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Journal articles on the topic 'Kurdish-Turkish Conflict'
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1
Somer, Murat. "Turkey's Kurdish Conflict: Changing Context, and Domestic and Regional Implications." Middle East Journal 58, no. 2 (April 1, 2004): 235–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/58.2.14.
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This article develops new analytical categories that are necessary to analyze Turkey's Kurdish conflict in its changed domestic and international environments and to evaluate the policy options. If Turkish state policies and discourse, and that of the other regional and international actors, signal to Kurds that the Turkish and Kurdish identities are mutually exclusive categories with rival interests, radical shifts may occur in Turkish Kurds' social and political identities and preferences. If state policies promote these identities as complements with compatible interests, radical shifts are unlikely and Turkey can play a more constructive regional role.
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Nilsson, Marco. "Kurdish women in the Kurdish–Turkish conflict – perceptions, experiences, and strategies." Middle Eastern Studies 54, no. 4 (March 12, 2018): 638–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2018.1443916.
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Dotzler, Matthew. "Conflict in the Middle East: The US and the Turkish-Kurdish Conflict." Policy Perspectives 25 (May 11, 2018): 11–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.4079/pp.v25i0.18351.
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The conflict between Turkey and the Kurds is once again reaching a boiling point. Following the defeat of ISIL in northern Iraq and Syria, Turkey is now concerned that the returning Kurdish militias pose a threat to its national security. The United States, as an ally to both parties, finds itself in a unique position to push for diplomatic solutions and to mediate the conflict before it grows out of control once again. This paper will examine the history of the Turkish-Kurdish conflict, the actors involved, and how US foreign policy can be used to try and deter yet another war in the region.
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Uluğ, Özden Melis, and J. Christopher Cohrs. "“Who will resolve this conflict if the politicians don’t?”." International Journal of Conflict Management 28, no. 2 (April 10, 2017): 245–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijcma-10-2015-0071.
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Purpose Exploring the understandings of conflict held by Members of Parliament (MPs) provides a meaningful picture of a conflict in a particular society. The aim of the study is to explore the Kurdish conflict understandings among MPs in Turkey. Design/methodology/approach The current research used Q methodology, which is a suitable method to identify socially shared perspectives and to identify intra- and inter-group differences, and Entman’s (1993) frame analysis to explore subjective understandings of the Kurdish conflict. Data were collected from 23 MPs from four political parties. Findings The analysis revealed four qualitatively distinct viewpoints: Turkish Nationalist view, Social Democratic view, Conservative-Religious view and Pro-Kurdish view. Originality/value This study contributes to the understanding of political parties’ perspectives on the Kurdish conflict in Turkey by representing each political party’s priorities and concerns. The meaning of these priorities and concerns, implications for conflict resolution and the usefulness of the Q methodology for exploring conflict understandings are also discussed.
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Gevorgyan, Anna Garnukovna. "The Kurdish Issue in Turkish-Syrian Relations in the Context of the Syrian Crisis." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 615–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-4-615-624.
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The article is devoted to the Kurdish issue in the context of bilateral relations between Turkey and Syria after the start of the 2011 Syrian crisis. Particular attention is paid to the role of the Kurdish issue in the Turkish-Syrian relations. The author describes the Turkish policy on the Kurdish problem and its place in the context of Turkey’s national interests. The article covers gradual development of the Syrian-Kurdish policy of Turkey and dynamics of relations between Ankara and Damascus in the context of strengthening the Kurdish national movement in Syria. The activities of the Kurdish political parties and organizations in the northern and northeastern part and the development perspective of the Kurdish issue are especially analyzed. Turkey’s relations with Syria, Iran, Iraq, where Kurds live, have always been based on the Kurdish issue. Contrary to the differences and conflicts between Kurdish parties in the Middle East, the Kurdish issue is regional in nature. In addition to being a domestic political problem, Turkey considers the Kurdish issue as a foreign policy problem. Turkey presents its fight against the Kurdish PKK forces as a fight against terrorist forces, seeing the intensification of political and military activities of the Syrian Kurds as a direct threat to its national security. Over the past years, Turkish-Syrian relations have substantially changed and transformed from strategic partnership to militarypolitical confrontation. Despite the existing contradictions, Turkey and Syria have common interests, including the Kurdish issue, the stability of the region, the predictability of the development of political events in the Middle East region, and economic relations. However, regardless of the outcome of the Syrian war, Turkey needs a predictable Syria without a strong Kurdish element. The Syrian crisis has given new opportunities to the Kurds of Syria in terms of strengthening their positions, but clearly demonstrated the problems existing in the way of creating a Kurdish state. Currently, the preservation of the territorial integrity of Syria allows taking into account the interests of all parties involved in the conflict, including external players.
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Gurses, Mehmet. "Is Islam a Cure for Ethnic Conflict? Evidence from Turkey." Politics and Religion 8, no. 1 (January 23, 2015): 135–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048315000024.
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AbstractTurkish Islamists have long attributed the root causes of the Kurdish conflict in Turkey to the anti-religious Turkish nationalism promulgated by the secular Kemalist republican elite in the 1920s. As a result, they lay emphasis on “Islamic brotherhood” as the glue that holds numerous ethnic nationalities together. This article examines this claim and argues that Islam's role as a peacemaker has been overstated. The data from in-depth interviews with dozens of Kurdish Islamists in Turkey conducted in the summer of 2013 indicate that Kurdish Islamists in principle agree with the peacemaking potential of Islam. Distrustful of the “Islamic brotherhood” discourse however, they describe this allegedly new policy as yet another tactic to undermine the Kurdish struggle for equal rights
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Saatci, Mustafa. "Nation–states and ethnic boundaries: modern Turkish identity and Turkish–Kurdish conflict." Nations and Nationalism 8, no. 4 (October 2002): 549–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1469-8219.00065.
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Meijer, Laura. "The Turn to Violence in the Kurdish-Turkish conflict." Maastricht Journal of Liberal Arts 8 (September 18, 2017): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.26481/mjla.2016.v8.526.
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Koefoed, Minoo. "Constructive Resistance in Northern Kurdistan: Exploring the Peace, Development and Resistance Nexus." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 12, no. 3 (December 2017): 39–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2017.1366352.
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Cultural and linguistic repression of Kurdish ethnic identity rests at the heart of the conflict between the Turkish state and the Kurdish movement in Turkey's Kurdish region, also known as Northern Kurdistan. Inspired by Peet and Hartwick's conceptualisation of alternative development, combined with Gandhi's idea of the constructive programme and Galtung's conceptualisation of positive peace, this article investigates intersections between peace, development and resistance. The discussion is informed and developed by illuminating two empirical cases of what will be argued should be seen as ‘constructive resistance’ conducted by the Kurdish movement. Both cases seek to undermine repressive Turkish assimilation policies. This article shows how social movements, through constructive resistance practices, can be understood as central actors in processes of social and political transformation, termed ‘self-organised development’.
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Sakallıoğlu, Ümit Cizre. "Historicizing the Present and Problematizing the Future of the Kurdish Problem: A Critique of the TOBB Report on the Eastern Question." New Perspectives on Turkey 14 (1996): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600006221.
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The role of conflict has been integral to the state and nation formation in Turkey since the inception of the Republic in 1923. Faced with the twin tasks of democratic legitimacy and maintaining control, or security and civil-centered politics, the state has historically opted for authority and control. Ironically enough, while Republican politics has emphasized unity and uniformity to limit diversity and conflict caused by class, ethnicity and Islam, the result has been the opposite. So much so that the present conflict between the state and the Kurdish Workers' Party (PKK), which has cost nearly fourteen thousand lives since 1984, has reached an abysmal point: “in the end Turkey's victory may be a Pyrrhic one. If the conflict continues without exploration of other avenues, it will most likely jeopardize Turkey's relations with Europe and the United States” (Brown 1995, p. 128). Moreover, it has become increasingly clear that Kurdish nationalism is not just a simple expression of discontent and opposition but also a challenge to the very premises on which the Turkish nation-state has been built. In that sense, the resolution of the Kurdish “problem” is of concern not only to the Kurdish population of the Republic, but involves the future shape and substance of the Turkish state and society in their entirety as well.
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Mousseau, Demet Yalcin. "An inquiry into the linkage among nationalizing policies, democratization, and ethno-nationalist conflict: the Kurdish case in Turkey." Nationalities Papers 40, no. 1 (January 2012): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2011.638279.
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This article analyzes the effects of nationalizing policies of the state, processes of democratization, and uneven socio-economic development on the rise of Kurdish ethno-mobilization led by the PKK terrorist organization since the 1980s in Turkey. Three features of the Turkish modernization context are identified as conducive for the rise and continuation of Kurdish ethno-mobilization: a) a nation-building autocratic state that resisted granting cultural rights and recognition for the Kurds; b) democratization with the exclusion of ethnic politics and rights; c) economic regional inequality that coincided with the regional distribution of the Kurdish population. It is argued that autocratic policies of the state during nation-building accompanied the development of an illiberal democracy and intolerance for cultural pluralism. These aspects of Turkish democracy seem to be incompatible with both the liberal and consociational models of democracy that accommodate ethnicity within multiculturalism.
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Szkudlarek, Magdalena. "Programowa niechęć do państwa jako kwintesencja zjawiska identyfikacji narodowej wśród Kurdów tureckich – analiza głównych przejawów nacjonalizmu kurdyjskiego w Turcji." Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM, no. 5 (October 31, 2018): 107–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/r.2012.5.7.
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The aim of this article is to present a comprehensive analysis of the phenomenon of Kurdish nationalism and identity in Turkey. An emphasis will be placed on aspects such as the lack of acceptance of Kurdish nationalists for state-oriented attitudes among some Kurds, the lack of acceptance for the Turkish government’s pro-Kurdish decisions and abusing of tragic Turks and Kurds’ past by both sides of the conflict in order to win the propaganda war. The groundless conviction that “Kurdish nationalism” and “ PKK terrorism” is the same thing leads to misunderstanding that terror is the only indication of show ing Kurdish identity. The true complexity of this phenomenon will be presented in this article.
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GÜLMEZ, RECEP. "Two Islamic Movements in conflict in terms of linguistic nationalism." Japanese Journal of Political Science 18, no. 2 (May 9, 2017): 247–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109917000019.
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AbstractReligion and nationalism are not only two distinctive but also closely related concepts when it comes to nation-building. Their role in language policy and linguistic nationalism is pervasive. Today, in Turkey, two religious movements of the same origin play a key role in linguistic nationalism and decision-making in language policy: the Gülen movement and the Med-Zehra movement. These two non-governmental affinities are important groups in the Nur movement. The Gülen movement is supportive of Turkish nationalism and thereby Turkish language and identity, while the Med-Zehra group emphasizes Kurdish identity and separatism. This study makes a comparison between the two movements and investigates in detail their role in language policy and linguistic nationalism.
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Jähnichen, Gisa. "Book Review of ‘Kirsten Seidlitz. 2020. Musik & Politischer Konflikt aus der Türkei – kurdische, alevitische und linke Musik in Deutschland’ [Music and Political Conflict from Turkey – Kurdish, Alevi, and Leftist Music In Germany]. Bielefeld: Transcript." ASIAN-EUROPEAN MUSIC RESEARCH JOURNAL 7 (June 21, 2021): 97–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.30819/aemr.7-8.
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This short review essay refers to the book of Kirsten Seidlitz ‘Musik XXABSTRACT Politischer Konflikt aus der Türkei – Kurdische, alevitische und linke Musik in Deutschland [Music and Political Conflict from Turkey – Kurdish, Alevi, and Leftist Music in Germany], which was published in 2020 by the German Transcript Verlag in Bielefeld. It is written in German and addresses many important questions regarding political conflicts and their impact on music among various different Turkish people living in Germany. Migration and political participation are heatedly debated in recent times and also a part of cultural exchange.
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Somer, Murat. "Defensive- vs. Liberal-Nationalist Perspectives on Diversity and the Kurdish Conflict: Europeanization, the Internal Debate, andTürkiyelilik." New Perspectives on Turkey 32 (2005): 73–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600004118.
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The main goal of this article is to highlight the importance and implications of a debate that is ongoing in Turkey over the meaning, social-political role, and regulation of Turkey's ethnic-cultural diversity, especially that of its Kurdish component. By itself, this debate can neither bring about any significant change in the political realm nor have a major influence on the “mainstream” Turkish social-political discourse. Despite significant changes during the last decade or so, this discourse continues to predominantly reflect the diversity-phobic, dominant beliefs and values of Turkish nationalism.
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Faraj Mahmood, Anwar Mohammad, and Jalil Omar Ali. "Constructivism theory and its explanation of the interactions and issues of the Middle East." Tikrit Journal For Political Science, no. 19 (May 24, 2020): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i19.214.
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The emergence of social constructivism theory is a turning point in the field of theories of International Relations, being viewed by a different subject from what preceded it from theories through a social understanding of what is going on in this relationship. Hence, this research examines the main concepts of social structural theory such as identity and interest and the role of actors without countries along with the main role of the state in interactions and international issues, and then using the main concepts of structural theory at the international level in the interpretation of interactions and major issues in the Middle East. Accordingly, interactions and issues in the Middle East are interpreted as a conflict that is between the components of the states and non-state actors.
Furthermore, in this region interactions and issues revolve around religious, sectarian, and national identities. Additionally, the perspective of social constructivism, it is clear that the sectarian conflicts produces interactions and issues in three forms: namely, the struggle of the Iranian Shiite-Saudi identities and the struggle of the Shiite-Sunni identities in Iraq and lastly the conflict of Shiite-Sunni identities in Yemen. In terms of interactions and issues between national identities in the region, there is a struggle for the identity of the Turkish-Kurdish nationalities, the struggle for the identity of the Arab-Kurdish nationalities, and the struggle for the identity of the Persian-Kurdish nationalities. Thus, conflict and religious interactions produced issues between the Islamic and Jewish identities divided into two parts, namely the struggle of the Sunni-Jewish Islamic identities and the struggle of the Shiite-Jewish Islamic identities. Consequently, chaos is prevalent in this region, and it is difficult to imagine a way out of it, as long as a conflict within the region is characterized by ideologies, values and identities..
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Galip, Özlem Belçim. "Writing across Kurdistan." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 9, no. 3 (2016): 257–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-00903003.
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Gauri Viswanathan asks ‘where is English literature produced?’ and answers not only ‘in England, of course’. This is also true of Kurdish literature, which is not only produced ‘in Kurdistan, of course’. In fact, due to forced migrations, political conflicts and massacres, Kurds have mainly produced literary works outside Kurdistan. Because there is no state and there are no internationally recognized Kurdish territories, the understanding of what we mean by the term ‘Kurdistan’ is blurred; hence, the location of Kurdish literary work may change, as does the development of Kurdish literature, whether or not it is produced in Kurdish territory. Thus, compared to some other literary traditions, the Kurdish tradition is shaped in multiple geographies in terms of writing and publishing processes, multilingual and transnational affiliations, constant mobility and a diverse sociopolitical context that challenges and complicates the national literature, and vividly exemplifies the heterogeneity and discontinuity of national cultures. Drawing on debates on national literature and ideological texts, in this article I offer insights into Kurdish novels through readings of six novels from six spaces (Iraqi, Iranian, Syrian and Turkish Kurdistan, Soviet Armenia and the Kurdish diaspora) in order to explore the relationship between the texts and the boundaries they are set in, and to compare texts and the way they respond to different sociopolitical contexts. In these six fictional texts, I argue that the themes are usually identified with the realm of sociopolitical conflict and tension and the articulation of loss, trauma, war, the longing for return, and disappointment with the return. Furthermore I suggest that in contrast to idealized imaginary, home and nation, and patriotism in the case of statelessness or exile, these texts are articulated through critical discourses that challenge the idea of a unified national literature, and cannot be united under the sound of a single voice or stable ground.
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Bajalan, Djene Rhys, and Welat Zeydanlıoğlu. "Editorial." Kurdish Studies 6, no. 2 (October 29, 2018): 169–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v6i2.453.
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In this issue of Kurdish Studies, the eleventh since our first publication five years ago, we are again fortunate to have a thought-provoking collection of pieces covering a variety of different topics pertaining to the culture, history, and politics of the Kurds. This issue includes two original pieces written by Sacha Alsancakli and Aram Rafaat respectively, as well as a translation by Ethem Çoban of Joachim von Elbe’s 1929 piece Der englisch-türkische Mossulkonflikt [The English-Turkish Conflict of Mosul].
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Acar, Yasemin Gülsüm. "Village guards as “in between” in the Turkish-Kurdish conflict: Re-examining identity and position in intergroup conflict." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 7, no. 2 (December 18, 2019): 925–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v7i2.854.
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The current paper utilizes new approaches in intergroup conflict studies to examine the village guard system and its role in the Turkish-Kurdish conflict in Turkey. Recent work suggests that a two-group paradigm in researching intergroup conflict leaves out important contextual factors that influence trajectories and outcomes of conflict. The current paper is based on a project examining the views of 63 active and retired village guards in five provinces in eastern Turkey. Participants were asked how they became village guards, their experiences while holding the position and after they’ve retired, their relationship with neighbors and neighboring villages, as well as their views on the peace process and whether they believe a lasting peace is possible. Results indicate that village guards became guards either because their tribe took arms as a whole, they felt economically there were few other options, or were pressured by the state. Participants also reported feeling otherized by both non-village guard neighbors as well as state actors, and were generally positive about a peaceful outcome to the conflict but were concerned about the sincerity of the government.
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Sirkeci, Ibrahim, Jeffrey H. Cohen, and Pinar Yazgan. "Turkish culture of migration: Flows between Turkey and Germany, socio-economic development and conflict." Migration Letters 9, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 33–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v9i1.201.
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In this paper we explore the rise of Turkey as a destination for new migrants including the children of Turks and Kurds who emigrated to Europe and Germany over the last five decades. An environment of social, economic and human insecurity dominated migration from Turkey to Europe and in particular Germany over the last five decades; and today, shifts in Turkish society, economy and security are attracting migrants to the country. Ethnic conflicts were one key factor driving migration in the past and as we note, they continue to moderate the relationship between socio-economic development and emigration rates for Kurdish movers in the present. Nevertheless, we argue that the growth of the Turkish economy and increasing social freedoms support an increase in immigration to Turkey. Immigration to Turkey includes returnees as well as second and third generation Turks from Germany among other places.
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Zwaak, Leo. "The European Court of Human Rights has the Turkish Security Forces Held Responsible for Violations of Human Rights: The Case of Akdivar and Others." Leiden Journal of International Law 10, no. 1 (March 1997): 99–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156597000083.
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In this article, special attention will be given to the recent judgment of the European Court of Human Right in the case of Akdivar and Others v. Turkey. Since 1985, a violent conflict has raged in the South-Eastern region of Turkey, between the Turkish security forces and sections of the Kurdish population in favour of Kurdish autonomy, in particular members of the PKK (Workers' Party of Kurdistan). Since 1987, 10 of the 11 provinces of South-Eastern Turkey have been subjected to emergency rule, which was in force at the time of the facts complained of. The main issue in this case concerned the fact that during this conflict, a large number of villages have been destroyed and evacuated by the security forces. According to the applicants, the alleged burning of their houses by the security forces constituted, inter alia, a violation of Article 3 (the prohibition of torture and inhuman treatment or punishment) and Article 8 (the right of respect for private life, family life, and home) of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), and Article 1 of Protocol No. 1 (property rights).
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Bakircioglu, Onder, and Brice Dickson. "THE EUROPEAN CONVENTION IN CONFLICTED SOCIETIES: THE EXPERIENCE OF NORTHERN IRELAND AND TURKEY." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 66, no. 2 (February 20, 2017): 263–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589317000033.
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AbstractSince the entry into force of the European Convention on Human Rights there have been many serious conflicts in Europe. This article examines the role played by the Convention in two of those conflicts: that in Northern Ireland between supporters of the territory remaining part of the United Kingdom and supporters of Northern Ireland becoming part of a reunified Ireland, and that in Turkey between those who advocate for a unified Turkish State and those who want a Turkey which grants greater rights to Kurds and accepts greater autonomy for the Kurdish-dominated southeast region. The principal goal is to compare how the institutions in Strasbourg have responded to applications lodged by victims of human rights abuses allegedly committed during the two conflicts. The comparison seeks to identify to what extent the European Court of Human Rights has adopted principles and practices which can contribute to a reduction in human rights abuses during times of conflict.
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Gunes, Cengiz, Liza Mügge, Kevin Smets, Joost Jongerden, Ergin Öpengin, and Ebubekir Isik. "Book Reviews." Kurdish Studies 5, no. 1 (May 17, 2017): 88–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v5i1.422.
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Eve Hepburn (ed.), New Challenges for Stateless Nationalist and Regionalist Parties, London: Routledge, 2011, 186 pp., (ISBN: 1317965965).Paul White, The PKK: Coming Down From the Mountains, London: Zed Books, 2015, 216 pp., (ISBN: 9781783600373). Ibrahim Sirkeci, Jeffrey H. Cohen & Pınar Yazgan (eds.), Conflict, Insecurity and Mobility, Transnational Press London, London, 2016, 184 pp., (ISBN: 978-1-910781-09-8) Janroj Y. Keles, Media, Diaspora and Conflict: Nationalism and Identity Amongst Turkish and Kurdish Migrants in Europe, London: I.B. Tauris, 2015, 256 pp., (ISBN: 9781784530396).Abdullah Öcalan, The Political Thought of Abdullah Öcalan, Kurdistan, Woman’s Revolution, and Democratic Confederalism, London: Pluto Press, 2017, 153 pp., (ISBN: 9780745399768).Mistefa Aydogan, Rêbera Rastnivîsînê, Istanbul: Rûpel, 2012, 298 pp., (ISBN: 978-605-86516-0-9).
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Putkaradze, Tamaz. "Georgians of Turkey: the Problem of Identity Searching in the Conditions of the Kurdish-Turkish Conflict." Bulletin of Kyiv National University of Culture and Arts. Series in Museology and Monumental Studies 2, no. 1 (June 26, 2019): 71–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.31866/2617-7943.2.1.2019.172521.
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Protner, Beja. "The limits of an ‘open mind’: state violence, Turkification, and complicity in the Turkish–Kurdish conflict." Turkish Studies 19, no. 5 (September 3, 2018): 671–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2018.1514494.
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Aghapouri, Hossein. "Book Review: Media, Diaspora and Conflict: Nationalism and Identity amongst Turkish and Kurdish Migrants in Europe." cultural geographies 24, no. 1 (June 23, 2016): 185–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474474016630968.
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Olejárová, Barbora. "The Great Wall of Turkey: From „The Open-Door Policy” to Building Fortress?" Pogranicze. Polish Borderlands Studies 6, no. 2 (November 2, 2018): 117–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.25167/ppbs55.
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Following outbreak of the Syrian civil war in 2011, Turkey recorded an unprecedented inflow of migrants from its southern neighbourhood. The policy of opened borders in the initial years of war contrasted to securitization, the search for international support and other similar policies, which countries usually adopt in cases of migration crises. However, rising numbers of Syrian migrants, the deterioration of Turkish relations with the Assad government and the engagement of the Kurds as another important party in the Syrian conflict resulted in the switch of the Turkish border policy. In 2014, President Erdoğan initiated the construction of over 800 km long barrier on the border with Syria with an aim to build similar fenced walls on the Iraqi and Iranian border in 2017. Main aim of this paper is to analyze the development of the Turkish border policy (particularly concerning the border with Syria) in the aftermath of the 2011 events in the Middle East and identify factors, which led up to the shift from the policy of welcoming to the policy of building „Fortress Turkey”. The first part of the paper will briefly summarize Turkish migration policy and focus on presenting the change of the initial ‘open’ approach to migration from Syria into the current state of building fences in the borderland. Subsequently, the paper will deal with selected factors, which might have caused this phenomenon. These include spread of terrorism and inflow of the Daesh fighters, who were using soft border regime to diffuse their activities to the Turkish territory; increase in smuggling and cross-border illegal trade; fears from the conflict spillover; but also territorial integrity concerns with regard to revival of the Kurdish activities in the region .
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Getmansky, Anna, Tolga Sınmazdemir, and Thomas Zeitzoff. "Refugees, xenophobia, and domestic conflict." Journal of Peace Research 55, no. 4 (February 15, 2018): 491–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343317748719.
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What factors influence attitudes towards refugees? Do negative attitudes towards refugees also influence attitudes towards conflict in the host countries? Previous studies suggest that an influx of refugees, and locals’ reaction to them, may destabilize receiving countries and lead to conflict. In particular, actual or perceived negative effects of refugees’ presence, such as increased economic competition with the locals, disruption of ethnic balance in the host country, and arrival of people with ties to rebel groups may lead to an increased likelihood of civil conflict in countries that receive refugees. These effects can lead to instability by changing the locals’ incentives and opportunities of engaging in violence. Indeed, some studies find a positive correlation at the cross-national level between influx of refugees and conflict in receiving countries. We contribute to this literature by experimentally manipulating information about the externalities of hosting refugees. We conducted a survey-experiment in the summer of 2014 in Turkey, a country that hosts the largest number of Syrian refugees. We examine how different messages about the possible effects of hosting refugees – increased economic burden, disruption of ethnic balance, and ties with rebels, as well as a positive message of saving innocent women and children – affect locals’ perceptions of the refugees and their attitudes towards the Turkish-Kurdish peace process. We find that some messages cause locals, especially majority non-Kurds, to hold more negative views of the refugees, and in some cases to view them as a threat. Generally speaking, this information does not affect support for the peace process within Turkey. Rather, fundamental factors, such as partisanship, and previous exposure to conflict are better predictors of attitudes towards peace.
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Göksel, Nisa. "Losing the One, Caring for the All: The Activism of the Peace Mothers in Turkey." Social Sciences 7, no. 10 (September 27, 2018): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci7100174.
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This article focuses on the political activism of the Peace Mothers in Turkey, a group of Kurdish mothers whose children were either Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan (PKK) guerrillas or political dissidents during the conflict between the Turkish state and the PKK. The peace activism of the Mothers is a distinctive case that speaks to the tension between the domains of the familial and the political—a tension that appears in everyday discussions as well as in feminist literature. In this article, I suggest that the Peace Mothers’ struggle to bridge national and local peace-making ideals is a subtle effort to resolve that tension and to transform the realms of family and politics. The mobilization around “motherhood” aims at peace on the national scale, but has led to an unexpected form of activism in the Kurdish community, where the Mothers now mediate local family conflicts in the wake of war. While the Mothers’ activism has not been successful in achieving its main goal of securing a national peace settlement, I argue that it transforms both the political and the familial spheres to a significant extent. The Mothers conceive of motherhood broadly: as the state of being an agent with the capacity to connect to the All via a sense of loss and care. In engaging with feminist debates on motherhood, activism, and care, this article presents a novel framework for understanding the persistent boundary between the political and the familial and calls attention to the role of gendered politics and maternal activism in understudied local settings.
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Kravchuk, O. "SYRIAN-TURKISH RELATIONSHIPS IN THE CONTEXT OF REGIONAL MIDDLE EASTERN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS SYSTEM." ACTUAL PROBLEMS OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, no. 128 (2016): 28–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2016.128.0.28-39.
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The article spotlights decisive factors of the Syrian-Turkish interstate relations evolution after the end of the Cold War, special attention was given to clarify place of the water and the Kurdish problems in the relations between the two countries. After World War I in Syria and many other Arab states the Republic of Turkey was seen primarily as a legal successor of the Ottoman Empire that for several centuries colonized these countries and prevented their civilizational development. With the collapse of the bipolar system of international relations between Syria and Turkey broke a serious struggle for influence in the region. An important security problem in the Syrian-Turkish relations was left water, ie the distribution of resources river Euphrates because hydrographic feature of the Middle East is extremely uneven distribution of freshwater. Normalization of bilateral interstate relations delineated only with coming to power in Republic of Turkey the moderate Islamist Justice and Development Party led by Recep Tayyip Erdogan, whose foreign policy aimed at establishing closer ties with the Middle East countries and a visible mediating role in resolving the Arab-Israeli conflict. Immediately after the consolidation of the power vertical Justice and Development Party began to distance itself from Israel in order to establish a more open dialogue with Mashriq states.
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Bagci, Sabahat C., and Elif Çelebi. "Cross-group friendships and outgroup attitudes among Turkish-Kurdish ethnic groups: does perceived interethnic conflict moderate the friendship-attitude link?" Journal of Applied Social Psychology 47, no. 2 (October 21, 2016): 59–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jasp.12413.
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Sirkeci, Ibrahim, Jeffrey H. Cohen, and Pinar Yazgan. "Türk göç kültürü: Türkiye ile Almanya arasında göç hareketleri, sosyo-ekonomik kalkınma ve çatışma - Turkish culture of migration: Flows between Turkey and Germany, socio-economic development and conflict." Migration Letters 9, no. 4 (December 6, 2012): 373–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v9i4.123.
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In this paper we explore the rise of Turkey as a destination for new migrants including the children of Turks and Kurds who emigrated to Europe and Germany over the last five decades. An environment of social, economic and human insecurity dominated migration from Turkey to Europe and in particular Germany over the last five decades; and today, shifts in Turkish society, economy and security are attracting migrants to the country. Ethnic conflicts were one key factor driving migration in the past and as we note, they continue to moderate the relationship between socio-economic development and emigration rates for Kurdish movers in the present. Nevertheless, we argue that the growth of the Turkish economy and increasing social freedoms support an increase in immigration to Turkey. Immigration to Turkey includes returnees as well as second and third generation Turks from Germany among other places. [IN TURKISH]Bu makalede Türkiye’nin, son 50 yıl içinde Avrupa’ya ve özellikle Almanya’ya göç etmiş Türk ve Kürt göçmenlerin çocukları da dahil olmak üzere yeni göçmenler için bir destinasyon haline gelişini irdeliyoruz. Sosyal, ekonomik ve insani bir güvensizlik ortamının varlığı, son 50 yıldaki Türkiye’den Avrupa’ya ve özellikle Almanya’ya göç üzerinde etkili olmuştur. Bugün ise Türk toplumundaki, ekonomisindeki ve güvenliğindeki değişimler ülkeye göçmen çekmektedir. Geçmişte, etnik çatışmalar göçü belirleyen faktörlerden biriydi ve bunlar bugün de sosyo-ekonomik kalkınma ve Kürt göçmenlerin göçü arasındaki ilişkiyi etkilemektedir. Ancak, Türkiye ekonomisinin büyümesi ve sosyal özgürlüklerin artışı Türkiye’ye göçü desteklemektedir. Türkiye’ye göç, Almanya ve diüer ülkelerden geri dönüş göçüyle birlikte ikinci ve üçüncü kuşak Türklerin göçünü de kapsamakatadır.
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Karan, Olgu. "The politics of 2011 riots in North London: How riots did not culminate into inter-ethnic conflict?" BORDER CROSSING 8, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 76–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/bc.v8i1.580.
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While there has been a considerable research study into the causes and consequences of the 2011 riots and rioters' composition in terms of their class, ethnic origin and gender, there is much less on the shop-keepers perspectives on the August, 2011 riots in London. One of the consequence of this under-research area is little is known about how riots affect relationships between communities in multi-ethnic London. Based on forty interviews conducted with Kurdish and Turkish (KT) shop-owners and key persons from community organizations in North London, the findings of this study state that the theory of middleman minorities does not provide conceptual insight to explain the events. Rather, utilization of theory of framing sheds light upon the perceptions and actions of migrants from Turkey and inter-ethnic relationships in North London. This article argues that KT shopkeepers, community organizations and rioters managed to generate a shared consciousness during face-to-face encounters on the streets. The conscious efforts of shopkeepers and rioters constructed an interest alignment against government policy for cutting social programmes, economic deprivation, and police misconduct. To this end, members of ethnic groups prevented inter-ethnic conflict.
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TRUEVTSEV, K. M. "MIDDLE EAST: MORPHOLOGY OF AND POST-CONFLICT DESIGN." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 2 (November 2, 2017): 143–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-2-2.
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This article looks at the structure and the dynamics of the Middle Eastern crisis set in motion by the events of the Arab Spring. At the heart of the crisis was Syria, where antigovernment protests broke out in early 2011, almost in parallel with other countries also affected by the Arab Spring. Starting from late March 2011, the unrest morphed into a civil war, leading to a large-scale crisis engulfing the country by the end of the year. At first, the opposition to the Syrian regime consisted of numerous groups with varying political affiliations – from liberals to Islamists – however, by early 2012, radical Islamism came to dominate the opposition forces. And by the end of the same year, the opposition was spearheaded by an openly terrorist organization – the al-Nusra Front, an outgrowth of the Syrian branch of Al-Qaeda. Over the same period, regional and international forces were becoming more and more involved in the Syrian crisis. Since 2012, in parallel with the Syrian crisis, there has been another internal conflict raging in the Middle East, namely in Iraq, with the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) taking the foreground and combining groups of Iraqi al-Qaeda militants with Baathist underground forces. In 2014–2015, ISIL took hold of large swaths of territory in Syria and Iraq, effectively turning the Syrian civil war into a regional conflict. In addition to Syria and Iraq, the ongoing crisis has involved – either directly or indirectly – such actors as Turkey, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and a number of other regional powers. Turkey has been indirectly involved in the Syrian crisis since its very beginning, but starting from 2016 its engagement in the conflict has become much more active – not only in Syria, but also in Iraq. In 2013, Iran started to interfere in the Syrian crisis directly, using its Shia allies, and expanded its presence onto Iraq in 2014. Saudi Arabia and Qatar’s participation in the Syrian conflict has been indirect, mainly through military and financial assistance provided to their clients inside the country. However, Saudi Arabia’s activities in Syria have started to decline in 2015, due to its military involvement in Yemen, which – in a broader context – can be perceived as a peripheral component of the large regional conflict. In addition to the above mentioned components, one could also name a number of other equally important factors to the crisis. One of them is that the ranks of al- Nusra and ISIL militants have been reinforced not only by people coming from the Arab countries, but also from the citizens of Western Europe, North America and the former USSR. Another factor has been the growing role of Kurdish groups in the confrontation with the terrorists, especially with ISIL. This has led to the creation of a Kurdish autonomy in northern Syria. At the same time, an armed confrontation began in Turkish Kurdistan, which Turkey views as a threat to its territorial integrity. The Syrian crisis has also been marked by involvement of global powers, such as the US and Russia. The US-led international coalition has not succeeded in changing the course of the conflict – on the other hand, Russia’s involvement since the second half of 2015 has made a significant difference. With the end of the campaign against ISIL already in view, and with the prospects for a successful intra- Syrian settlement, it would seem reasonable to raise the question of the post-conflict configuration of the region, which is discussed at the end of the article.
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Karakoç, Ekrem, and Zeki Sarıgil. "Why Religious People Support Ethnic Insurgency? Kurds, Religion and Support for the PKK." Politics and Religion 13, no. 2 (August 9, 2019): 245–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048319000312.
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AbstractThis study challenges a dominant view that religion constrains the support for an ethnic insurgency. It argues that observing the discrepancy between religious brotherhood discourses of ethnic majority state and discrimination and inter-ethnic inequality in the social, political, and economic sphere as a result of the long-standing securitization of minority rights increase skepticism toward government among religious minorities. This long-term perception makes them receptive to the messages of an insurgent group that claims to fight for cultural and political rights of an ethnic minority. Utilizing two original public opinion surveys conducted in Turkey in 2011 and 2013, before and right after the peace talks between the Turkish state and the Kurdistan Workers' Party—The Partîya Karkêren Kurdistan (PKK), this study tests its hypotheses by taking the Kurdish conflict as a case study. The findings challenge the dominant paradigm that expects a negative relationship between religiosity and rebel support. Religious Kurds do not differ from non-religious ones in support for the formerly Marxist–Leninist PKK. Second, political and economic grievances matter; the perception among Kurds, of state discrimination and inter-ethnic economic inequality generates positive attitudes toward the PKK. Finally, the perception of inter-ethnic socioeconomic inequality amplifies support for the PKK among religious Kurds.
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MALYSHEVA, D. B. "POLITICAL TRANSFORMATION OF TURKEY IN THE CONTEXT OF THE REFERENDUM ON 16 APRIL." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 2 (November 2, 2017): 167–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-2-167-180.
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The article deals with the peculiarities of the transformation of Turkey in the sphere of internal and foreign policy in the light of the referendum held on April 16, 2017 on the issue of the extension of powers of the head of state. The preconditions and consequences of the transition of Turkey from a parliamentary political system to a presidential one are analyzed, as well as the problem of stability of the internal political situation in the republic in the conditions of the economic crisis, the unresolved Kurdish problem, the increase of terrorist threat. In the article the changes in the positioning of Turkey in the international arena appeared after the referendum, in particular in the relations with the European Union which Turkey has tried to join for a long time are revealed. Special attention is paid to the international and political activity of Turkey in the Middle East region and in the Syrian conflict zone where the military confrontation sparked the activation of radical Islamist movements and terrorist structures. The evolution of the Turkish approaches to the crisis in Syria is analyzed, the role of Turkey which with Russia and Iran has become a guarantor of peaceful settlement within the framework of Astana process is estimated. Based on the analysis of the peculiarities of the transformation of Turkey as a regional power a conclusion is made about the postreferendum continuity of the political course in the sphere of internal and foreign policy and that within the framework of the presidential political system developing in the republic one can expect greater dynamics in the adoption of economic, political and international solutions.
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Elbe, Joachim V., and Ethem Coban. "TRANSLATION: The English-Turkish Conflict of Mosul." Kurdish Studies 6, no. 2 (October 30, 2018): 217–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v6i2.448.
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This article is the English translation of Der englisch-türkische Mossulkonflikt by Dr. Joachim v. Elbe, a prominent German-American legal expert of the 20th century. The original article in German was published in 1929 in the first issue of Zeitschrift für ausländisches öffentliches Recht und Völkerrecht (Heidelberg Journal of International Law). The aim of translating this article is to present to the readers of Kurdish Studies the perspective of past publications documenting discussion on Kurds and statehood as well breaking language barriers and making such documents accessible to a wider audience. Moreover, this translation hopes to provide policymakers and scholars engaged in this topic with an overview of the legal history.Acknowledgement: This article is translated by Ethem Çoban from the original paper by Joachim v. Elbe published in 1929 with the title “Der englisch-turkische Mossulkonflikt” in Zeitschrift für ausländisches öffentliches Recht und Völkerrech, Heidelberg Journal of International Law ( HJIL ), vol.1, part.2, pp.391-418. Available at http://www.zaoerv.de/01_1929/1_1929_1_a_391_420.pdf, accessed: 01/09/2018.ABSTRACT IN KURMANJIDubendiya Îngilîz û Tirkan li ser MûsilêEv babet wergerra înglîzî ya babeteke bi nawnîşana Der engliscih-türkische Mossulkonflikt e û ji layê doktor Joachim v. Elbe ve hatiye nivîsîn, ku pisporekî diyar yê yasaya emerîkî-elmanî yê sedsala bîstem e. Babeta eslî li sala 1929 bi elmanî li jimareya yekem a Zeitschrift für ausländisches öffentliches Recht und Völkerrecht (Kovara Heidelberg bo Yasaya Navdewletî) de hatiye belavkirin. Armanca serekî ji wergêrana vê babetê ewe nêrîna weşan û nivîsarên demên borî ji bo belgekirina guftûgoyên li ser kurd û dewletdariyê bikevine ber bal û nezera xwînerên kovara Kurdish Studies, li gel şikandina rêgirîya zimanî û wisa bibe ku ev belge bikevine ber destê cemawerekî berfirehtir. Ji bilî van, ev werger hêvîdar e nezereke giştî li ser dîroka yasayî bo siyasetmedar û lêkolerên mijarê dabîn bike.ABSTRACT IN SORANIMilmilanêy înglîzî-turkî le MûsillEm babete wergêrranî înglîzîy babetêke be nawnîşanî Der engliscih-türkische Mossulkonflikt we le layen diktor Joachim v. Elbe nûsrawe, ke pisporrêkî diyarî yasayî emrîkî-ellmanîy sedey bîsteme. Babete esllîyeke le sallî 1929 be ellmanî le yekem jimarey Zeitschrift für ausländisches öffentliches Recht und Völkerrecht (Jorrnallî Heidelberg bo Yasay Nêwdewlletî) billaw kirayewe. Amancî serekî le wergêrranî em babete eweye rwangey billawkirawekanî rabirdû bo dokumêntkirdinî giftugokan le ser kurd û dewlletdarî bixirête ber dîdî xwêneranî Kurdish Studies, legell şkandinî rêgirîye zimanewanîyekan we wa bikrêt ew dokumêntane bikewne berdest cemawerêkî frawantir. Cige lewe, em wergêrrane hîwaxwaze têrrwanînî giştî leser dîrokî yasayî bo siyasetmedaran û twêjeran dabîn bikat.
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Saeed, Seevan. "Turkey, from Negotiation to War." Journal of University of Human Development 4, no. 3 (August 20, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/juhd.v4n3y2018.pp1-7.
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"While Mustafa Kemal Ataturk claimed on reconciliation within his country and with the world, we are now witnessing Turkish conflicts and tensions with all the countries of the region and the Turkish interior, with various factions and with the Kurds in particular. After 30 years of costly war between the state and the Kurdish movement, for the first time public negotiations began between the two. The famous speech of Ocalan was announced in Diyarbakir (March 2013). The movement has invested in this relatively peaceful environment and has begun to promote the Cultural Nationalism for the Kurds and other minorities on a large scale. But this atmosphere of peace and freedom did not last long. The state abruptly overthrew the peace process with representatives of the Kurdish movement by detaining thousands of its leaders. The guerrilla war began again, in many areas. The army has chased activists in houses and streets in cities such as Sur, Jazira, Naseebin and Sirnak. Some parts of the Kurdish areas have been destroyed, displacing about one million civilians. This research has tried to explain why the state has returned to its old policy of security and military approach, although in the past few years it has repeatedly claimed that it is possible to deal with the Kurdish question through peace and reconciliation. The research tries to study the complex relationship between these two poles."
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Aytaç, S. Erdem, and Ali Çarkoğlu. "Ethnicity and religiosity-based prejudice in Turkey: Evidence from a survey experiment." International Political Science Review 40, no. 1 (June 12, 2017): 58–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512117696333.
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Threat perceptions and prejudice underlie a large number of intergroup conflicts. In this article we explore prejudicial attitudes in Turkey regarding ethnic Kurdish and devout Muslim religious identities as opposed to Turkish and less observant, secular identities. Utilizing a population-based survey experiment, we use vignettes about a hypothetical family as a neighbour, with randomized ethnicity and religiosity-related cues. We find evidence for prejudice against Kurdish ethnicity, especially among older, lowly-educated and economically dissatisfied individuals. The level of prejudice against Kurds does not seem to be related to the relative size of the Kurdish population in the local population. We do not observe prejudice against devout Muslim or less observant, secular identities. Our findings indicate that prejudice against Kurds in Turkey does not have a sui generis nature. The lack of prejudice across the religiosity dimension suggests that major socio-political cleavages do not necessarily affect intergroup attitudes.
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Bakan, Ronay. "Socio-spatial dynamics of contentious politics: A case of urban warfare in the Kurdish region of Turkey." Kurdish Studies 8, no. 2 (October 13, 2020): 245–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v8i2.491.
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The literature on contentious politics often explains the dynamics of collective action as a product of sequential events in national and international politics. This time-centred perspective disregards the spatial dynamics of contention. Similarly, analysis on the relation between the Turkish state and Kurdish national movement tends to focus on dynamics and actors in macro politics. However, in the case of urban warfare, macro-level explanations cannot by themselves illustrate why certain localities experienced urban warfare while other districts in the same city or region continued their everyday life. Therefore, this article shifts the focus from macro-political dynamics to micro politics to examine the emergence of urban warfare in Suriçi, Diyarbakır, in 2015. It argues that socio-spatial dynamics comprised significant mechanisms that facilitated the conflict. Overall, it claims that the urban warfare in Suriçi demonstrates that dynamics of mobilization can be captured through a dialectical approach to macro and micro-level politics. Abstract in Kurmanji Dînamîkên sosyo-mekanî yên siyaseta dijwar: Nimûneya şerê bajaran li herêma kurd a Tirkiyeyê Lêkolînên heyî yên li ser siyaseta dijwar pirê caran dînamîkên tevgera kolektîf weke encama bûyerên peyhatî yên di siyaseta netewî û navnetewî de rave dikin. Ev nêrina zeman-navendî dînamîkên mekanî yên dijwariyê paşguh dikin. Herwiha, analîzên li ser têkiliya di navbera dewleta tirk û tevgera neteweyî ya kurd meyldar in ku bala xwe bidin dînamîk û aktorên makro-siyasetê. Lê belê, di mînaka şerê bajaran de, ravekirinên di asta makro de nikarin nîşan bidin ka çima hin herêman şerê bajaran tecrube kir lê di heman demê de navçeyên din ên heman bajarî an herêmê jiyana xwe ya rojane berdewam kir. Ji ber vê yekê, ev gotar balê ji dînamîkên makro-siyasetê dikşîne ser mîkro-siyasetê ku derketina şerê bajarî ya li Suriçiya Diyarbekirê, ya 2015an, binirxîne. Nîqaş dike ku dînamîkên sosyo-mekanî mekanîzmayên girîng pêk anîn ku pevçûn hêsantir kirin. Bi giştî, îdia dike ku şerê bajaran yê Suriçiyê nîşan dide ku dînamîkên seferberiyê bi rêya nêzîkbûneke dîalektîk a siyaseta di astên mîkro û makro de dikarin bên fehmkirin. Abstract in Sorani Daynamîkekanî cvakî-cêgeyî syasete mlimlanêyyekan: Dosyeyekî şerrî şarîy le herêmî kurdî le turkya Edebyatî syasetî mlimlanê zorcar daynemîkî karî bekomell wek berhemî rûdawe yek le dway yekekan le syasetî neteweyî û nêwdewlletîda rûn dekatewe. Em rwange katgeraye daynemîkî cêgeyî mlimlanê feramoş dekat. Be heman şêwe, şrove leser peywendî nêwan dewlletî turk û bzûtnewey neteweyî kurdîş meylî terkîzkirdne ser daynemîkekan û ekterekanî naw makro syasetî heye. Bellam, leprisî şerrî şarîyda, rûnkirdnewekanî rehendî-makro natwanin betenya ewe rûn bkenewe ke boçî lekatêkda hendêk le xellkî xocêyî şerrî şarîyan ezmûn kird le nawçekanî dîkey heman şar yan herêmda xellk le jyanî rojaney xoyan da berdewam bûn. Boye em wtare bo hellsengandinî serhelldanî şerrî şarîy le surîçî dyarbekir le sallî 2015 da, sernic le daynamîkî makrro syasî degwazêtewe bo maykrro syaset. Be giştî, babeteke cext lewe dekat şerrî şarîy le surîçî ewe derdexat ke daynemîkî mobalîzekirdin dekrêt leser astî makro û maykro syasetda wêna bikrêt. Abstract in Zazaki Dînamîkê soyso-herêmkîyî yê polîtîkaya şerkere: Dewaya cengê şaristanan ê herêmanê kurdan ê Tirkîya Edebîyatê polîtîkayanê şerkeran de zafêrî dînamîkê tevgeranê kolektîfan sey netîceyê serebûtanê sîyasetê neteweyî û mîyanneteweyîyan ê rêzkîyan îzah benê. No perspektîfo wextmerkezkî dînamîkê şerkerî yê herêmkîyî îhmal keno. Bi eynî usûlî, analîzê têkilîya mabênê dewleta Tirkîya û tevgerê kurdan ê neteweyî zafane dînamîk û kerdoxanê makropolîtîka ser o vindeno. Çi esto ke cengê şaristanan de nê tewir îzahê sewîyeya pêroyî bi xo nêeşkenê bimusnê ke çira tayê cayan de cengê şaristanan qewimîyeno û eynî dem de taxanê eynî şaristanî yan zî mintiqayanê bînan de cuya rojanîye dewam kena. Coka na meqale bale dînamîkanê makropolîtîkan ra ancena mîkropolîtîka ser ke wina destpêkerdişê cengê şaristanî yê taxa Sûrî ya Dîyarbekirî yê serra 2015î analîz bibo. Tede munaqeşe beno ke dînamîkê sosyo-herêmkîyî mekanîzmayanê muhîmanê ke dest dayî lejî, înan xo de hewêneno. Pêroyî, vajîyena ke cengê şaristanî yê Sûrî musneno ke dînamîkê seferî pê teşebusêko dîyalektîk yê makro- û mîkropolîtîka bêrê dîyene.
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Jongerden, Joost. "From containment and rollback to escalation: Turkey’s Kurdish issue under the AKP." europa ethnica 75, no. 1-2 (2018): 40–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.24989/0014-2492-2018-12-40.
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This article will argue that the meetings between Turkey and the Kurdistan Workers Party PKK between 2006-2015 were employed by the Turkish state to gain advantage in the conflict they were supposed to be aimed at resolving. This appraisal of the PKK-Turkey talks thus helps to explain the escalation in the summer of 2015 - as the result, that is, not of a failed process of negotiations but of a failed intelligence operation.
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Goral, Ozgur Sevgi. "Memory as experience in times of perpetual violence: the challenge of Saturday Mothers vis-à-vis cultural aphasia." Kurdish Studies 9, no. 1 (May 9, 2021): 77–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v9i1.569.
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The 1990s saw major developments within the Kurdish movement in Turkey, both politically and militarily. The Turkish state responded with a new repertoire of violence, characterized by irregular warfare methods. This article situates the phenomenon of enforced disappearance, employed by the state as part of its asymmetric strategy, within the broader context of memory space and everyday experience. For this, I follow the trajectory of the sittings of Saturday Mothers as performances, focusing on the case of Cizre. First, the phenomenon of enforced disappearance is situated within the historical background of the Kurdish conflict in the 1990s. Then, the Cizre and Istanbul Saturday Mothers’ sittings are compared in terms of memory making and the politico-symbolic sites they produce scrutinized as memory knots (nœuds de mémoire), tying the past to present and personal to political. Finally, I endorse the introduction of a novel term, cultural aphasia, to broaden and deepen the memory debate. Thus, through a focus on human and social relations, emotions and experiences, forms of state violence are revealed as continuously reproducing specific political subjectivities and struggles in everyday life. Abstract in Kurmanji Bîrewerî wekî tecrubeyek di demên tundiya domdar de: vexwendina meydanê ya Dayikên Şemiyê ya li hemberî afaziyaya çandî Salên 1990an di tevgera Kurdî ya li Tirkiyeyê de hem ji hêla siyasî û hem jî ya leşkerî ve bûn şahidê pêşveçûnên mezin. Dewleta Tirk bi repertuvareke tundî ya nû ku xwedî karaktera rêbazên şerê bêpergal bû bersiv da. Ev gotar, diyardeya kujernediyariyê ku dewletê ew wekî perçeyeke stratejiya xwe ya asîmetrîk bikar dianî, di qadeke firehtir a bîreweriyê de û di çarçoveya tecrubeya jiyana rojane de dinirxîne. Ji bo vê yekê, bi hûrgilîbûna li ser mînaka Cizîrê, ez rewşa roniştinên Dayikên Şemiyê wekî performans dişopînim. A yekem, diyardeya kujernediyariyê di paşxana dîrokî ya pevçûna Kurdan a 1990an de hatiye bicihkirin. Piştre, roniştinên Dayikên Şemiyê yên Cizîr û Stembolê ji hêla çêkirina bîreweriyê ve tên berawirdkirin û cihên siyasî-sembolîk ku ava kirine, ew cih, wekî girêkên bîreweriyê (nœuds de mémoire) ku do bi îro ve û takekesiyê bi siyasetê ve girê dide tên lêkolîn. Herî dawî, ji bo berfirehkirin û hûrgilîkirina nîqaşa bîreweriyê ez bikaranîna termeke nû ya bi navê afaziyaya çandiyê guncan dibînim. Ji ber vê yekê, bi hûrgilîbûneke li ser têkiliyên mirov û civakiyan, hest û tecrubeyan tê dîtin ku şêwazên tundiya dewletê di jiyana rojane de bi awayekî domdarî bi çêkirina kirdewarî û têkoşînên sîyasî yên taybet eşkere dibin. Abstract in Sorani Bîrewerî wek ezmûnêk le katî tundutîjî berdewamda: berengarî daykanî şemme beramber lallî kultûrî Deyey newetekan pêşkewtinî serekî lenaw bizavî kurdî le turkya, lerrûy siyasî û serbaziyewe, be xowe dît. Dewlletî turk be kerestey tazey tundutîjîyewe, ke be mîtodî cengî narrêk denasrêtewe, wellamî dayewe. Em witare dyardey winbûnî zoremlê dexaterrû ke wek beşêk le sitratijî nahawsengîyaney dewlletda û le çwarçêwey firawantirî fezay yadewerî û ezmûnî rojaneda bekarhatuwe. Bo emeş, be sernic xistne ser keysî cezîre, min şwên pêy rêçkey nimayişî danîştnekanî daykanî şemme helldegrim. Yekem , diyardey winbûnî zoremlê dekewête naw paşxanî mêjûyî kêşey kurd le deyey newetekanda. Dwatir, berawirdî nêwan danîştinekanî daykanî şemmey cezîre û estenboll le rûy yadawerîsazî dekat we ew pêge siyasî-sîmboliyaney berhemî dênin wek grêy bîrewerî depişkinêt,(nœudis de mémoire) bestnewey rabirdû be êstawe w kesî be syasîyewe. Le kotayîda, bo firawankirdin û qullkirdnewey dîbeytî yadewerî, pêşkeşkirdnî zaraweyekî nabaw, lallî kelturî, pesend dekem. Bemcore, le rêgey tîşk xistneser peywendîye miroyî û komellayetîyekan, soz û ezmûnekan, şêwekanî tundutîjî dewllet wek dûbare berhemhênanewey berdewamî babetî û xebatî siyasî diyarîkraw le jyanî rojaneda aşkra dekrêt. Abstract in Zazaki Wextê şîdetê bêpeynî de xatira bena tecrube: duştê afazîya kulturkîye de mucadeleyê Mayanê Şemeyî Serranê 1990an de tevgerê kurdan Tirkîya de xeylê averşîyayîşê girsî dîyî, hem hetê sîyasetî ra hem kî hetê leşkerîye ra. Dewleta tirke bi repertuarê şîdetî yo newe cewab da ci, taybetmendîye kî usûlê cengî yê bêserûberî bîyî. Na meqale fenomenê vîndîkerdişanê zoranîyan ke hetê dewlete ra sey parçeyê stratejîya xo ya asîmetrîke xebitnîyayî, ey keno zereyê kontekstê hîrayî yê xatirgeh û tecrubeyanê rojaneyan. Seba naye, ez sey performansî raywanîya roniştişanê Mayanê Şemeyî taqîb kena, tede giranî dana Cizîre ser. Verê, fenomenê vîndîkerdişanê zoranîyan zereyê tarîxê lejê kurdan ê 1990an de ca beno. Dima, roniştişê Mayanê Şemeyî yê Cizîre û Îstanbulî hetê xatirasazîye û nîşangehanê sîyasîyan ra yenê têveronayene ke sey girêyê xatirayan (nœuds de mémoire) etud benê û vîyarteyî bestnenê nikayî, şexsî kî bestnenê sîyasî. Peynîye de, ez wazena termêko newe bidî naskerdene: afazîya kulturkîye. Wina munaqeşeyê xatirayan bibo hîrayêr û xorînêr. Coka giranî dîyena têkilîyanê komel û însanan, hîs û tecrubeyan ser ke tewirê şîdetê dewlete eşkera bibê sey subjektîvîyî û mucadeleyanê cuya rojanî yê sîyasîyanê taybetîyan ê ke timûtim xo zêde kenê.
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AşIk, Ozan. "Politics, power, and performativity in the newsroom: an ethnography of television journalism in Turkey." Media, Culture & Society 41, no. 5 (September 14, 2018): 587–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443718799400.
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How do political divisions within the newsroom shape negotiations around news production? This article addresses this question by examining how Turkish journalists, in their discourse and practices, represent Kurds and Arabs when interpreting and discussing current events related to the Kurdish question and the Arab Spring. The study draws upon a year of ethnographic fieldwork, and interviews conducted in 2011 and 2012, in the newsrooms of two mainstream national television channels in Turkey. It reveals how journalists with opposing political beliefs perform their representational practices by continuously modifying them according to the opinions of managerial boards. In negotiations on the portrayal of Kurds and Arabs in news reports, journalists mask or modify ‘undesired’ aspects of their individual interpretations to fit them into a dominant news frame. However, they can also challenge that frame. Based upon the observation of such negotiations, this article advances a novel definition of journalistic performance as a purposeful, strategic, and staged form of symbolic communication: an essential tool for navigating ideological conflicts in the power structure of the newsroom.
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Conker, Ahmet. "Understanding Turkish water nationalism and its role in the historical hydraulic development of Turkey." Nationalities Papers 46, no. 5 (September 2018): 877–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2018.1473353.
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Turkey is fully engaged in its “hydraulic mission,” very extensively and rapidly “developing” water resources throughout its territory. The extensive hydraulic development attempts conducted by the Turkish government create local, national, inter-state, and transnational contestations among the different interest groups. A great deal of scholarly literature has analyzed the rationale behind Turkey's massive-scale hydraulic development. While some studies link Turkey's hydraulic mission to its energy and food security, others highlight the importance of domestic conflicts, as in the case of the Kurdish issue in the southeast. However, few works examine the relationship between hydraulic development and state- and nation-making processes in the early period of the republic. This paper seeks to analyze the role of hydraulic development in state- and nation-making in the context of Turkey by looking at the institutional documents published by official authorities and speeches made by key politicians. Drawing mainly upon the theory of water nationalism and its related conceptual frameworks, this study argues that hydraulic development has formed one of the important components of the modernization process in Turkey, thereby playing a significant role in its state- and nation-making processes.
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Mustafa, Aram Ali. "The Relationships between the Soviet Union and the Turkey (1920-1930) and its impact on the Kurdish issue." Journal of University of Human Development 5, no. 4 (October 6, 2019): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/juhd.v5n4y2019.pp25-40.
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Relations between Russia and Turkey have gone through five centuries at different stages, sometimes in difficult wars and conflicts, sometimes in harmony and good relations. However, conditions changed in the eighteenth century, when the Ottoman Empire was weakened and disintegrated. Russia played an important role in cutting down parts of the Caucasus and Central Asia, as well as in reducing the boundaries of the Ottoman Empire, which was considered a great nation for centuries.
At the end of the First World War, after the victory of the October Revolution of 1917 in Russia, Russian troops withdrew from the war fronts. The Bolshevik government exposed the secret clauses of the Sykes-Picot Agreement and concluded the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk in 1918, with the Quadruple Alliance, led by Germany and the Ottoman Empire.
The Ottoman Empire, like its German ally, took advantage of the withdrawal of Russian troops from the war fronts. In contrast to the agreement, attacks were launched on the Caucasus regions controlled by Russian Russia. However, following the emergence of the Turkish National Movement, led by Mustafa Kemal and the signing of the Sevre Treaty and there were changes in the war fronts, as in the political arena. Russia, which became Soviet Russia at that time, found a new friend and ally, which had common interests with Soviet Russia, against the Ottoman Empire, on the one hand, and Britain and France on the other. Both countries have benefited from this friendship and alliance.
But at a time when the Kurds, especially in the Ottoman Kurdistan, had a chance to move towards achieving their goals and national rights, and at least making some progress in accordance with the provisions of the Sovereign Convention on the Rights of the Kurds. As the first country to recognize and establish diplomatic relations with Turkey with the help of the Kemalist Movement in various ways, Russia, as well as economic, industrial and mining assistance, became a great supporter of Turkey in international and diplomatic forums.
All this, along with many other factors, helped the Republic of Turkey stand on its own feet. When the revolutions and movements against the injustice and tyranny of the Turks occurred in Northern Kurdistan in the 1920s and 1930s, Soviet Russia sided with all possible means, military and political, as well as the Turkish Republic. Which brutally suppressed these uprisings and every move of a Kurdish nationalist nature.
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Tutkal, Serhat. "Dehumanization on Twitter in the Turkish–Kurdish conflict." Media, War & Conflict, June 3, 2020, 175063522092584. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750635220925844.
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This article examines the dissemination of images of mutilated and humiliated dead bodies of ‘others’ and reactions of Twitter users to these images as dehumanizing practices. When the peace negotiations between the Turkish state and Kurdish PKK failed, numerous images of mutilated and humiliated dead bodies of PKK militants were disseminated by Twitter accounts apparently used by members of the Turkish security forces. The author focuses on two controversial cases from 2015 and immediate social media reactions to those images in order to demonstrate how dehumanization of Kurdish militants played out in the case of Turkey.
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Uluğ, Özden Melis, Brian Lickel, Bernhard Leidner, and Gilad Hirschberger. "How do conflict narratives shape conflict- and peace-related outcomes among majority group members? The role of competitive victimhood in intractable conflicts." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations, May 15, 2020, 136843022091577. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430220915771.
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Previous research in the Turkish–Kurdish conflict context highlighted two opposing conflict narratives: (a) a terrorism narrative and (b) an independence narrative. In this article, we argue that these narratives are relevant to protracted and asymmetrical intergroup conflict (e.g., independence struggles), and therefore have consequences for conflict- and peace-related outcomes regardless of conflict contexts. We tested this generalizability hypothesis in parallel studies in the context of Turkish–Kurdish (Study 1) and Israeli–Palestinian relations (Study 2) among majority group members (Turks and Jewish Israelis, respectively). We also investigated competitive victimhood as a potential mediating variable in the relationship between conflict narratives on the one side and support for non-violent conflict resolution, forgiveness, and support for aggressive policies on the other, in parallel studies with the two aforementioned contexts. We argue that the terrorism narrative is essentially a negation of the narrative of the other group, and the independence narrative is a consideration of that narrative; therefore, competitive victimhood would be lower/higher when the narrative of the other is acknowledged/denied. Results point to the crucial relationship between endorsing conflict narratives and conflict- and peace-related outcomes through competitive victimhood, and to the possibility that these conflict narratives may show some similarities across different conflict contexts.
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Ünal, Helin, Özden Melis Uluğ, and Danielle Blaylock. "Understanding the Kurdish conflict through the perspectives of the Kurdish-Turkish diaspora in Germany." Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology, June 11, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/pac0000485.
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Baser, Bahar, and Alpaslan Ozerdem. "Conflict Transformation and Asymmetric Conflicts: A Critique of the Failed Turkish-Kurdish Peace Process." Terrorism and Political Violence, September 9, 2019, 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2019.1657844.
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Ozcelik, Burcu. "Exploring Kurdish Islamist Civil Society and Conflict in Turkey (2015–2018)." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development, September 15, 2021, 154231662098879. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1542316620988794.
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This article addresses the role and impact of religious civil society in situations of armed conflict through a case study of Kurdish Islamist civil society organisations and activists in Turkey. The focus is on the period following the collapse of the peace process and resurgence of violence in mid-2015 between Turkish security forces and the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (Partiya Karkêrên Kurdistanê). Based on 40 in-depth interviews conducted in the city of Diyarbakir, I identify three main challenges to the effectiveness of religious civil society in peacebuilding processes: (1) relations with the state, (2) legacy and relationship with institutional violence, and (3) advocacy and representation of community needs. This article shows how ethnicity and Islam are shifting, contingent interactions in the construction of Kurdish identity, especially in response to violence. Although the public expression of pro-Kurdish rights claims altered under a securitisation rubric during this period, the demand for a peaceful settlement to the conflict transcends ideological and social differences across many Kurds.