only to improve the transportation system but also to encourage environmental protection to the full automation of the transportation system. Kosovo doesn’t have any production in automotive industry, but the trading of vehicles is growing every day more and more, where the buying decision is mostly taken by the price of the vehicle and after-sales services. Thus, the aim of this study is to analyze the role of after-sales services and pricing as determinants on consumer buying decision. For this purpose, we analyzed data gathered from Porsche Kosova sh.p.k., own internal research in Kosovo with 5870 customers over the years 2008-2019. Results show that beside pricing and after-sales services, there are other determinants which affect buyer decision making such are performance, life style, image and so on.
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Nimani, Arbenita Sylejmani. "How much space is given to women in local Kosovo newspapers competing for mayors?" European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 11, no. 1 (June 10, 2017): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v11i1.p89-92.
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The purpose of this paper is to identify the space that was given in the local newspapers to women that competed for mayors during the election campaign held on November 3, 2013, in Kosovo, and to see if the newspapers can be one of the factors that in this election there were fewer women that competed and that only one was elected. On November 3, 2013, the local elections were held for 37 municipal mayors in Kosovo. From 37 municipalities there were 206 man and 8 women Cand idates. In all municipalities only one woman was elected as a mayor of municipality. We are waiting for the new local elections that will be held on October 2017, and again there will be fewer than 3 % women who will compete. The methodology of this article is the content analysis. An analysis of the articles from three daily Kosovo newspapers was used, which are the most read, such as: Koha Ditore, Kosova Sot, and Zëri. The sample for the analysis included: the month of October, since on October 3rd the election campaign was officially started. In addition, it includes the first week and the last one of the month of October, 2013. From the analysis it is noticed that women who competed were given very little space in the newspapers. For example, the most widely read newspaper "Koha Ditore" during this period on the first page only mentioned 1 woman competing while men mentioned 42 times. With the very small number of women mentioned on the front page there is also the second most widely read newspaper in Kosovo, "Kosova Sot", which only once mentions a woman, while men are mentioned six times. The third most widely read newspaper, the "Zëri" newspaper, first page men mentioned 29 times while women 4 times. Considering the fact that patriarchal opinion prevails in Kosovar society, and when the newspapers do not give space to women who are competing, then it is conceivable that we have very few women to vote. Also, this tiny space given to women during the race implies that we have too few women competing because the biggest newspaper space would make women aware and stimulate them to compete, and of course we will have more women voted.
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Dervishaj, Shefqet Zeqir. "Change Management in Public Organizations in Kosovo." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 1, no. 3 (April 30, 2016): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v1i3.p147-157.
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One of the most difficult processes of Kosovo's postwar is the transformation of public organizations. These organizations have undergone radical changes and the process of transformation should be managed in order to be successful and to meet the needs of the market economy. Change has become a constant process for Kosovo public organizations that provide services to citizens and business organizations. Whether these changes are managed properly, then it is seen as a basis for a better performance of public organizations. Kosova after 1999 has undergone major changes in the social, economical, and political systems. Having this situation, public organizations have a great responsibility to the citizens and business organizations to provide services to adapt to the global trend of development and from which Kosova has been isolated. In this paper the focus will be on the impact of factors that affect the change process; how the process of change is developed; what are the barriers/obstacles that hinder the process of change; what are the benefits of the change; how much are managers in public organizations qualified to implement the process of change. Based on data collected from the field and from current practices, I will make their comparisons and draw conclusions about what factors influences the management changes and what are the barriers that will affect to increase efficiency and effectiveness in the organization gained from the data obtained in study. The data will be collected through questionnaires and findings obtained will help to come into a conclusion that these factors act as change management in public organizations in Kosovo.
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Bajcinovci, Bujar. "Environment Quality: Impact From Traffic, Power Plant and Land Morphology, a Case Study of Prishtina." Environmental and Climate Technologies 19, no. 1 (May 1, 2017): 65–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/rtuect-2017-0006.
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Abstract Environmental air pollution is a global health concern, a complex phenomenon which is directly reflected on public health, economic and human development. Environmental air pollution has been drastically multiplied, followed by the beginning of the new Millennia in Prishtina, the capital city of the Kosovo. The new millennium began as a crucial activity for the city of Prishtina in terms of demographic, human geography, social and economic phenomena. The presented study aims to determine prevalent traffic and land morphology composition attributes, which have influenced and continue to have environmental impact in the city of Prishtina. According to the conceptual findings from the empirical observations, the heavy city traffic and the land morphology structure, determine the urban air pollution level. Prishtina is generally polluted due to its geomorphic position in relation to the power plants Kosovo A, and Kosova B. The impact of the above cited factors, is even bigger when the dominant winds prevail through valley, which encompasses the city. The findings from this paper propose the necessity of careful driven urban solutions.
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Dalipi, Liridon, and Arben Sahiti. "Election Silence and Media in Kosovo." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta u Splitu 54, no. 4 (November 7, 2017): 939–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31141/zrpfs.2017.54.126.939.
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Izborni postupak je od temeljnog značaja za demokratsko društvo. Zemlje koje su u stanju osigurati pošteni postupak koji se temelji na vrijednostima i načelima, pravilima ponašanja i primjenjivim zakonima u stanju su izgraditi stabilne i pouzdane institucije. Uloga medija u ovom kontekstu od velike je važnosti radi osiguranja transparentnog i odgovornog ishoda. Zahvaljujući nedostacima u postojećim propisima, pitanje izborne šutnje postalo je goruće pitanje na Kosovu. Cilj ovog osvrta jest analiza statusa izborne šutnje kao specifičnog segmenta izbornog postupka posebno u slučaju Republike Kosova. Istraživanje je napravljeno korištenjem sekundarnih podataka iz postojeće literature, zakonskih propisa, sudskih odluka, sredstava informiranja i drugih relevantnih tijela na Kosovu.
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Behluli, B., M. Jahnke, J. K. West, and C. R. Youngs. "99 BIRTH OF THE FIRST BOVINE EMBRYO TRANSFER CALF IN THE REPUBLIC OF KOSOVA." Reproduction, Fertility and Development 29, no. 1 (2017): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/rdv29n1ab99.
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The objective of this applied field study was to assess the feasibility of successfully performing bovine embryo transfer in the Republic of Kosova—a feat that had not yet been accomplished in this newly independent (2008) eastern European country. Three Holstein heifers at the Iowa State University dairy farm were superovulated with a conventional descending dose regimen of FSH (Folltropin). Approximately 12 and 24 h after the observed onset of oestrus, heifers were inseminated with semen from a single Red Holstein bull. Embryos were non-surgically collected and washed in accordance with IETS procedures for sanitary handling of embryos. Embryos were cryopreserved for subsequent direct transfer. After obtaining an import permit from the Kosovo Food and Veterinary Agency, embryos were approved for export to the Republic of Kosova by the US Department of Agriculture, Animal Plant Health Inspection Service. Embryos were shipped via an express courier service. A total of 19 embryos were received in the Republic of Kosova. Recipients were monitored for signs of naturally occurring oestrus, and immediately before transfer, embryos were thawed by holding in air for 3 to 5 s followed by placement into a 37°C water bath for 25 to 30 s. The first-ever bovine embryo transfer calf in the Republic of Kosova was born July 6, 2015. A total of 9 calves were born from the 19 embryos transferred (47.4% embryo survival rate). Results of this applied field study show that bovine embryo transfer is feasible in the Republic of Kosova. Embryo transfer will be used to improve the quality of dairy cattle genetics in the Republic of Kosova and to subsequently increase the national supply of milk, decrease dependence on milk imports, and increase food security of the nation.
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Grgic, Borut, and Jana Urh. "Stimulating Kosovo." Connections: The Quarterly Journal 03, no. 3 (2004): 39–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.11610/connections.03.3.04.
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Bardos, Gordon N. "Containing Kosovo." Connections: The Quarterly Journal 03, no. 4 (2004): 21–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.11610/connections.03.4.03.
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Calic, Marie-Janine. "Kosovo 2004 / Kosovo 2004." Comparative Southeast European Studies 52, no. 7-9 (September 1, 2003): 341–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2003-527-904.
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Lupis, Vinicije B., and Elvis Shala. "O Petru Bogdaniju, don Luki Jeliću i hrvatsko-albanskim kulturnim kontaktima." Peristil 64, no. 1 (March 31, 2022): 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17685/peristil.64.2.
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U radu su autori obradili nekoliko dosad nedovoljno poznatih hrvatsko-albanskih kulturnih odnosa, sagledanih ponajviše kroz prizmu odnosa Dubrovnika s albanskim područjima i Kosovom. Kroz osobnost nadbiskupa Petra Bogdanija iz 17. stoljeća ukazalo se na kulturološki okvir bilježenja prvih rimskih natpisa u Skadru, ali i na novovjekovne i srednjovjekovne epigrafike na području Albanije i Kosova, s iznimno važnim natpisima iz crkve sv. Srđa i Bakha na Bojani.
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Kryeziu, Veli, and Shqipe Avdiu-Kryeziu. "Models of use of technology in elementary schools at Kosovo." International journal of health sciences 6, S1 (March 13, 2022): 1207–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.53730/ijhs.v6ns1.4766.
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There is relatively little research on the use of technology in contemporary teaching in our schools, therefore it is very important to explore this topic and to produce realistic results that reflect the use of technology in teaching in elementary schools in Kosovo. The topic of this research is going to be studied in terms of theory as well as in terms of practice. Regarding the theoretical aspect, various literature related to this issue will be analyzed and explored, respectively with the elementary school planning, the use of technology in teaching, curricula, laws, administrative instructions and regulations in force, whereas regarding the practical aspect, a special attention will be paid to the use of technology in contemporary teaching in Kosovo elementary schools, by analyzing the findings of the research that will be presented statistically in this study. Particular focus will be given to the use of technology in the curricular area society and environment. The research will be carried out through method, respectively qualitative methods. The teacher interviews will contain 5 questions. This research is expected to define the level of the use of technology in the curricular area society and environment in elementary schools of Kosova.
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Maciulewicz, Marzena Anna. "Newcomers and Locals. Invisible Boundaries Among Inhabitants of the Divided City in the Balkans." Colloquia Humanistica, no. 8 (November 27, 2019): 203–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/ch.2019.013.
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Newcomers and Locals. Invisible Boundaries Among Inhabitants of the Divided City in the BalkansResearch on divided cities in the Balkans focuses mostly on ethnic/national divisions. Is this perspective, however, truly viable and sufficient for the description of post-conflict cities in the Balkans? The question is posed not only because of the fact that every city is somehow divided or fragmented. More noteworthy, and not widely known, is the fact that the unstable structure of a city’s population is much more complex with its intergroup relations becoming much more complicated – a fact commonly disregarded due to the importance assigned to ethnic/national rifts which have dominated the narrative of the divided city. Underestimating the importance of other relations within society and the dynamics of a highly changeable social structure, one cannot uncover the actual nature of intergroup relations in a divided city.The main objective of this paper is to briefly present the state of contemporary inter- and intragroup relations in a divided city, with a special focus on inhabitants’ residential status. The article is based mainly on the case study of Mitrovica supplemented with references to other cities in the Balkans considered as divided. The paper is based on selected outcomes of qualitative and quantitative field research conducted in Mitrovica in 2017 and 2018 as well as results of other studies devoted mostly to Mitrovica but also to Mostar, Vukovar, Skopje and Sarajevo. Przybysze i miejscowi. Niewidoczne granice wśród mieszkańców podzielonego miasta na BałkanachBadania nad podzielonymi miastami na Bałkanach koncentrują się głównie na podziałach etnicznych/narodowych. Jednak, czy ta perspektywa jest odpowiednia i wystarczająca do opisania miast pokonfliktowych na Bałkanach? To pytanie nie wynika tylko z faktu, że każde miasto jest w jakiś sposób podzielone lub rozdrobnione. Bardziej istotny, a jednocześnie mniej znany jest fakt, że niestabilna struktura populacji tych miast jest znacznie bardziej złożona, a relacje międzygrupowe – znacznie bardziej skomplikowane, niż przedstawiają to dominujące narracje o podzielonych miastach przypisujące kluczowe znaczenie rozłamom etnicznym/narodowym. Tymczasem, nie doceniając znaczenia innego rodzaju relacji w społeczeństwie oraz dynamiki wysoce zmiennej struktury społecznej, nie można odkryć rzeczywistej natury relacji międzygrupowych w podzielonym mieście.Głównym celem artykułu jest przedstawienie współczesnego stanu między- i wewnątrzgrupowych relacji w podzielonym mieście, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem statusu mieszkańców Mitrowicy. Artykuł jest przede wszystkim studium przypadku miasta Mitrowica (Kosowo) uzupełnionym o odniesienia do innych podzielonych miast na Bałkanach. Artykuł opiera się na wybranych wynikach jakościowych i ilościowych badań terenowych przeprowadzonych w Mitrowicy w 2017 i 2018 roku, jak również na wynikach innych badań poświęconych głównie Mitrowicy, ale także Mostarowi, Vukovarowi, Skopje i Sarajewu.
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Boriqi, Dr Sc Gjon. "Geo-Regional Security and Transformation After the Balkan's Wars and Kosova Independence." ILIRIA International Review 4, no. 2 (February 8, 2016): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v4i2.40.
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During the '90-ies the wars in the former territories of what was called Yugoslavia marked the end of a century plenty of wars and local armed conflicts. More than 140 million people died because of wars in the XX century. The war of Kosova was the last one in that century. The beginning of the XXI century stressed the necessity for a new way of thinking nationally, regionally and globally. The Balkans were often considered as a gun powder territory. All the Balkans states, someone more and someone less, have problems with each other. History was and remained very passionate within the Balkan countries. The case of Kosova is possibly the most sensitive in all this framework. After the proclamation of independence on February 17 2008, the concerns were high within the region and a new question was questioned: would the map of the Balkan peninsula change again to form another "Kosovo"? This article would give some details about the geopolitical situation in the Balkans focusing on Kosova and would try to establish e new way of making politics and diplomacy though deterrence and not offence. We will try to overpass history but without neglecting it, but by learning from its mistakes in order to bring a better Peace-Building aspect for the Balkan region.
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Knežević, Sanja. "Utopijska ideja obnove svijeta u putopisu »Simfonije Jadrana, Italije, Pariza i Londona« Josipa Kosora." Nova prisutnost XIX, no. 2 (July 16, 2021): 405–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31192/np.19.2.12.
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U radu se interpretira putopis »Simfonije Jadrana, Italije, Pariza i Londona« Josipa Kosora u ključu avangardne utopijske ideje obnove svijeta. Kosorov »transcendentni utopizam« (Oraić Tolić) interpretirat će se na primjeru specifičnoga, hibridnog putopisnog žanra i to interpretacijskim čitanjem dominanti koje uvjetuju njegovu utopijsku misao – estetika (pejzaž), duhovnost (umjetnost), moral (sloboda). Interpretacijom se u tom smislu želi dokazati da je Josip Kosor već na izmaku avangardno-ekspresionističkih strujanja u hrvatskoj književnosti ostao vjeran utopijskoj ideji o obnovi svijeta.
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Cobanov, Goran. "Kosovo." osteuropa recht 62, no. 1 (2016): 45–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0030-6444-2016-1-45.
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Chiclet, Christophe. "Kosovo." Confluences Méditerranée N°67, no. 4 (2008): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/come.067.0105.
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Coulehan, Jack. "Kosovo." Lancet 355, no. 9217 (May 2000): 1808. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(00)02312-6.
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Wayman, Tom. "Kosovo." Iowa Review 32, no. 2 (October 2002): 145–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17077/0021-065x.5565.
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Shala, Sabiha. "Kosovo." East European Yearbook on Human Rights 3, no. 1 (December 2020): 74–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5553/eeyhr/258977642020003001005.
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Jureković, Predrag. "Kroatiens Kosovo-Politik / Croatia’s Kosovo Policy." Comparative Southeast European Studies 56, no. 3 (March 1, 2008): 429–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2008-560314.
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Subotic, Momcilo. "„NON-PEJPERI“ O STATUSU KOSOVA I METOHIJE." Politička revija 68, no. 2/2021 (August 16, 2021): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/pr.6822021.2.
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Ova tema je od velikog naučnog i društvenog značaja, pogotovo imajući u vidu šta Kosovo i Metohija znači za srpsku samosvest i nacionalni, kulturni i državno-politički identitet. U radu su prezentovane i analizirane aktuelne anonimne diplomatske i političke poruke koje u obliku „non-pejpera“ nude rešenja za prevazilaženje kosmetskog problema. Ovakvi dokumenti prisutni su i u Republici Srpskoj i BiH. U fokusu analize našlo se nekoliko dokumenata za koje se veruje da su zapadnog porekla, i jedan „non-pejper“ kojem se pripisuje ruski pečat. Inače, ovi tzv. probni baloni mogli su doći i iz samog Beograda, kao pokušaj da se kosmetski problem sagleda u drugačijem svetlu. Kad su u pitanju planovi koji dolaze sa Zapada, autor smatra da se tu ne radi o rešenjima koja Srbima idu u korist, već o zaobilaznom pokušaju da se odustane od Rezolucije SB UN 1244 i Dejtonskog sporazuma. U tekstu je prezentovana politika aktuelne vlasti prema kosmetskom pitanju; zanemarivanje Rezolucije 1244, koja jemči suverenitet i teritorijalni integritet Srbije na Kosovu i Metohiji, i ukazano na nekoliko desetina sporazuma, prevashodno Briselski i Vašingtonski, kojima su parče po parče suvereniteta Srbije preneli na tzv. Kosovo. Da bi se dokazala vrednost i domet Rezolucije 1244, po kojoj je KiM neotuđivi deo Srbije, kao što je to zapisano i u Ustavu Srbije, u radu su prikazani istraživački rezultati nekih veoma kompetentnih srpskih autora u ovoj oblasti.
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Dalipi, Liridon, Mejdi Bektashi, and Arben Sahiti. "Independence of Independent Institutions: The Case of Independent Media Commission (IMC) in Kosovo." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 2, no. 4 (December 1, 2016): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v2i4.p41-45.
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This paper addresses the issue of independent institutions in Kosovo that are constitutional category, their operation and role within the state, problems and challenges that arise especially in those areas that the issue of regulation is very sensitive. The key focus in this study is IMC. This paper contains analysis of political influence on financing and appointment in decision making bodies. Furthermore, it includes analysis of the political independence from industry. These issues will be addressed according to the guidelines and recommendations of the European Union compared with domestic legislation and various European practices. This study has been done using secondary data, and it concludes that Independent Institutions in Kosova are not immune from the political and industry influences, and it provides some recommendations on how to avoid such influences.