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1

Li, Haimo. "Robert Putnam's Irving Kristol Turn." Reviews in American History 50, no. 3 (2022): 317–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2022.0033.

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2

Kukavica, Sebastian A. "Američka neokonzervativna književna kritika: Irving Kristol i Norman Podhoretz." Umjetnost riječi 68, no. 1 (2024): 65–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.22210/ur.2024.068.1/04.

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Neokonzervativizam valja shvatiti kao oblik američke konzervativne ideologije; kao specifični projekt političke filozofije kojim se nastoji prevladati percipirani stadij nihilizma Sjedinjenih Američkih Država nakon 1968; kao metapolitički projekt osvajanja političke hegemonije prethodnim osvajanjem kulturne hegemonije; te kao specifičnu retoriku restauracije velike pripovijesti američke iznimnosti. Kao matrica središnjih pojmova neokonzervativizma razotkriva se politički mit o dekadenciji. Neokonzervativna književna kritika nastaje iz temeljne metapolitičke postavke da se jedino uspostavom kul
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3

Schaefer, David Lewis. "Irving Kristol, The Neoconservative Persuasion: Selected Essays, 1942–2009." Society 49, no. 1 (2011): 104–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12115-011-9508-6.

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4

Moll Neto, Roberto. "O Neoconservadorismo nos Estados Unidos da América: as ideias de Irving Kristol e a experiência política no governo Ronald Reagan (1981 - 1989)." Revista de História, no. 180 (March 25, 2021): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2316-9141.rh.2021.167180.

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O neoconservadorismo é um fenômeno. No final dos anos 1960, os Estados Unidos da América (EUA) e o mundo deram os primeiros passos rumo a uma crise sistêmica, persistente e generalizada. Neste contexto, Irving Kristol e um grupo de intelectuais começaram a gestar um conjunto de ideias para solucionar os dilemas que a crise impôs aos EUA. No início dos anos 1970, Kristol e seus colegas conformaram uma percepção de mundo madura, o neoconservadorismo. Logo, ficaram conhecidos como neoconservadores ou necons. Poucos anos depois, os neocons e o neoconservadorismo chegaram ao governo de Ronald Reaga
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5

ffytche, Matt. "Freud and the Neocons: The Narrative of a Political Encounter from 1949–2000." Psychoanalysis and History 15, no. 1 (2013): 5–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/pah.2013.0120.

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This article examines the impact of Freud on conservative liberal intellectuals in America particularly during the Cold War. It argues that, compared with studies of the ‘radical’ or left-wing assimilations of psychoanalysis, the Freud of the political Right has been relatively neglected. It concentrates on three figures in particular – Irving Kristol, Norman Podhoretz and Leo Strauss, all of whom were a major influence on the formation of American neoconservatism, and ultimately on the Bush administration at the time of the War on Terror. The article also examines the role of Lionel Trilling
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6

Valle, Maria Ribeiro do. "Matizes do pensamento político norte-americano na virada conservadora de 1970." Caderno CRH 23, no. 59 (2010): 369–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0103-49792010000200011.

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Este artigo examina de que forma o revigoramento da excepcional experiência histórica americana aparece como solução para alguns dos principais neoconservadores, sendo emblemáticos Nathan Glazer e Irving Kristol, frente à "queda" do império americano, que tem início nos anos 1960 e 1970, depois de sua ascensão no período da Guerra Fria, os chamados 25 anos gloriosos. Constatamos que a argumentação desses autores está enraizada na retomada da retórica reacionária como antídoto à decadência da virtude americana supostamente provocada pelo comunismo, pelo movimento da contracultura e pelo alegado
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7

Schreier, Benjamin. "Literary-Historical Zionism: Irving Kristol, Alexander Portnoy, and the State of the Jews." Contemporary Literature 55, no. 4 (2014): 760–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cli.2014.0033.

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8

Rothman, Stanley, and S. Robert Lichter. "Personality, Ideology and World View: A Comparison of Media and Business Elites." British Journal of Political Science 15, no. 1 (1985): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400004051.

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For some time we have been engaged in a large scale study of various leadership strata in the United States. Our goal is to clarify similarities and differences in background, ideology and personality among members of such strata. We are also interested in the relationship between these variables and the manner in which members of different leadership groups perceive ‘reality’. This article reports preliminary findings on two groups – leading business executives and top level journalists. Our work has been partly informed by hypotheses developed by social scientists as diverse as Max Weber, Ha
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9

Glazer, Nathan. "In Memoriam: Daniel BELL (1919-2011)." Tocqueville Review 32, no. 1 (2011): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.32.1.5.

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Daniel Bell, the distinguished and influential American sociologist and social theorist, died at the age of 91 years in January, 2011. Bell had an amazingly wide range of interests and knowledge. While he could be called a sociologist—he had served as a professor of sociology at Columbia University, and then as Henry Ford II Professor of Sociology at Harvard University—his academic life came after a long and varied career in serious journalism, as managing editor of the socialist weekly The New Leader, as editor of Common Sense, and as an editor and writer on the American business magazine For
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10

Terpstra, Marin. "De strijd tegen de geest van de moderniteit." Religie & Samenleving 9, no. 1 (2014): 62–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.54195/rs.12624.

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According to Samuel Huntington, conservatism is the opposite of radicalism. In this article, I try to review this claim by analysing three main (neo)conservative thinkers: Carl Schmitt, Leo Strauss and Irving Kristol. I show that not only (neo)conservatism is infected by its opposite, in becoming the more or less radical adversary of radicalism, but it is the awareness of the radicality of the formation of social and political order itself – the consciousness of the very roots or foundations of order. In this respect, (neo)conservatism and what is commonly called radicalism, are both the anti-
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11

Sarias Rodriguez, David. "Race and the Early American Conservative Movement (1955-1970)." Res Publica. Revista de Historia de las Ideas Políticas 24, no. 2 (2021): 223–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/rpub.71020.

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From its inception with the first number of the magazine of opinion National Review and up to the advent of the Presidency of Richard Nixon the early American conservative movement struggled with the rising tide of civil rights protest and reform. This article examines the correspondence and published primary sources penned by leading members of the American conservative movement so as to offer a comprehensive, chronologically ordered assessment of the evolution of the views on racial inequality offered by the key constituent ideological subcommunities within the American conservative movement
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12

Hurley, Brian. "On the Aesthetics and Politics of Neoconservatism in Postwar Japan and America." Comparative Literature Studies 61, no. 1 (2024): 93–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/complitstudies.61.1.0093.

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ABSTRACT This article explores the aesthetic and political dimensions of neoconservative thought in postwar Japan and America. Although neoconservatism today is most often associated with hawkish foreign policy positions and the mythos of American hegemony, it first emerged in the realm of 1960s and post-1960s cultural criticism, much of which was composed by right-of-center literary intellectuals in particular. This article explores how in that earlier context, one of the most distinctive models for answering the cultural questions that motivated the emergence of neoconservatism as an article
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13

Hageman, Amy M., Vicky Arnold, and Steve G. Sutton. "Starving the Beast: Using Tax Policy and Governmental Budgeting to Drive Social Policy." Accounting and the Public Interest 9, no. 1 (2009): 10–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/api.2009.9.1.10.

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ABSTRACT: This study explores the philosophical and theoretical bases underlying U.S. tax and social policy for over 25 years in order to develop a comprehensive framework from which to evaluate the intended and actual effects on wealth distribution and social policy overall. The framework provides a basis for understanding the overarching social agenda of neoconservative leadership as it advocates what has become known as Starve the Beast (STB). The STB strategy focuses on altering taxation structures in order to facilitate desired reallocations in government budgets to effect change in socia
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14

Seabury, Paul. "Marxism-Leninism and its Strategic Implications for the United States." Social Philosophy and Policy 3, no. 1 (1985): 192–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500000236.

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My central concern in this paper is with the implications of Marxist-Leninist ideology for Western defense policy and for United States strategic policy in particular. However, this is an extremely complex issue, and consideration of it will lead me to examine the ways in which ideas are related to interests, interests to strategy, and strategy to actions.II begin with an important observation: Americans in general, and for various reasons, have not taken Marxism-Leninism seriously for a long time. This is true even of many experts who consider the Soviet challenge to be very serious, affectin
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15

Fisher, Christopher M. "A Review of: “Talk About Sex: The Battles Over Sex Education in the United States. By Janice Irvine. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2002, 271 pages. Softcover, $16.95. When Sex Goes to School: Warring Views on Sex—and Sex Education—Since the Sixties. By Kristin Luker.”." Journal of Sex Research 44, no. 4 (2007): 398–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00224490701629555.

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16

Ivoš, Erma. "Irving Kristol — svjetovni teolog kapitalizma." Papers on Philosophy, Psychology, Sociology and Pedagogy 26, no. 3 (2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/radovifpsp.2446.

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In Irving Kristol, the professor and publicist who coined the prefix »neo« and the creator of the sintagm neo-conservatism, American neoconservatism of the eighties has found its political ideologue. In his last book, Two Cheers for Capitalism, which is the immediate occassion of this analysis, he expresses his concern for the fate of American democracy and the capitalist system in USA. The onslaught of egalitarians and the demand for a democracy without bounds, has produced a cultural, followed by an economic crisis, which brings about the loss of the political, economic and moral legitimacy
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17

Valle, Maria Ribeiro do. "MATIZES DO PENSAMENTO POLÍTICO NORTE-AMERICANO NA VIRADA CONSERVADORA DE 1970." Caderno CRH 23, no. 59 (2010). http://dx.doi.org/10.9771/ccrh.v23i59.19018.

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Este artigo examina de que forma o revigoramento da excepcional experiência histórica americana aparece como solução para alguns dos principais neoconservadores, sendo emblemáticos Nathan Glazer e Irving Kristol, frente à “queda” do império americano, que tem início nos anos 1960 e 1970, depois de sua ascensão no período da Guerra Fria, os chamados 25 anos gloriosos. Constatamos que a argumentação desses autores está enraizada na retomada da retórica reacionária como antídoto à decadência da virtude americana supostamente provocada pelo comunismo, pelo movimento da contracultura e pelo alegado
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18

Hamburger, Jacob, and Daniel Steinmetz-Jenkins. "Why did neoconservatives join forces with neoliberals? Irving Kristol from critic to ally of free-market economics." Global Intellectual History, January 9, 2018, 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23801883.2018.1423740.

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19

Mándi, Tibor. "Ideology and Tradition: An Epistemological View of Neoconservatism." World Political Science Review 10, no. 1 (2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2014-0007.

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AbstractThe paper aims to give an account of the emergence of American neoconservatism, approaching its subject from a theoretical point of view. Its main thesis is that the defining difference between neoconservatism and older, more traditional kinds of conservatism can be found in their relation to political knowledge. While traditional conservatism completely rejects a rationalist-ideological approach to political knowledge, accepting only tradition as a guide to political action, neoconservatism holds that among the circumstances of modern politics, especially in the US, relying on abstrac
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20

Musgrove, Brian Michael. "Recovering Public Memory: Politics, Aesthetics and Contempt." M/C Journal 11, no. 6 (2008). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.108.

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1. Guy Debord in the Land of the Long WeekendIt’s the weekend – leisure time. It’s the interlude when, Guy Debord contends, the proletarian is briefly free of the “total contempt so clearly built into every aspect of the organization and management of production” in commodity capitalism; when workers are temporarily “treated like grown-ups, with a great show of solicitude and politeness, in their new role as consumers.” But this patronising show turns out to be another form of subjection to the diktats of “political economy”: “the totality of human existence falls under the regime of the ‘perf
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21

"Language learning." Language Teaching 38, no. 4 (2005): 194–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261444805223145.

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05–396Altenberg, Evelyn P. (Hofstra U, USA; sphepa@hofstra.edu), The perception of word boundaries in a second language. Second Language Research (London, UK) 21.4 (2005), 325–358.05–397Baker, Wendy (Brigham Young U, USA) & Pavel Trofimovich, Interaction of native- and second-language vowel system(s) in early and late bilinguals. Language and Speech (Twickenham, UK) 48.1 (2005), 1–27.05–398Bardovi-Harlig, Kathleen (Indiana U, USA; bardovi@indiana.edu) & Robert Griffin, L2 pragmatic awareness: evidence from the ESL classroom. System (Amsterdam, the Netherlands) 33.3 (2005), 401–415.05–3
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