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Journal articles on the topic 'Ku Klux Klan (1915- )'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 31 July 2024

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1

LEWIS, GEORGE. "“An Amorphous Code”: The Ku Klux Klan and Un-Americanism, 1915–1965." Journal of American Studies 47, no. 4 (September 4, 2013): 971–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875813001357.

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On 1 June 1965, the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) announced that it would hold hearings into the Ku Klux Klan, fifty years after the organization had appeared before the House Rules Committee. Whereas the 1925 investigation allowed the Klan to continue to claim a “100% Americanism,” HUAC unequivocally declared the Klan of the 1960s to be entirely un-American. This essay seeks to explain that turnaround in the understanding of the Klan and its activities, on the one hand, and the contested ideas of un-Americanism and Americanism on the other. It is only within the context of that struggle over un-Americanism's evolving definition, it is argued, that the official decision of civil rights organizations such as COFO and SCLC – whose members had suffered personally from Klan violence – to oppose the proposed HUAC investigation of the Klan can be understood. Similarly, that ongoing contest explains how it was that, after almost three decades of investigating left-wing organizations that often included those fighting for greater civil rights, HUAC was finally moved to turn its attention to the right. Finally, this essay seeks to determine what it was, precisely, about the Klan in 1965 that was deemed “un-American” rather than simply criminal.

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2

Lennard, Katherine. "OLD PURPOSE, “NEW BODY”:THE BIRTH OF A NATION AND THE REVIVAL OF THE KU KLUX KLAN." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 14, no. 4 (October 2015): 616–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781415000444.

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When a recruiter for the Ku Klux Klan first arrived in Butte, Montana, in the summer of 1921, he placed an ad in the Butte Miner depicting a white-robed man astride a bucking horse. Borrowed from the publicity materials for D W. Griffith's groundbreaking film, The Birth of a Nation (1915), this image of a uniformed figure was a fixture of Klan propaganda. The advertisement faced two directions: it connected the newly formed Klan with its Reconstruction Era predecessor, while also demonstrating that the Klan imagined itself through the revisionist lens of Griffith's film and its textual inspiration, Thomas Dixon Jr.'s play and novel The Clansman (1905). The image of a white-robed Klansmen in the Butte Miner was thus a symbol of what Klan leaders and the popular media alike called the Klan's “revival,” the process through which the historical organization was brought to life in a new form.

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3

Lennard, Katherine J. "Brother Dixon: College Fraternities and the Ku Klux Klan." Journal of the Civil War Era 14, no. 1 (March 2024): 58–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwe.2024.a919854.

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Abstract: This essay argues that novelist Thomas Dixon Jr’s portrait of the Reconstruction Klan was heavily influenced by college fraternities, particularly the Kappa Alpha Order. Founded by Confederate veterans in 1865, Kappa Alpha fused ritualistic fraternalism with the myth of the Lost Cause. Dixon’s continued involvement with the Kappa Alpha Order, long after his college days, provided philosophical and aesthetic inspiration for his portrait of vigilante terrorists as white-robed Christian Knights. In his trilogy of Reconstruction novels— The Leopard’s Spots (1902) , The Clansman (1905), and The Traitor (1907)—Dixon seamlessly assimilated the iconography and culture of white college fraternities, thereby underscoring the power of these organizations as repositories for white supremacy and Confederate memory in the wake of the Civil War .

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4

Harrell, Sam. "“When Is a School Not a School?” Dr. Carrie Weaver Smith, Child Prisons, and the Limits of Reform in Progressive Era Texas." Social Sciences 13, no. 7 (July 22, 2024): 380. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci13070380.

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This archival study explores the life and work of Dr. Carrie Weaver Smith (1885–1942), a Progressive Era social worker and prison warden. Specifically, I explore the first phase of her career as a House Physician at the Virginia K. Johnson Home in Dallas, Texas (1911–1915) and as the first Superintendent of the Texas State Training School for Girls in Gainesville, Texas (1916–1925). Using archival research, I detail three conflicts that defined Dr. Smith’s superintendency: her fight to reclassify a youth prison as a school, her challenges to a Ku Klux Klan-dominated legislature, and her refusal to cede authority to a State Board of Control. Together, these conflicts led the Board to terminate Dr. Smith’s position, an outcome that would replay twice more before she retired from prisonwork. I argue that when most reformers made significant concessions, compromising their visions to maintain state funding and political allyship, Dr. Smith stood out for her record of refusal. And yet, like other reformers, she left Texas with the capacity to imprison more women and girls than ever before.

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5

McVeigh, Rory. "Structural Incentives for Conservative Mobilization: Power Devaluation and the Rise of the Ku Klux Klan, 1915-1925." Social Forces 77, no. 4 (June 1999): 1461. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3005883.

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McVeighn, R. "Structural Incentives for Conservative Mobilization: Power Devaluation and the Rise of the Ku Klux Klan, 1915-1925." Social Forces 77, no. 4 (June 1, 1999): 1461–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sf/77.4.1461.

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7

Mosquera Mápura, Santiago. "Historia, cine racista y supremacista en El nacimiento de una nación (The Birth of a Nation) de D.W. Griffith (1915)." Artificios. Revista colombiana de estudiantes de historia 18, no. 2 (January 30, 2021): 75–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.22380/2422118x.2085.

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El nacimiento de una nación ha sido una de las películas más importantes en la historia del cine. Con ella se desarrollaron varias técnicas cinematográficas que contribuyeron para que en la segunda década del siglo XX el cine adquiriera unas características más elaboradas. David Wark Griffith fue quien produjo y presentó ante el público estadounidense en 1915 este polémico filme. En él se expusieron una serie de prejuicios racistas propios de la cultura blanca de su época que, de igual forma, trascenderían a través de todo el siglo XX y llegarían hasta la actualidad. El nacimiento estuvo dirigida a un público blanco, protestante, clase media y, al menos potencialmente, simpatizante del grupo extremista Ku Klux Klan, sobre el que está basado buena parte la cinta. En cuanto al público afroamericano, este expresó de forma masiva su incomodidad ante una representación del negro que los degradaba política, histórica y moralmente. Este escrito tiene como propósito analizar esta obra que, según algunos autores, ha sido una de las más controversiales de la historia.

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8

Typhair, Dillon. "The Past is a Foreign Country They View Things Differently There: The Perception of “The Invisible Empire of the Ku Klux Klan” as a Benevolent Secret Society from 1915 to 1965." Arsenal: The Undergraduate Research Journal of Augusta University 3, no. 2 (May 4, 2020): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.21633/issn.2380.5064/s.2020.03.02.46.

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9

Seltzer, Rick, and Grace M. Lopes. "The Ku Klux Klan." Journal of Black Studies 17, no. 1 (September 1986): 91–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002193478601700107.

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HARRIS, HOWELL JOHN. "INTERWAR AMERICAN HISTORIES: LEFT, RIGHT, AND WRONG." Historical Journal 42, no. 1 (March 1999): 293–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x98008401.

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Purchasing power: consumer organizing, gender, and the Seattle labor movement, 1919–1929. By Dana Frank. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994. Pp. xii+349. ISBN 0-521-38367-6. £50.00. Paperback 0-521-46714-4. £16.95.New Deals: business, labor, and politics in America, 1920–1935. By Colin Gordon. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994. Pp. xii+329. ISBN 0-521-45122-1. £40.00. Paperback 0-521-45755-6. £15.95.The long war: the intellectual People's Front and anti-Stalinism, 1930–1940. By Judy Kutulas. Durham: Duke University Press, 1995. Pp. xiv+334. ISBN 0-8223-1526-2. $39.95 Paperback 0-8223-1524-6. £16.95.The invisible empire in the West: toward a new historical appraisal of the Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s. Ed. by Shawn Lay. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1992. Pp. 230. ISBN 0-252-01832-X. $32.50.‘We are all leaders’: the alternative unionism of the early 1930s. Ed. by Staughton Lynd. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1996. Pp. 343. ISBN 0-252-02243-2. $44.95 Paperback 0-252-06547-6. $17.95.Stalin's famine and Roosevelt's recognition of Russia. By M. Wayne Morris. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1994. Pp. ix+224. ISBN 0-8191-9379-8. $34.50.Building a democratic political order: reshaping American liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s. By David Plotke. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996. Pp. xi+388. ISBN 0-521-42059-8. £40.00.Forging new freedoms; nativism, education, and the constitution, 1917–1927. By William G. Ross. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1994. Pp. x+277. ISBN 0-8032-3900-9. $35.Liberals and communism: the ‘red decade’ revisited. By Frank A. Warren. New York: Columbia University Press, 1993; originally published 1966. Pp. xxiii+276. ISBN 0-231-08444-7. $45.00. Paperback 0-231-08445-5. $19.00.Frank, Lay et al., and Ross all deal with the aftermath of the United States's brief involvement in the First World War, and some of its enduring effects – political reaction with devastating results for the labour movement and progressive politics, brutalization of America's then-normal nativism, directed at members of the recent immigrant communities making up about a third of its population.

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11

Deavours, C. A. "A KU KLUX KLAN CIPHER." Cryptologia 13, no. 3 (July 1989): 210–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0161-118991863916.

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12

Lewis, Michael, and Jacqueline Serbu. "KOMMEMORATING THE KU KLUX KLAN." Sociological Quarterly 40, no. 1 (December 1998): 139–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1533-8525.1998.tb02015.x.

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13

Lewis, Michael, and Jacqueline Serbu. "Kommemorating the Ku Klux Klan." Sociological Quarterly 40, no. 1 (January 1999): 139–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1533-8525.1999.tb02361.x.

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14

Rodriquez, Alicia E. "“No Ku Klux Klan for Kern”." Southern California Quarterly 99, no. 1 (2017): 5–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/scq.2017.99.1.5.

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The Ku Klux Klan saw a rapid rise in Kern County, California, in 1921 but disintegrated in 1922. Local newspapers decried the Klan’s vigilante violence; a diligent district attorney pursued and prosecuted those involved; and the local press and the court cases revealed members’ identities. The ensuing backlash quickly neutralized the Klan in Kern County. The revealed identities enabled the author to profile local KKK adherents. The subsequent career paths of key members and their opponents confirm the shift of public opinion against the Klan despite its public relations efforts.

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15

DRABBLE, JOHN. "To Ensure Domestic Tranquility: The FBI, COINTELPRO-WHITE HATE and Political Discourse, 1964–1971." Journal of American Studies 38, no. 2 (August 2004): 297–328. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002187580400845x.

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Between September 1964 and April 1971, the Federal Bureau of Investigation conducted a domestic covert action program named COINTELPRO-WHITE HATE. This counterintelligence program endeavored to discredit, disrupt, and vitiate the Ku Klux Klan and other white supremacist vigilante organizations. While historians are quite familiar with the FBI's efforts to nurture anticommunism and to discredit civil rights and leftist movements, the FBI's role in discrediting KKK groups in the American South during the late 1960s has not been systematically assessed. This article provides an analysis of the first aspect of this three-pronged attack. It describes how the FBI secretly coordinated efforts to discredit Klan organizations before local Southern communities that continued to tolerate vigilante violence. Intelligence information on Klan activities, provided discretely by the FBI to liberal Southern journalists, politicians and other molders of public opinion, helped those white Southerners who were opposed to Ku Klux Klan activity to transform their private dismay into public rebuke and criminal prosecutions. The article also analyzes corresponding COINTELPRO operations that discredited Ku Klux Klan leaders before rank-and-file Klan members. FBI agents and their clandestine informants circulated discrediting information about KKK leaders among rank and file Klan members, inculcating disillusionment among Klansmen and prompting resignations from Klan organizations.

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16

Selifontova, Daria Yurievna, and Yaroslav Aleksandrovich Levin. "FBI and Ku Klux Klan: the main factors and features of countering extremism in the United States of the 1960s and 1970s." Samara Journal of Science 12, no. 1 (June 29, 2023): 192–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.55355/snv2023121211.

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The period of the 1960s and 1970s in the United States of America was saturated with rallies, murders and terror on racial grounds. The Ku Klux Klan, a national terrorist organization that has been reborn in the United States more than once, is most responsible for this. The national security of the United States was under threat, the FBI, the CIA and the government, interacting with each other, tried their best to stop such incidents. The paper examines the activities of the FBI, its director John Edgar Hoover, in the United States to counter the Ku Klux Klan from the moment of their third revival in 1960 to the end of the 1970s, when the activities of the Klan had already been discontinued: thanks to FBI agents who infiltrated the headquarters of the key figures of the Klan, which, in particular subsequently, for years were introduced into large groups of the Klan, it was possible to eliminate one of the largest problems that violated the security of citizens of the United States of America in this period of time. The paper also examines specifics of the interaction between the FBI and the government, which largely affected the activities of the former in the fight against the Ku Klux Klan, where the shift in emphasis of domestic policy and the confrontation between the cabinets untied the hands of the Klan members.

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17

Archer, Bill. "The Ku Klux Klan 1865-1997." Appalachian Heritage 25, no. 2 (1997): 32–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/aph.1997.0074.

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18

Bane, Tyler. "The Ku Klux Klan in New Jersey." New Jersey Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 10, no. 1 (January 26, 2024): 46–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.14713/njs.v10i1.352.

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An often overlooked aspect of New Jersey history is that of the Ku Klux Klan activities throughout the state during the 1920s. Driven by a resurgence of anti-immigration rhetoric, the diversity of urban centers, and the general fears of some white Protestant residents of New Jersey, the Klan targeted immigrants, participated in public demonstrations and parades, hosted social events, and attempted to intimidate Catholic politicians in particular. This paper will examine this aspect of New Jersey history by using underutilized sources like the George Moss Collection at Monmouth University’s Murry and Leonie Guggenheim Memorial Library. Hopefully, by understanding the influence the Klan had on local politics, the mistakes of the past can avoid being repeated.

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19

Pegram, Thomas R. "THE KU KLUX KLAN, LABOR, AND THE WHITE WORKING CLASS DURING THE 1920S." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 17, no. 2 (April 2018): 373–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781417000871.

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Historians usually consider the revived Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s to have been consistently opposed to labor unions and the aspirations of working-class people. The official outlook of the national Klan organization fits this characterization, but the interaction between grassroots Klan groups and pockets of white Protestant working-class Americans was more complex. Some left-wing critics of capitalism singled out the Klan as a legitimate if flawed platform on which to build white working-class unity at a time when unions were weak and other institutions demonstrated indifference to working-class interests. In industrial communities scattered across the Midwest, South, and West, white Protestant workers joined the Klan. In Akron, Ohio, the Klan helped to sustain white working-class community cohesion among alienated rubber workers. In Birmingham, Alabama, the Klan violently repressed mixed-race unions but joined with white Protestant workers in a political movement that enacted reforms beneficial to the white working class. But Klan attention to working-class interests was circumstantial and rigidly restricted by race, religion, and ethnicity. Ku Klux definitions of whiteness excluded from fellowship many immigrant and Catholic workers. Local Klans supported striking white Protestant workers when Catholic, immigrant, or black rivals were present, but acted, sometimes violently, against strikes that destabilized white Protestant communities. Ku Klux sympathies complicated urban socialist politics in the Midwest and disrupted the effectiveness and unity of the United Mine Workers. Lingering Klan sympathies among union workers document the power of reactionary popular movements to undermine working-class identity in favor of restrictive loyalties based on race, religion, and ethnicity.

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20

Murray, Aife. "The Ku Klux Klan at Home in Hillsdale." New Jersey Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 3, no. 2 (July 17, 2017): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.14713/njs.v3i2.87.

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In “The Ku Klux Klan at Home in Hillsdale,” author Aífe Murray travels to Bergen County to reckon with a dramatic set of events that occurred during her father’s Hillsdale youth when his family was attacked by the Second Ku Klux Klan; long-held by historians as this country’s most powerful far right movement. Through the author’s quest (including interviews with her father’s contemporaries on both sides of the Klan equation), she uncovers a Klan story that, in artifacts and acts, has been preserved within a larger, more common frame of America’s failure to come to terms with what occurred in the early 20th century. Within the long shadow of all-American terrorism, a tale is revealed of shifting power in the Pascack Valley with a local KKK populated by community leaders fearing changes that included Catholic encroachment. After the Klan’s demise, some victims, refusing to forget, kept the story alive while living beside their former terrorizers. The author notes that a mass movement of millions of otherwise ordinary white Protestants should be remembered not only for its legacy of terror (with which Americans continue to wrestle) but for how their fires forged an unintended consequence: subsequent storytellers, historians, and resistors like her father who made a life of civil rights activism.

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21

Boyle, Kevin. "When the Ku Klux Klan Ruled Detroit." Journal of Blacks in Higher Education, no. 47 (April 1, 2005): 100. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25073190.

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22

Lewis, Todd E., and Charles C. Alexander. "The Ku Klux Klan in the Southwest." Arkansas Historical Quarterly 55, no. 2 (1996): 231. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40030970.

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23

David Cunningham. "Truth, Reconciliation, and the Ku Klux Klan." Southern Cultures 14, no. 3 (2008): 68–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/scu.0.0018.

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24

Fehr, Russell MacKenzie. "Political Protestantism: The Detroit Citizens League and the Rise of the Ku Klux Klan." Journal of Urban History 45, no. 6 (August 22, 2018): 1153–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144218793646.

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This article considers the rise of the Ku Klux Klan as a political force in Detroit in the 1924 and 1925 elections. In the 1910s, the Detroit Citizens League had risen in Detroit politics through its practice of the rhetoric of political Protestantism, designed to mobilize Protestant laymen through religious appeals. In the 1920s, this style of politics backfired on the Citizens League: after spending years focusing on Detroit’s business elite, Protestants abandoned the Citizens League in droves when that organization backed a Catholic for mayor. By turning to the Ku Klux Klan, many Protestant voters found an organization making the appeals that they had backed a decade before and which was better at incorporating them than the Citizens League. Ultimately, the Citizens League’s response to the Klan was complicated both by reluctance to further alienate past supporters and by an inability to unite politically with past foes.

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Bukhori, Muhammad Faruq, and Arido Laksono. "Black Power Movement as Depicted in Blakkasman (2018) Movie." Culturalistics: Journal of Cultural, Literary, and Linguistic Studies 6, no. 1 (December 2, 2021): 35–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/culturalistics.v6i1.14875.

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America is a pluralistic country that often faces issues of racism and discrimination. This issue is often faced by African-Americans as one of the ethnic minorities. In this undergraduate thesis, I would like to analyze the Black Power Movement as depicted in the Blackkklansman movie using the sociology of literature approach by Abrams. Moreover, I also use an exponential approach to analyze the intrinsic elements in the movie. The result of the analysis shows that the Black Power movement occurs due to the white supremacy acts from the Ku Klux Klan members towards Blacks. As the result, the black community fought back by moving the masses of black people to carry out a revolutionary movement.Keywords: Blackkklansman; black power; discrimination; Ku Klux Klan; revolutionary movement

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26

de Carvalho Siqueira, Mayara, and Júlia Oliveira Muinhos. "O MASSACRE DE GREENSBORO: NAZISTAS, COMUNISTAS E KU KLUX KLAN NOS ESTADOS UNIDOS DA AMÉRICA (1979) - PARTE I." Revista do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro, no. 490 (December 1, 2022): 243–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.23927/issn.2526-1347.rihgb.2022(490):243-272.

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Em novembro de 1979, na cidade de Greensboro, na Carolina do Norte, manifestantes do Partido dos Trabalhadores Comunistas (Communist Workers’ Party - CWP) foram assassinados por membros do Ku Klux Klan (KKK) e do Partido Nazi Americano (American Nazi Party - ANP). Os homicídios aconteceram durante um protesto organizado pelo CWP em oposição à KKK e faziam parte de um contexto maior de oposição entre comunistas e trabalhadores negros, de um lado, e nazistas e supremacistas brancos, de outro. O massacre foi televisionado, gerando grande mobilização da população local, e ganhou notoriedade em todo o país. Décadas depois, em 2004, houve a instalação da Comissão da Verdade e Reconciliação de Greensboro (CVRG) para analisar os impactos desses fatos e fazer recomendações para sua reparação. A pesquisa foi iniciada na tentativa de compreender e analisar as nuances restaurativas da prática transicional de Greensboro. Contudo, ao tomarmos contato com a complexidade e a relevância dos fatos históricos, optamos por distribuir a pesquisa em diferentes artigos. Este é o primeiro destes trabalhos, propondo-se a compreender e contextualizar o massacre, apresentando as relações entre comunistas, nazistas, Ku Klux Klan e sindicatos que culminaram no evento de 03 de novembro de 1979. Para isso, partimos do seguinte problema de pesquisa: como o Partido Comunista dos Trabalhadores, o Partido Nazi Americano e a Ku Klux Klan estavam envolvidos no massacre de Greensboro?

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Shapiro, Herbert, and William D. Jenkins. "Steel Valley Klan: The Ku Klux Klan in Ohio's Mahoning Valley." American Historical Review 96, no. 5 (December 1991): 1629. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165457.

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Lay, Shawn, and William D. Jenkins. "Steel Valley Klan: The Ku Klux Klan in Ohio's Mahoning Valley." Journal of American History 78, no. 2 (September 1991): 715. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2079644.

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LENNARD, KATHERINE. "The Running Stitch." Journal of American Studies 52, no. 04 (November 2018): 893–912. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875818001330.

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This essay uses a quilt made from used Ku Klux Klan regalia to examine the complicated interpersonal relationships and internal ambivalence that have emerged in the process of the author's study of Klan material culture. Concerns about the relationship between preserving objects and preserving ideology emerge through the process of untangling the story of this enigmatic object.

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30

RICE, TOM. "“The True Story of the Ku Klux Klan”: Defining the Klan through Film." Journal of American Studies 42, no. 3 (December 2008): 471–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875808005537.

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In 1923 the Ku Klux Klan produced two films, The Toll of Justice and The Traitor Within. This article considers, for the first time, what the representation, promotion and exhibition of these films suggests about the ways in which the Klan sought to promote and define itself at the height of its power. It examines the cinematic articulations of Klan policies and explores the broader engagement of the Klan and cinema. In doing this, the article repositions film as a contributing factor in the growth and development of the modern Klan during the 1920s.

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Fryer, Roland G., and Steven D. Levitt. "Hatred and Profits: Under the Hood of the Ku Klux Klan*." Quarterly Journal of Economics 127, no. 4 (November 1, 2012): 1883–925. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/qje/qjs028.

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Abstract In this article, we analyze the 1920s Ku Klux Klan, those who joined it, and its social and political impact by combining a wide range of archival data sources with data from the 1920 and 1930 U.S censuses. We find that individuals who joined the Klan in some cities were more educated and more likely to hold professional jobs than the typical American. Surprisingly, we find little evidence that the Klan had an effect on black or foreign-born residential mobility or vote totals. Rather than a terrorist organization, the 1920s Klan is best described as social organization with a very successful multilevel marketing structure fueled by an army of highly incentivized sales agents selling hatred, religious intolerance, and fraternity in a time and place where there was tremendous demand.

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32

Blee, Kathleen M. "Women in the 1920s' Ku Klux Klan Movement." Feminist Studies 17, no. 1 (1991): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3178170.

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33

Parsons, Trevor. "The Ku Klux Klan and Ontario’s Evolving Britishness." Ontario History 116, no. 1 (2024): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1110096ar.

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34

Sean Rost. "The Missouri Jewish Press and The Ku Klux Klan." Shofar 35, no. 2 (2017): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5703/shofar.35.2.0081.

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35

Ortiz, Paul, and Michael Newton. "The Invisible Empire: The Ku Klux Klan in Florida." Journal of Southern History 70, no. 4 (November 1, 2004): 949. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27648615.

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36

Bowen, Deanna. "KU KLUX KLAN OF CANADA IMPERIAL DECREE, OPENING CEREMONY." Public 25, no. 49 (June 1, 2014): 31–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/public.25.49.31_7.

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37

Stewart, Bruce E. "Ku-Klux: The Birth of the Klan during Reconstruction." Journal of American History 104, no. 1 (June 2017): 196–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jax051.

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Rost, Sean. "The Missouri Jewish Press and the Ku Klux Klan." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 35, no. 2 (2017): 81–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2017.0003.

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Alexander, Charles C., and Wyn Craig Wade. "The Fiery Cross: The Ku Klux Klan in America." Journal of Southern History 55, no. 1 (February 1989): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2209745.

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Moore, William V. "The Invisible Empire: The Ku Klux Klan in Florida." Journal of American Ethnic History 22, no. 3 (April 1, 2003): 125–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27501339.

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Horowitz, David A. "The normality of extremism: The Ku Klux Klan revisited." Society 35, no. 6 (September 1998): 71–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02686056.

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Laats, Adam. "Red Schoolhouse, Burning Cross: The Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s and Educational Reform." History of Education Quarterly 52, no. 3 (August 2012): 323–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2012.00402.x.

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Abstract:

On a hot afternoon in July 1923, former Dallas dentist and national Ku Klux Klan leader Hiram Evans took the podium at the first annual national meeting of the revived organization. By the time of this meeting, the Klan had again become infamous for its reputation of intolerance and vigilante violence. It had also become enormously popular among native-born white Protestants. In states such as Indiana and Colorado, the Klan briefly seized control of state and local politics. In spite of vigorous and scathing attacks from liberals and minority groups, between three and six million native-born Protestant white men rushed to join the secret order. At least another half-million women joined the Women of the Ku Klux Klan. Some even claimed that President Warren Harding took the membership oath in a secret White House ceremony. The appeal of the organization has been explained by historians as evidence of a variety of cultural trends, including worries over lax Prohibition enforcement, desires to enforce white racial dominance, fears caused by increasing immigration rates and labor unrest, and anxiety about changing cultural mores. While each of these issues was part of the revived Klan's allure, the shrewd “Imperial Wizard” chose another topic to electrify his audience. “The greatest duty of America today,” Evans thundered, “is to build up our educational system.”

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Richard, Mark Paul. "“This Is Not a Catholic Nation”: The Ku Klux Klan Confronts Franco-Americans in Maine." New England Quarterly 82, no. 2 (June 2009): 285–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq.2009.82.2.285.

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During the 1920s, the Ku Klux Klan expanded to the northeastern United States, where it confronted Franco-American Catholics throughout Maine. In response, this ethnic population modeled an appropriate resistance to the KKK's unyielding message of Americanism and nativism, helping to precipitate the demise of this reactionary mass movement.

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Aprile, César Alexandre da Silva. "OS LOUCOS ANOS 20: TULSA E A GUERRA RACIAL." Revista Ibero-Americana de Humanidades, Ciências e Educação 8, no. 7 (July 30, 2022): 473–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.51891/rease.v8i7.6318.

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Este artigo buscou analisar “O Massacre de Tulsa”, destacando a Ku Klux Klan como objeto de pesquisa, no desenvolvimento da “Guerra Racial”, que se intensificou nas primeiras décadas do século XX nos Estados Unidos, a partir do legado material do ativista Malcolm X e, consequentemente, o Partido dos Panteras Negras para Autodefesa.

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Pegram, Thomas R. "Hoodwinked: The Anti-Saloon League and the Ku Klux Klan in 1920s Prohibition Enforcement." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 7, no. 1 (January 2008): 89–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400001742.

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The relationship between the Anti-Saloon League and the Ku Klux Klan in support of national prohibition has been a source of controversy since the 1920s. Both the ASL and the KKK acted to enforce prohibition, the ASL through legal and political means, the KKK through grassroots political pressure and extralegal vigilante methods. Wet observers and, more recently, historians of the Klan movement claimed that the ASL cooperated with the Invisible Empire in direct enforcement of dry laws. ASL activists and prohibition historians, in turn, denied league involvement with the intolerant, occasionally violent, dry vigilantism of the Klan and instead stressed the nonpartisan bureaucratic operations of the ASL. The actual ambivalent relationship reflected shortcomings in the dry regime and in the two organizations. Ineffective enforcement pushed some ASL officials into informal ties with local Klans, while the league tolerated pro-Klan sentiments among some leaders. But extensive and persistent cooperation was not apparent.

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SHAKH, M. L. "Ku Klux Klan – «the White» Terror of the XXI Century." Law and innovations, no. 4 (28) (2019): 82–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.31359/2311-4894-2019-28-4-82.

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Boskin, Joseph, and Leonard J. Moore. "Citizen Klansmen: The Ku Klux Klan in Indiana, 1921-1928." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 24, no. 2 (1993): 376. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/205402.

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Schwieder, Dorothy. "A Farmer and the Ku Klux Klan in Northwest Iowa." Annals of Iowa 61, no. 3 (July 2002): 286–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.17077/0003-4827.10596.

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Blee, Kathleen M., Leonard J. Moore, and Richard K. Tucker. "Citizen Klansmen: The Ku Klux Klan in Indiana, 1921-1928." Journal of American History 79, no. 3 (December 1992): 1219. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080914.

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Trelease, Allen W., and Lou Falkner Williams. "The Great South Carolina Ku Klux Klan Trials, 1871-1872." Journal of Southern History 63, no. 4 (November 1997): 897. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2211759.

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