Academic literature on the topic 'Kritisk diskursanalys. Integration'

The aim of this study was to seek an understanding of how media presents integration within the market of labour, with focus on problems and its causes, after the refugee crisis in 2015. Our approach has been the analyzing of 24 discussion articles from three different newspapers which are; Aftonbladet, Svenska Dagbladet and Dagens Nyheter.   Our study is a qualitative document study and we have used Fairclough’s three-dimensional model to analyze our empirical material. Our focus has been to analyze the language in the articles, the context of the texts and how that can influence or change the social practice. To analyze the articles, we have used various color codes, which have made it easier to split the articles in different themes. Furthermore, we have applied Søren Barlebo Wenneberg’s version of the social construction theory. He chose to divide the theory in four different pieces, whereas we have chosen the one we thought would contribute most with a deeper understanding to our study. Finally, we have used relevant literature as well as the notion of stigma by Erving Goffman.   We found that, among other things, politicians are pushing for many reforms that is lacking in society, such as lower wages regarding the employment of refugees or more combinations of jobs and education. Their approach has been to convey this to the public through the media. The results also showed that throughout the articles seldom were refugees who spoke. Something that dominated the media was the response of different politicians, experts or professionals about the failed integration. Their response was almost always about more or less education, as well as low-paid jobs and which one that was the best option, depending on the opinion of the author.

Med hjälp av en kritisk diskursanalys ämnar vi åt att analysera de tre största partiernas diskurs om integration efter flyktingkrisen 2015 och även problempresentationer som förekommer i diskursen. Vårt tillvägagångssätt har varit att analysera 4 debattprotokoll som behandlar fenomenet integration. Debattprotokollen avhandlar civilsamhällets betydelse för integration, frågor gällande etablering och mottagning av de nyanlända invandrare samt samhällsorientering och samhällsinformation. Vid analys av utvalda debattprotokoll, har vi valt att implementera Carol Lee Bacchis analysmetod, What’s the problem represented to be? och Faircloughs tredimensionella modell. Vårt fokus har varit partiernas diskurs och framställning av problem samt antagande bakom diskursen. Vidare använder vi studiens teoretiska ramverk som ett komplement för analysens resultat och forskningsfrågor.I studiens huvudsakliga slutsats kom vi fram till att både Socialdemokraterna och Moderaterna främjar mångfald i samhället jämfört med Sverigedemokraterna som var emot idén om mångfald och istället främjar assimilering. Vi kom även fram till att det finns fler skillnader än likheter mellan de tre partiernas problemrepresentation. Slutligen visar studiens slutsats att diskursen om integration tyder på att nyanländas förmåga och kunskap inte anses vara i samma nivå som svenskarna i samhället. Detta resulterar i förekommer en diskriminering gentemot den gruppen.

The issue of civic integration and requirements for citizenship has been a far-reaching debate that has taken place in the Swedish political context for several years. From the Liberals’ pioneering proposal for a language test for immigrants in 2002, the issue has 19 years later moved towards an increasing consensus that today finds majority support in the Swedish parliament. Although the proposal seems to contribute to greater integration, there are many critical approaches to analyse. The question that arises is whether these types of proposals, through their discursive design, create conditions that actually support integration or instead induce discrimination and exclusion of certain groups. The purpose of this thesis is twofold. One aim is to critically examine and analyse the political proposal on language- and civic knowledge for Swedish citizenship by looking at government documents and motions from Sweden's opposition parties. The thesis examines whether racist discourses are reproduced or maintained by analysing the proposal to review further how it is legitimised. The secondary purpose will be to problematise how such a proposal can affect the right to citizenship based on the risks of discrimination and exclusion. This is done by guidance from Fairclough's three- dimensional model, whose method allows to examine the textual structure, the discursive and social practice of the given material. The theoretical framework evolved from theories that sufficiently understand how civic requirements can be understood based on different exclusion mechanisms. The essay concludes that the proposal raises issues of human rights, that the state legitimises the proposal through discursive means and that there are tendencies that reproduce racist discourses.

Sverige står idag inför en omstrukturering av arbetsmarknaden, bland annat för att de tidigare storföretagen, som mycket av svensk tillväxt och sysselsättning berott av, nu i större utsträckning läggs ner eller flyttar utomland. En sådan omstrukturering innebär i sin tur att allt större vikt och tilltro sätts till att småföretag ska bära den svenska ekonomiska tillväxten och sysselsättningen. Invandrare utgör en stor del av småföretagarna och det är dem som ligger i fokus i detta arbete när jag studerar riksdag och regerings syn på invandrarföretagare.

Debatten kring ”invandrarföretag” har karakteriserats av såväl positiva som negativa förklaringsmodeller. Exempelvis har invandrarföretagares nyskapande och företagsamhet berömts och sådana rörelser har uppmuntrats. Eget företagande har ibland även presenterats som ett alternativ för personer med utländsk bakgrund som har svårt att få fotfäste på arbetsmarknaden. Jag kommer att med hjälp av kritisk diskursanalys genomföra en analys av riksdag och regerings sätt att tala om invandrarföretagare.

Today, Sweden is to be regarded as a country formed by the influences and effects of immigration. The government is considering integration as a process aimed to influent all forms of welfare politics and as a project working both at an individual and at a social level. The aims of integration policies are to guarantee equal rights and opportunities, to form a public community characterized by diversity, and to mobilize all citizens to participate in and to be jointly responsible for a social development characterized by mutual respect and tolerance. During the Swedish election campaign of 2002, integration policies became one of the most reported and discussed political questions in the media.

The aim of this essay is to study and analyze discursive statements on integration policies made by politicians during this election campaign. The method applied for this task is critical discourse analysis. The empirical ground consists of currently relevant political documents together with articles from Sweden’s four largest daily newspapers. The theoretical framework consists of knowledge of social constructivism, philosophy of language, democracy, Governmentality, media and postcolonialism together with knowledge of fields of tension within the field of integration policies itself.

In this essay, the conclusion of integration policies is that it ought to be looked upon as a project of normalization. In this project, a subject of integration policies is constituted and made conscious of its unlikeness; objectives of a good life are formulated and a career for succeeding with the objectives is ascribed to the subject; and relations between the subject and other operators are being disciplined.

This research aims to relate the modern Swedish curriculum development to the political discourses liberalization and European integration through a critical discourse analysis of the Swedish curriculum Gy2011. These political discourses constitute the cultural context of Gy2011, which according to critical discourse theory is synonymous with the terms social sphere or praxis. The term cultural context includes the environment in which the text has been created as well as its intertextuality – in this case its relations to earlier curricula. The analysis of Gy2011 exhumes scientific research done in the field of curriculum studies, which enables future research. The Gy2011 analysis shows that the political discourses liberalization and European integration stands out within the texts cultural context, and have done so for more than 70 years, a fact that is illustrated by an overview of Swedish curricula history. This research also illuminates how the liberalization discourse accelerated during the 1980’s, by both social democrats and the political right, and that the European integration process has gained momentum in recent years.

This thesis is a qualitative study of a new law that was applied in December 2010. The law is called Lagen om etableringsinsatser för vissa nyanlända invandrare, and is meant to help newly arrived immigrants that come to Sweden to establish themselves in the Swedish society. The aim of the study is to see what discourses the Swedish government produces as a result of this new law. Interesting for the study is to see what happens in the implementation stage at a local level, in this case in the municipality of Örnsköldsvik. Theoretically and methodologically I emanate from critical discourse theory and institutional theory. Previous research about the production of knowledge and power that originate from a post colonial theory is central throughout the study. The key findings are that the discourses that are being produced as a result of this new law build much on previous discourses within the field of integration policy. The main discourses that are being produced and reproduced are a care providing discourse, a market discourse and a state controlling discourse. A momentous problem is however the presumption of “Us and Them” which is connected to institutional structures and leads to an unequal power relationship.
Maria Strandberg

This essay is about integration's discourses in newspapers. It compares four different newspapers with each other and it compares them also in a time perspective. The four different newspapers that the essay compares are Aftonbladet, Svenska Dagbladet, Dagens Nyheter and Expressen. These are Swedish newspapers and they are distributed all over the country. The time perspective is a two months period, one month in the year 1994 and one month in the year 2002. In my essay I have used a method called critical discourse analysis to interpret the newspapers.

When I have analyst the articles of the newspapers, this is what I found. The integration discourses in the different newspapers defines integration as something an immigrant has to go through in order to become a member of the Swedish society. In the newspapers there is also different dimensions of this integration's discourse. Work and language is pointed out as important in the process of integration. Sometimes, especially in the material from 2002, the newspapers write that language is more important then work, or that work is more important than language. These sides are really different politics sides. The left politics favours work and the right politics favours language. The different newspaper choose sometimes to let some politics argue for their side, and sometimes the newspapers only let one political side argue. From that I can say that newspapers Aftonbladet and Svenska Dagbladet are more to the left, while the others Dagens Nyheter and Expressen are more to the right. Both in the year 1994 and in the year 2002 the articles it's against that times integration's politic and offer solutions so that the Swedish society, can have a better integration's politic.

I samtalet om IS-återvändare, vem får komma till tals? Finns det ett mönster och hur gestaltas IS-återvändarna själva, får de stå till svars för sina handlingar? Eller är det den vita politikern som får prata om den Andre återigen? Med en kvalitativ undersökning av 20 utvalda artiklar från år 2019, i danska kvällstidningen B.T. samt den svenska motsvarigheten Expressen, ska denna studie ta reda på vem som får uttrycka sig och hur gruppen IS-återvändare samt deras återvändande gestaltats i medierna. Metoden visar att det främst är politiker som får komma till tals samt uttrycka sig angående IS-återvändare i dessa artiklar, samtidigt som IS-återvändare själva nästintill aldrig kommer till tals. Detta går i linje med postkoloniala teorier, som understryker att detta reproducerar ett vi och dem i samhället. Genom den kritiska diskursanalys och bildanalys som gjorts, syns det en tydlig gemensam diskurs i de båda medierna. I denna studie beskriver vi en skulddiskurs, där IS-återvändarna kontinuerligt porträtteras som skyldiga, med eller utan dom samt i rätt att bestraffas. Slutsatsen blir därmed att gestaltandet av IS-återvändarna och återvändandet följer ett eurocentriskt perspektiv samt (stereo)typifierar, vilket i sin tur skulle kunna ge negativa effekter på individ- och samhällsnivå. Studien visar att IS-återvändarna aldrig hör hemma i de nordiska länderna, då de gör svenskhet och danskhet fel. Människorna som rapporteras vara återvändare eller resenärer får aldrig vara individer. Detta eftersom de aldrig får komma till tals och inte heller beskrivs med en gedigen bakgrund. Istället får dessa människor endast vara en del i en större nationell politisk kontext, i Danmark och Sverige.

The aim of the study is to examine how identity constructions and categorizations affecting individuals that are learning a second language are created in political documents in Sweden. Furthermore, the study inquires the paradoxical dilemma which occurs between the keyword integration which characterizes the discourse of Swedish politics and the way individuals who acquire a second language are referred to and described in parliamentary motions, and which linguistic ideologies as well as epistemologies that are behind these statements. The critical discourse analysis, the ideology criticism and the syntactic analysis form the basis for this study together with a qualitative approach. Study results has shown how the authors of parliamentary motions categorize and attributes individuals who acquire a second language specific identity constructions. Categorizations were created with imaginary boundaries between the swede/the Swedish and the immigrant/minority group. Individuals who acquire a second language were assigned identity constructions as invandrare (immigrant) and flykting (refugees) and these identity constructs attributed specific characteristics. Overall, the identity construction that was given the immigrant was often based on characteristics such as lack of swedish knowledge, in the absence of moral qualities, in the absence of motivation and sense of responsibility, lack of parenting, different values and norms than Swedish. The second identity construction that was not explicitly expressed in the parliamentary motions but still was present in the form of the achievable identity contruction that immigrants should aim for, was the identity construction as the swede/the Swedish. The identity construction ’Swedish’ implied implicit qualities such as knowledge in the swedish language, the correct moral qualities, good parenting and the right values and the right normsystem. Furthermore, the syntactic analysis showed that parliamentary motions were written in a specific way that positioned the central subject first in the process, those subjects were often those that could be characterized as Swedish or having the task to make the minority group Swedish. For example the Swedish as a second language education, laguage (in this case the Swedish langage), We (as in We – the majority group) and a language- and social test for naturalization. Based on the analysis and the conclusion it becomes obvious that the parliamentary motions are written from an ideology perspective which relies on homogenism.