Academic literature on the topic 'Kurdish-Turkish Conflict'
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Journal articles on the topic "Kurdish-Turkish Conflict"
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Somer, Murat. "Turkey's Kurdish Conflict: Changing Context, and Domestic and Regional Implications." Middle East Journal 58, no. 2 (April 1, 2004): 235–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/58.2.14.
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This article develops new analytical categories that are necessary to analyze Turkey's Kurdish conflict in its changed domestic and international environments and to evaluate the policy options. If Turkish state policies and discourse, and that of the other regional and international actors, signal to Kurds that the Turkish and Kurdish identities are mutually exclusive categories with rival interests, radical shifts may occur in Turkish Kurds' social and political identities and preferences. If state policies promote these identities as complements with compatible interests, radical shifts are unlikely and Turkey can play a more constructive regional role.
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Nilsson, Marco. "Kurdish women in the Kurdish–Turkish conflict – perceptions, experiences, and strategies." Middle Eastern Studies 54, no. 4 (March 12, 2018): 638–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2018.1443916.
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Dotzler, Matthew. "Conflict in the Middle East: The US and the Turkish-Kurdish Conflict." Policy Perspectives 25 (May 11, 2018): 11–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.4079/pp.v25i0.18351.
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The conflict between Turkey and the Kurds is once again reaching a boiling point. Following the defeat of ISIL in northern Iraq and Syria, Turkey is now concerned that the returning Kurdish militias pose a threat to its national security. The United States, as an ally to both parties, finds itself in a unique position to push for diplomatic solutions and to mediate the conflict before it grows out of control once again. This paper will examine the history of the Turkish-Kurdish conflict, the actors involved, and how US foreign policy can be used to try and deter yet another war in the region.
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Uluğ, Özden Melis, and J. Christopher Cohrs. "“Who will resolve this conflict if the politicians don’t?”." International Journal of Conflict Management 28, no. 2 (April 10, 2017): 245–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijcma-10-2015-0071.
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Purpose Exploring the understandings of conflict held by Members of Parliament (MPs) provides a meaningful picture of a conflict in a particular society. The aim of the study is to explore the Kurdish conflict understandings among MPs in Turkey. Design/methodology/approach The current research used Q methodology, which is a suitable method to identify socially shared perspectives and to identify intra- and inter-group differences, and Entman’s (1993) frame analysis to explore subjective understandings of the Kurdish conflict. Data were collected from 23 MPs from four political parties. Findings The analysis revealed four qualitatively distinct viewpoints: Turkish Nationalist view, Social Democratic view, Conservative-Religious view and Pro-Kurdish view. Originality/value This study contributes to the understanding of political parties’ perspectives on the Kurdish conflict in Turkey by representing each political party’s priorities and concerns. The meaning of these priorities and concerns, implications for conflict resolution and the usefulness of the Q methodology for exploring conflict understandings are also discussed.
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Gevorgyan, Anna Garnukovna. "The Kurdish Issue in Turkish-Syrian Relations in the Context of the Syrian Crisis." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 615–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-4-615-624.
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The article is devoted to the Kurdish issue in the context of bilateral relations between Turkey and Syria after the start of the 2011 Syrian crisis. Particular attention is paid to the role of the Kurdish issue in the Turkish-Syrian relations. The author describes the Turkish policy on the Kurdish problem and its place in the context of Turkey’s national interests. The article covers gradual development of the Syrian-Kurdish policy of Turkey and dynamics of relations between Ankara and Damascus in the context of strengthening the Kurdish national movement in Syria. The activities of the Kurdish political parties and organizations in the northern and northeastern part and the development perspective of the Kurdish issue are especially analyzed. Turkey’s relations with Syria, Iran, Iraq, where Kurds live, have always been based on the Kurdish issue. Contrary to the differences and conflicts between Kurdish parties in the Middle East, the Kurdish issue is regional in nature. In addition to being a domestic political problem, Turkey considers the Kurdish issue as a foreign policy problem. Turkey presents its fight against the Kurdish PKK forces as a fight against terrorist forces, seeing the intensification of political and military activities of the Syrian Kurds as a direct threat to its national security. Over the past years, Turkish-Syrian relations have substantially changed and transformed from strategic partnership to militarypolitical confrontation. Despite the existing contradictions, Turkey and Syria have common interests, including the Kurdish issue, the stability of the region, the predictability of the development of political events in the Middle East region, and economic relations. However, regardless of the outcome of the Syrian war, Turkey needs a predictable Syria without a strong Kurdish element. The Syrian crisis has given new opportunities to the Kurds of Syria in terms of strengthening their positions, but clearly demonstrated the problems existing in the way of creating a Kurdish state. Currently, the preservation of the territorial integrity of Syria allows taking into account the interests of all parties involved in the conflict, including external players.
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Gurses, Mehmet. "Is Islam a Cure for Ethnic Conflict? Evidence from Turkey." Politics and Religion 8, no. 1 (January 23, 2015): 135–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048315000024.
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AbstractTurkish Islamists have long attributed the root causes of the Kurdish conflict in Turkey to the anti-religious Turkish nationalism promulgated by the secular Kemalist republican elite in the 1920s. As a result, they lay emphasis on “Islamic brotherhood” as the glue that holds numerous ethnic nationalities together. This article examines this claim and argues that Islam's role as a peacemaker has been overstated. The data from in-depth interviews with dozens of Kurdish Islamists in Turkey conducted in the summer of 2013 indicate that Kurdish Islamists in principle agree with the peacemaking potential of Islam. Distrustful of the “Islamic brotherhood” discourse however, they describe this allegedly new policy as yet another tactic to undermine the Kurdish struggle for equal rights
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Saatci, Mustafa. "Nation–states and ethnic boundaries: modern Turkish identity and Turkish–Kurdish conflict." Nations and Nationalism 8, no. 4 (October 2002): 549–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1469-8219.00065.
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Meijer, Laura. "The Turn to Violence in the Kurdish-Turkish conflict." Maastricht Journal of Liberal Arts 8 (September 18, 2017): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.26481/mjla.2016.v8.526.
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Koefoed, Minoo. "Constructive Resistance in Northern Kurdistan: Exploring the Peace, Development and Resistance Nexus." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 12, no. 3 (December 2017): 39–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2017.1366352.
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Cultural and linguistic repression of Kurdish ethnic identity rests at the heart of the conflict between the Turkish state and the Kurdish movement in Turkey's Kurdish region, also known as Northern Kurdistan. Inspired by Peet and Hartwick's conceptualisation of alternative development, combined with Gandhi's idea of the constructive programme and Galtung's conceptualisation of positive peace, this article investigates intersections between peace, development and resistance. The discussion is informed and developed by illuminating two empirical cases of what will be argued should be seen as ‘constructive resistance’ conducted by the Kurdish movement. Both cases seek to undermine repressive Turkish assimilation policies. This article shows how social movements, through constructive resistance practices, can be understood as central actors in processes of social and political transformation, termed ‘self-organised development’.
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Sakallıoğlu, Ümit Cizre. "Historicizing the Present and Problematizing the Future of the Kurdish Problem: A Critique of the TOBB Report on the Eastern Question." New Perspectives on Turkey 14 (1996): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600006221.
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The role of conflict has been integral to the state and nation formation in Turkey since the inception of the Republic in 1923. Faced with the twin tasks of democratic legitimacy and maintaining control, or security and civil-centered politics, the state has historically opted for authority and control. Ironically enough, while Republican politics has emphasized unity and uniformity to limit diversity and conflict caused by class, ethnicity and Islam, the result has been the opposite. So much so that the present conflict between the state and the Kurdish Workers' Party (PKK), which has cost nearly fourteen thousand lives since 1984, has reached an abysmal point: “in the end Turkey's victory may be a Pyrrhic one. If the conflict continues without exploration of other avenues, it will most likely jeopardize Turkey's relations with Europe and the United States” (Brown 1995, p. 128). Moreover, it has become increasingly clear that Kurdish nationalism is not just a simple expression of discontent and opposition but also a challenge to the very premises on which the Turkish nation-state has been built. In that sense, the resolution of the Kurdish “problem” is of concern not only to the Kurdish population of the Republic, but involves the future shape and substance of the Turkish state and society in their entirety as well.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Kurdish-Turkish Conflict"
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Sirkeci, Ibrahim. "Migration, ethnicity and conflict : the environment of insecurity and Turkish Kurdish international migration." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2003. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/6007/.
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This thesis examines the motivations, mechanisms and prospects of Turkish Kurdish international migration in relation to the Environment of Insecurity as a set of combined socio-economic and political factors triggered by an ethnic conflict. The analysis focuses on three different, but complementary, levels of analysis. The research comprises first, the analysis of the environment of insecurity in Turkey emphasising its broader socio-economic, legal-political, and demographic aspects; second, the patterns and processes of international migration involving Turkish Kurds investigating the motivations, the mechanisms, and the future migration potentials; third, the role of the expression of ethnicity and of ethnic conflict. A mixed method approach combining qualitative and quantitative methods to address different levels of analysis and different aspects of migration is adopted. The analysis of Turkish Demographic Health Survey data examines the extent to which an environment of insecurity exists for Turkish Kurds. The findings of the Turkish International Migration Survey data outline the patterns of individual migration motives, mechanisms and future intentions. Finally, semi-structured in-depth interviews examine the role of the ethnic conflict and the expression of ethnicity to clarify the relationship between Turkish Kurdish international migration and the ethnic environment of insecurity while also presenting a live account of migration motivations and mechanisms. The research shows that the environment of insecurity is an issue of ethnic conflict and it constitutes the major facilitating factor in Turkish Kurdish international migration resulting in large asylum migration flows. Due to the armed ethnic conflict between the PKK and the Turkish Army in Turkey during the last two decades of the last century, recent migration patterns of Turkish Kurds are dominated by clandestine migration. Along with legal migrations (e.g. economic, family, education), irregular migration appears as a strong trend involving asylum migration and illegal migration. Tightening immigration controls in Europe also prompts this. The conflict situation also serves as an opportunity framework for some who wanted to migrate. While migration is appearing as a liberating event for Turkish Kurdish ethnicity it is found that Kurdish immigrants have not fully exploited the opportunities for exercising their ethnicity. However, for many, migration from Turkey to Germany is an act of escape and so is an expression of ethnicity.
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Celik, Banu. "Turkish-Kurdish Conflict: An Ethno-Symbolist Exploration of Turks' and Kurds' Territorial Homeland Claims." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/35191.
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The conflict between ethnic minorities and nation-states has been subject to one of the most searching debates in the study of ethno-nationalism. The dominant approach among scholars is that ethnic conflicts stem from states' failure to recognize minority rights. Within the framework of this approach, it is assumed that ethnic conflicts occur due to the discriminatory policies on the part of the state. As a reaction to those policies, ethnic groups resist with rebellious elements. However this assimilation-resistance paradigm only considers the civic integration efforts of the state and fails to acknowledge the role of state's territorial integrity efforts and ethnic groups' demands to self-government in generating the conflict. Anchored in an ethno-symbolist framework, the purpose of this thesis is to explore the historical interpretational obstacles over the ownership of homeland between the states and ethnic groups when working towards a conflict resolution. Through a case study of Kurdish-Turkish conflict, this thesis addresses the different meanings of territory held by the state and the ethnic groups as one of the major causes of ethnic conflicts.Master of Arts
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Aslan, Isabella Berfin. "The last “terrorist” - Kurdish Marginalized Perspectives in the Turkish Social And Political Landscape." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22157.
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Despite the vast research on the protracted conflict between the PKK and the Turkish state, recent battles in the South-East of Turkey have increased the anti-Kurdish attitudes and discourses in Turkish society. I argue that Kurdish marginalized individuals conflict understandings are silenced in the Turkish social and political landscape.This study examines how Kurdish social identities narrate their conflict understanding between Kurds and Turks. The aim is to get a deeper understanding of the Kurdish participant’s feelings, attitudes, experiences and perspectives in an intergroup environment. This study contributes to the knowledge of intergroup relations and tensions in the Turkish social setting and sheds light into out-group prejudice and discrimination in Turkey. The study uses a theoretical framework linking peace and conflict theories such as prejudice, discrimination, in-group and out-group, enemy images, cultural- structural and direct violence, intergroup contact theory and reconciliation. The dataset consists of sixteen semi-structured in-depth interviews conducted in three different cities in Turkey; Ankara, Diyarbakir and Istanbul. The interview material was analyzed through a thematic analysis with a qualitative approach. The research found that the identifying characteristics of being a Kurd in today’s Turkey are to fight against injustice, oppression, assimilation and shared feelings of discrimination. Keywords: Kurdish perspectives, thematic analysis, Oral History, out-group, discrimination, enemy images, cultural violenceWords: 13944
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Mattsson, Linus. "Unrest as Incentive for Cooperation? : The Diversionary Peace Theory, Turkish-Syrian Relations and the Kurdish Conflict." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-313602.
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The aim of this paper is to investigate the link between internal and external conflict of states in the field of International Relations. More specifically, it is a critique of the Diversionary War theory, which argues that political leaders can instigate foreign conflict to divert the attention from domestic issues in order to secure their political positions. This paper will test an alternative approach to the Diversionary War theory called the Diversionary Peace theory, which inverts the logic of the original theory. It argues that leaders facing domestic strife have incentives to cooperate with other states in order to deal with the internal problems in a more cost effective way. Using process tracing methodology, the Diversionary Peace theory is applied to Turkey from 1984-1999, to understand how the Kurdish issue as a source of domestic conflict in Turkey affected the Turkish-Syrian relations. The Diversionary Peace Theory would assume that as the Kurdish conflict escalates at the domestic level, Turkey would be inclined to give concessions to Syria to deescalate conflict at the international level. This paper proves otherwise: as the domestic conflict escalates, relations actually deteriorate and cooperation becomes less likely. Therefore, it is both a critique of the Diversionary War theory and the Diversionary Peace theory. The main interpretation of the findings is that the theory is not applicable to those cases where the boundaries between domestic and international realms are too porous as in the case of the Kurdish politics. When the domestic conflict and international dispute is interlinked, as in this case, I argue that cooperation might not be possible. Future reseachers in the area are advised to pay attention to whether the domestic factor and the international factor are interlinked, how the level of domestic conflict affects foreign relations and the impact of domestic audience costs.
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Keles, Yilmaz. "Transnational media and migrants in Europe : the case of the mediated Turkish-Kurdish ethno-national conflict." Thesis, Brunel University, 2011. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/7611.
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This PhD examines the role of the transnational media in articulating and mobilizing different political and identity positions for migrants. It explores the complex linkages between Kurdish and Turkish transnational ethnic media and migrant communities. It is based on 74 in-depth interviews and 6 focus groups with Kurdish and Turkish migrants of diverse age, gender, political affiliation, occupation and length of migration in London, Berlin and Stockholm. Drawing upon the concepts of “imagined community” (Anderson 1991) and “banal nationalism” (Billig 1995), it seeks to understand how migrants make sense of the media representations of the ethno-national conflict between the Turkish state and the Kurds and how they position themselves in relation to these media texts. The thesis explores how the media impact differentially on migrants’ views and ethnic identities in the three countries. This study argues that transnational media speak on behalf of the nation to the nation, even if the members of these imagined national communities live in different places, connecting people across different geographical spaces and thus building transnational imagined communities. They create a sense of belonging to a meaningful imagined community defined as “our” nation. The mediated Turkish-Kurdish ethno-national conflict has contributed to this transnational imagined community. The analysis of interviews found that the mediated conflict has hardened ethnic-based divisions and differentiation between Kurdish and Turkish migrants in Europe. Transnational media have contributed to deterritorialization, differentiation and division among migrants. Kurds and Turks have developed distinct identities in Europe and cannot be viewed any longer as a homogeneous group. The thesis concludes by suggesting a three-way framework for the analysis of ethno-national identities of migrants, taking into account firstly the country of settlement, secondly Turkish and thirdly Kurdish media as significant in constructing imagined national communities.
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Cox, Wayne S. "A crisis in conflict for international relations, the case of the Turkish/Kurdish War through neogramscian lenses." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ52815.pdf.
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Fata, Muminovic. "Turkey and crimes against humanity : A case study on Turkish treatment of civilian population." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-100655.
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Despite the developments in the international arena to ensure and protect human rights, evidence from around the world showcase examples of organized and systematic violations of human rights in the form of war crimes, genocides, and crimes against humanity. Turkey is one of the countries that has shown decline in the last ten years when it comes to respect for human rights. Aftermath of the Coup d’etat from 2016, involvement in Syrian civil war, and Kurdish question raised concern within the international community regarding human rights. Consequently, this research aims to provide a deeper understanding of how Turkish government treats the civilian population in these three cases in order to assess if there is a risk of Turkish government committing crimes against humanity. Furthermore, in order to get a more objective view of the happenings, this paper will also examine Turkish actions through the lenses of Realism. A qualitative research with an abductive approach with case study design was conducted. Analytical framework, that presents 10 risk factors for committing atrocities and crimes against humanity, developed by Dieng and Welsh was utilized to make sense of gathered data. Realism, with focus on national interest and security, was used to examine Turkish actions. Findings suggest that all 10 risk factors are presented in each case through different indicators. Journalists, lawyers, professors, refugees, and Kurds face systematic threat of mostly arbitrary detentions and imprisonments. Furthermore, findings show that Turkish actions can be explained through national interest expressed through security and unitary national identity.
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Farias, Elana Beatriz Silva Sabino de. "Narrativas de identidade nacional: dissonância entre turcos e curdos na Anatólia." Universidade Estadual da Paraíba, 2017. http://tede.bc.uepb.edu.br/jspui/handle/tede/2938.
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CAPES
The aim of this paper is to discuss the dissonance between Turkish and Kurdish identities in Anatolia, considering the conflagration of conflict between its representative actors. In this sense, the paper encompasses three sections: (a) presentation of theoretical perspectives on identity in the relevant historical contexts of the international system; (b) description of the trajectory of the Kurdish question in international politics; and (c) identification of the prospect scenarios for the dilemma between the narrative of Turkish national identity and the narrative of Kurdish national identity. The delimited time frame covers the period between 1984 and 2016. The methodology adopted includes the following classification: (a) descriptive research on the purposes; (b) bibliographical research on means; and (c) qualitative research on the form of approach. The research concludes that the conflict between the Turkish state and the Kurdish ethnic group is a reflection of the international system conjunctures that resulted in separatist nationalisms. Asymmetric identities and antagonistic languages, as well as poverty and despotism are the structural causes of long periods of violence in Anatolia. Sustainable peace will only be established through changes in Turkey's political, economic and social structures, starting with the dialogue between Partiya Karkêren Kurdistan (PKK) and the Turkish government. Only with the end of military and paramilitary operations the principles of democratization and self-determination can be institutionalized in the region.
O objetivo do trabalho é discutir a dissonância entre as identidades turca e curda na Anatólia, considerando a conflagração do conflito entre os seus representativos atores. Nesse sentido, o trabalho engloba três seções que decorrem conjugadas: (a) a apresentação das perspectivas teóricas que versam sobre a identidade nos pertinentes contextos históricos do sistema internacional; (b) a descrição da trajetória da questão curda na política internacional; e (c) a identificação dos cenários prospectivos para o dilema entre a narrativa da identidade nacional turca e a narrativa da identidade nacional curda. O marco temporal delimitado abrange o período entre 1984 e 2016. A metodologia adotada inclui a seguinte classificação: (a) pesquisa descritiva quanto aos fins; (b) pesquisa bibliográfica quanto aos meios; e (c) pesquisa qualitativa quanto à forma de abordagem. Em face da fundamentação teórica concernente ao tema, a dissertação conclui que o conflito entre o Estado turco e a etnia curda é um reflexo das conjunturas do sistema internacional que resultaram nos nacionalismos separatistas da contemporaneidade. As identidades assimétricas e as linguagens antagônicas, bem como as condições de pobreza e despotismo são as causas estruturais dos longos períodos de violência na Anatólia. O trabalho propugna que a paz sustentável só será estabelecida caso sejam efetivadas as modificações nas estruturas políticas, econômicas e sociais da Turquia, a partir do diálogo entre o Partiya Karkêren Kurdistan (PKK) e o governo turco. Somente com o fim das operações militares e paramilitares é que os princípios de democratização e autodeterminação poderão ser institucionalizados na região.
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Isacsson, Violeta. "De Tysta Hjältarna : Kurdiska kvinnor i den turkisk-kurdiska konflikten." Thesis, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, Högskolan i Jönköping, HLK, Globala studier, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-37101.
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Sammanfattning Den väpnade konflikten mellan den kurdiska PKK-gerillan och den turkiska staten har pågått med varierande intensitet sedan början av 1980-talet och orsakat tiotusentals dödsskjutningar, och fördrivit ett stort antal civila i sydöstra Turkiet. De sociala och politiska spänningarna, som till exempel gäller ekonomisk rättvisa och erkännande av den kurdiska etniska och kulturella identiteten, har oroat den turkiska staten sedan den bildades efter det Ottomanska rikets kollaps. Även om ett ökande antal studier har beskrivit och analyserat dessa spänningar visar en översyn av tidigare litteratur att endast några av de tidiga studier fokuserade på hur kvinnor har upplevt dessa spänningar. Intresset för ämnet väcktes hos mig på grund av min turkiska bakgrund. Jag är född och uppväxt i ett land där turkar är i hög grad diskriminerade av landets majoritet. Jag känner väl känslan av diskriminering och isolering inte bara som en turk utan även som en kvinna. Därför bestämde jag, som är ursprungligen turk, att skriva om den turkisk-kurdiska konflikten ur ett genusperspektiv. Fokus ligger på kurdiska kvinnors känslor och erfarenheter i den turkisk-kurdiska konflikten som pågått länge i Turkiet. Studien syftar till att analysera hur kurdiska kvinnor uppfattar och upplever de sociala, ekonomiska och politiska spänningarna i skuggan av det rasande inbördeskriget mellan PKK och den turkiska staten. Studien fokuserar först på att identifiera källor till konfliktrelaterad stress som är specifika för kvinnor och analyserar sedan de strategier som kurdiska kvinnor använder för att hantera denna stress. Det empiriska materialet består av fokusgruppintervjuer som genomfördes våren 2017 i Istanbul, Ankara och Diyarbakir med totalt 35 kvinnor. Studiens resultat visar att kurdiska kvinnor möter daglig diskriminering och förtryck som riktar sig direkt mot dem, och samtidigt upplever de alla dessa negativa fenomen genom deras familjemedlemmar. De är tvungna att hålla tyst om sina känslor, rädslor, upplevelser, behov och sorg för att kunna skydda sin familjs liv.Summary The armed conflict between the Kurdish PKK guerilla and the Turkish state has continued with varying intensity since the early 1980s, causing tens of thousands of casualties and displacing large numbers of civilians in South Eastern Turkey. However, the social and political tensions, relating to, for example, economic justice and recognition of the Kurdish ethnic and cultural identity have troubled the Turkish state since its creation after the fall of the Ottoman Empire. Although an increasing number of studies that has been written describing and analyzing these tensions, a review of the early literature shows that few of the early works focused on how women have experienced them. The interest in the subject was created by my Turkish background. I was born and raised in a country where Turks are highly discriminated against by most of the country’s majority. I feel the sense of discrimination and isolation, and therefore I decided to write about the TurkishKurdish conflict from gender perspective. The focus is on the feelings and experiences of Kurdish women in the Turkish-Kurdish conflict that has been continuing in Turkey for a long time. This study seeks to analyze how Kurdish women perceive and experience the social, economic, and political tensions in the shadow of the raging civil war between the PKK and the Turkish state. It first focuses on identifying sources of conflict related stress that are specific to women, and then analyzes the strategies that Kurdish women use to deal with this stress as women. The empirical material consists of focus groups interviews conducted in the spring of 2017 in Istanbul, Ankara, and Diyarbakir with a total of 35 women. The study's findings show that Kurdish women face daily discrimination and oppression directed directly against them, while at the same time experiencing all these negative phenomena through their family members as well. They must keep silent about their feelings, fears, experiences, needs and sorrows to keep their family alive.
Books on the topic "Kurdish-Turkish Conflict"
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Zones of Rebellion: Kurdish Insurgents and the Turkish State. Cornell University Press, 2015.
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Media, Diaspora and Conflict: Nationalism and Identity Amongst Turkish and Kurdish Migrants in Europe. I. B. Tauris & Company, Limited, 2015.
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Türkmen, Gülay. Under the Banner of Islam. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197511817.001.0001.
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How do religious, ethnic, and national identities interact in religiously homogenous ethnic conflicts? Is it possible for religion to act as a resolution tool in such conflicts? Why? Why not? In search for answers to these questions, Under the Banner of Islam focuses on the ambivalent role Sunni Islam has played in Turkey’s Kurdish conflict—both as a conflict-resolution tool and as a tool of resistance—in the last two decades. Relying mainly on participant observation in Civil Friday Prayers and 62 interviews conducted in three different cities in Turkey (Istanbul and the majority-Kurdish Diyarbakir and Batman) between June 2012 and June 2013, it demonstrates that Sunni Islam has had a very limited impact as a conflict-resolution tool in Turkey. Blending interview data with a detailed historical institutional analysis that goes back as early as the nineteenth century, it argues that the strength of Turkish and Kurdish nationalisms, the symbiotic relationship between Turkey’s religious and political fields, religious elites’ varying conceptualizations of religious and ethnic identities, and the recent political developments in the region (particularly the establishment of an autonomous Kurdish region, Rojava, in Syria) have all contributed to this outcome. The resulting narrative is not only a record of religion, ethnicity, and nationalism in Turkey’s Kurdish conflict, but also an investigation of how ethnic and religious identities are negotiated in conflict resolution and how symbolic boundaries are drawn in ethnic conflict zones.
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Gulesci, Selim. Forced Migration and Attitudes Towards Domestic Violence. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198829591.003.0005.
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This chapter explores the long-term effects of internal displacement caused by the Kurdish-Turkish conflict on women’s attitudes towards domestic violence. Using the Turkish Demographic and Health Survey, we show that Kurdish women who migrated from their homes during the conflict are more likely to believe that a husband is justified in beating his wife; and the spouses of migrant women were more likely to have tried to control their wives by limiting their movements or social interactions. In a novel dataset of applicants to a women’s shelter, we find that forced migrant women have endured violence for longer and of greater intensity before deciding to seek assistance. We discuss possible mechanisms through which forced migration may affect migrants’ attitudes towards domestic violence.
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Waldman, Simon A., and Emre Caliskan. Waltzing with Ocalan. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190668372.003.0007.
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This chapter analyzes the transition and evolution of Turkey’s Kurdish problem. Under military tutelage, the way in which the Turkish state dealt with the Kurdish issue was through military means; in the post-military period, there have been attempts to engage in a non-military solution. Nevertheless, despite the optimism and furore surrounding the political process of negotiating with Ocalan and the PKK, the AKP has yet to recognize that there is no military solution to the conflict—and, although more attuned to Kurdish desires than the military, still views the issue as a cultural, rather than a national, problem. Turkey has a long way to go before a meaningful agreed solution is found to a problem that has plagued Turkey for many years.
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Kimberley N, Trapp. Part 3 The Post 9/11-Era (2001–), 52 The Turkish Intervention Against the PKK in Northern Iraq—2007–08. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198784357.003.0052.
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This contribution examines the armed Turkish intervention (against the Kurdish Workers’ Party (PKK)) in northern Iraq in late 2007/2008. The chapter sets out the context of the armed intervention by Turkey, including a brief account of the broader conflict between Turkey and the PKK, before recalling in some detail the facts of the 2007/2008 intervention. The second section further explores the positions of the main protagonists (Turkey, Iraq and the US) and the rather muted reactions of the broader international community, by way of situating the discussion regarding the legality of the intervention. The final section examines the precedential value of the intervention insofar as defensive force against non-state actors is concerned.
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Kadioğlu, I. Aytaç. Peace Processes in Northern Ireland and Turkey. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474479325.001.0001.
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This book assesses the impact of political, non-violent resolution efforts in the Northern Irish and Turkish-Kurdish peace processes. It offers an important contribution to conflict-resolution research, theorising the various stages involved in the attempted resolution of asymmetric conflicts. By relying on primary sources, including interviews and recently declassified archival papers, it presents an innovative framework for conflict resolution, a starting-point for further research on managing peace processes and ethno-nationalist conflicts. This book challenges the notion of ‘conflict resolution’ in these two peace processes, both far-reaching ethno-nationalist conflicts in the post-Cold War era. Incorporating fieldwork carried out until 2015, the book compares these conflicts during major peace attempts, from early secret talks and semi-official peace initiatives, to multilateral and internationalised conflict-resolution processes through not only main armed protagonists, but also independent third parties. It analyses the political resolution efforts for ending the IRA and PKK’s armed campaigns and establishing a peace agreement. It argues that peace initiatives are ongoing processes which contain not only formal peace initiatives, but also informal and secret peace efforts. It suggests that formal and informal initiatives together embody conflict resolution processes through three major aspects: backchannel communications as the unofficial aspect, peace organisations as the informal and semi-official aspect, and negotiations as the official aspect of conflict resolution efforts, which operate at the elite level of conflict resolution.
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Gursoy, Yaprak. Turkey. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198790501.003.0009.
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Since 1991, the Turkish armed forces (TAF) have experienced major transformations in the spheres of civil–military relations, military operations, and military capabilities; yet there have also been elements of continuity. While the military has come under the control of civilians, the 2016 coup attempt showed that old patterns of behaviour continue and reflect conflict among various groups and issues, including political Islam. In the sphere of military operations, TAF has participated in international peacekeeping missions, but has also become embroiled in the Syrian war and carried out unilateral operations in Iraq against Kurdish groups. Finally, Turkey has increased its military capabilities, but it is still dependent on Western powers for technological expertise. Overall, there is a mismatch between Turkey’s power aspirations and the domestic and regional circumstances it faces, leading to continuities despite the changes.
Book chapters on the topic "Kurdish-Turkish Conflict"
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"Mediating the Turkish and Kurdish Ethno-National Conflict." In Media, Diaspora and Conflict. I.B.Tauris, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755608898.ch-003.
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"Constructing an Imagined Turkish National Identity: The Origin of Turkey’s “Kurdish Question”." In Media, Diaspora and Conflict. I.B.Tauris, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755608898.ch-002.
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Williams, Paul A. "Turkish Hydro-Hegemony." In Water and Conflict in the Middle East, 41–70. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197552636.003.0003.
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Chapter 3 explores how Turkey, the beneficiary of nearly completed major dam projects, and situated at the headwaters of the Euphrates and Tigris rivers, is nearly in a position as the upstream state to complete its long march to full hydro-hegemony – physical control over flow of water into Syria and Iraq and the Kurdish enclaves that is needed to meet much of their water requirements. Noting that the Turkish government has already used its control over water flow as leverage to pressure Syria to drop its support of the Kurdistan Worker’s Party (PKK), a separatist militia, the chapter presents evidence that hydro-hegemony can actually be operationalized to create both positive and negative outcomes for the downstream entities. Turkey’s motivations to choose either path are based on a complicated and rapidly evolving regional security architecture surveyed in the chapter.
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Türkmen, Gülay. "“Only Turks Can Lead a Muslim Union”: The Case for Ethno-Religious Identity." In Under the Banner of Islam, 101–34. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197511817.003.0005.
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Chapter 4 revolves around “ethno-religious” identity and argues that another reason the idea of Muslim unity does not work well in the Kurdish conflict is the strength of Turkish nationalism among Turkish religious elites. Through interview data, it reveals how Turkish religious elites, who seemingly advocate Islamic unity, end up privileging Turkish identity upon further interrogation. With the help of a historical overview that goes back as early as the nineteenth century, the chapter first explains in detail how this attitude and the endurance of Turkish nationalism among Turkish Muslims has its roots in the Turkish-Islamic Synthesis (TIS) and the formation of the Turkish nation-state as a Sunni Muslim entity. Through a systematic analysis of newspapers and public statements, it then documents how the AKP has replaced its emphasis on “Muslim fraternity” with an emphasis on Turkish-Muslim nationalism.
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Scalbert-Yücel, Clémence. "Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Hierarchy." In Identity, Conflict and Politics in Turkey, Iran and Pakistan, translated by Adrian Morfee, 45–64. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190845780.003.0003.
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This chapter examines the production of identity by the media. Grounding the analysis on how private Turkish television channels deal with the Kurdish population and “problem,” it shows how ethnic categories are used to legitimize, explain, or deny cultural difference, thereby conditioning political practices and public perceptions. This has contributed to creating a double discourse that consolidated during the next decade: the new rhetoric of “cultural diversity” coexists with the older one on the Kurdish issue, defined as a development or civilization issue. The coexistence of these two discourses shows the relative value of identities and their ranking. The chapter then explores the hypothesis according to which, recognizing cultural diversity in Turkey—and in particular the existence of Kurds—triggers a change in the definition of the conflict and in the political practices at a certain level while, at another level, allowing to confirm old categories founding the ethnic hierarchies.
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Morton, Nicholas. "Saladin and the Battle of Hattin." In The Crusader States and their Neighbours, 163–217. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198824541.003.0007.
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Chapter 6 Saladin and the Battle of Hattin focuses on the years preceding the collapse of the kingdom of Jerusalem in 1187. It begins by discussing the rising power of the Kurdish ruler Saladin within the Turkish ruled lands of his former master Nur al-Din and in particular the nature of Kurdish/Turkish relations in previous decades. Close attention is then given to the period 1174–87 when the kingdom of Jerusalem frequently came into conflict with Saladin’s armies. Within this discussion, revisions are suggested for several key scholarly orthodoxies. The military abilities of the Frankish commander—later king—Guy of Lusignan are re-evaluated. To date he has often been considered an incompetent fool, but this conviction is reassessed. Likewise, the crucial battle of Hattin—and the decisions taken by Guy in this vital encounter—are reconsidered in the light of new evidence. Thematic discussion is offered here on Frankish and Turkish approaches to fighting major battles; so too is the role of castles in their strategies. There is also a broad discussion on the causes of war in the Near East throughout this period.
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Darıcı, Haydar, and Serra Hakyemez. "Neither Civilian nor Combatant: Weaponised Spaces and Spatialised Bodies in Cizre." In Turkey's Necropolitical Laboratory, 71–94. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474450263.003.0004.
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What kind of work does the categorical distinction between combatant and civilian do in the interplay of the necropolitics and biopower of the Turkish state? This paper focuses on a time period (2015-2016) in the history of the Kurdish conflict when that distinction was no longer operable as the war tactics of the Kurdish movement shifted from guerrilla attacks of hit and run in the mountains to the self-defence of residents in urban centres. It reveals the limit of inciting compassion through the figure of civilian who is assumed to entertain a pre-political life that is directed towards mere survival. It also shows how the government reconstructs the dead bodies using forensics and technoscience in order to portray what is considered by Kurdish human rights organizations civilians as combatants exercising necroresistance. As long as the civilian-combatant distinction remains and serves as the only episteme of war to defend the right to life, the state is enabled to entertain not only the right to kill, but also to turn the dead into the perpetrators of their own killing. Finally, this paper argues that law and violence, on the one hand, and the right to life and the act of killing on the other, are not two polar opposites but are mutually constitutive of each other in the remaking of state sovereignty put in crisis by the Kurdish movement's self-defence practices.
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Kadıoğlu, İ. Aytaç. "Conclusion." In Peace Processes in Northern Ireland and Turkey, 221–40. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474479325.003.0007.
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The closing chapter concludes the book by summarising the findings of the analysis into forty years of peacemaking and war experience in Northern Ireland and Turkey, and how these might be applied to other ethno-nationalist conflicts in which similar peace processes have been instituted. This chapter discusses the implications of the policies applied in the two specified conflicts for conflict resolution theory more broadly and lays out a framework for further research in the field. It argues that there is a complementarity between three major aspects of conflict resolution processes: backchannel communications, as the unofficial aspect; peace organisations, as the informal and semi-official aspect; and official negotiations, as the official aspect. The conflict resolution processes in these two cases encouraged the conflicting sides to consider talks and to enter into a negotiation process at the pre-negotiation stage. The processes then intended to reach a peace agreement during the negotiation stage. This book has suggested that a peace agreement requires mediation by an independent third party: between the British government and their adversaries, the IRA and the republican movement, in one case, and the Turkish government and their adversaries, the PKK and pro-Kurdish movement in the other.
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Kadıoğlu, İ. Aytaç. "Conflict and Peace: History of the Northern Irish and Turkey’s Kurdish Peace Processes." In Peace Processes in Northern Ireland and Turkey, 72–109. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474479325.003.0003.
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The chapter provides an overview of the conflicts and peace processes in Northern Ireland and Turkey that dominated almost four decades of politics and security concerns in both cases. This overview demonstrates the dilemmas faced by authorities in deciding whether to adopt traditional terrorism and counter-terrorism tactics versus ‘conflict resolution’ measures. This historical account explores the transition in the perception of the British and Turkish governments on the one hand, and the leadership of the IRA and PKK, on the other. It reveals that peace efforts and violent campaigns were used together since the beginning of the ‘Troubles’ in Northern Ireland, and since the early 1980s in Turkey. The use of violent and non-violent resolution methods depended on the attitudes of political agents in both conflicts. The chapter also reveals the agents and actors who played a critical role in the transition towards a peaceful resolution. It provides an understanding of how the attitudes and actions of the conflicting parties influenced the outcome of both peace processes.