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1
Karimi, Sara Zandi. "History of Ardalānids (1590-1810) by Sharaf al-Dīn bin Shams al-Dīn." Kurdish Studies 5, no. 1 (May 11, 2017): 56–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v5i1.420.
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This article is a critical translation of the “History of the Ardalānids.” In doing so, it hopes to make available to a wider academic audience this invaluable source on the study of Iranian Kurdistan during the early modern period. While a number of important texts pertaining to the Kurds during this era, most notably the writings of the Ottoman traveler Evliya Chalabi, focus primarily on Ottoman Kurdistan, this piece in contrast puts Iranian Kurdistan in general and the Ardalān dynasty in particular at the center of its historical narrative. Thus it will be of interest not only to scholars of Kurdish history but also to those seeking more generally to research life on the frontiers of empires.Keywords: Ẕayl; Ardalān; Kurdistan; Iran.ABSTRACT IN KURMANJIDîroka Erdelaniyan (1590-1810)Ev gotar wergereke rexneyî ya “Dîroka Erdelaniyan” e. Bi vê yekê, merema xebatê ew e ku vê çavkaniya pir biqîmet a li ser Kurdistana Îranê ya di serdema pêş-modern de ji bo cemawerê akademîk berdest bike. Hejmareke metnên girîng li ser Kurdên wê serdemê, bi taybetî nivîsînên Evliya Çelebî yê seyyahê osmanî, zêdetir berê xwe didine Kurdistana di bin hukmê Osmaniyan de. Lê belê, di navenda vê xebatê de, bi giştî Kurdistana Îranê û bi taybetî jî xanedana Erdelaniyan heye. Wisa jî ew dê ne tenê ji bo lêkolerên dîroka kurdî belku ji bo ewên ku dixwazin bi rengekî berfirehtir derheq jiyana li ser tixûbên împeretoriyan lêkolînan bikin jî dê balkêş be.ABSTRACT IN SORANIMêjûy Erdellan (1590-1810)Em wutare wergêrranêkî rexneyî “Mêjûy Erdellan”e, bew mebestey em serçawe girînge le ser Kurdistanî Êran le seretakanî serdemî nwê bixate berdest cemawerî ekademî. Jimareyek serçawey girîng le ser kurdekan lew serdeme da hen, diyartirînyan nûsînekanî gerîdey ‘Usmanî Ewliya Çelebîye, ke zortir serincyan le ser ‘Kurdistanî ‘Usmanî bûwe. Em berheme be pêçewanewe Kurdistanî Êran be giştî, we emaretî Erdelan be taybetî dexate senterî xwêndinewekewe. Boye nek tenya bo twêjeranî biwarî mêjûy kurdî, belku bo ewaney le ser jiyan le sinûre împiratoriyekan twêjînewe deken, cêgay serinc debêt.
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Dick, Samme. "Rekindling the Flame: Zoroastrianism in Iraqi Kurdistan." Kurdish Studies 7, no. 2 (October 25, 2019): 161–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v7i2.511.
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This article examines the emergence of Zoroastrianism in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq since 2015 as a new religion inspired by Kurdish nationalism, feminism, ecologism and humanism. The author argues that the emergence of Zoroastrianism at this particular time is due to a combination of the rise of the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant in 2014, legislative change and the importance some Kurdish nationalists historically attached to Zoroastrianism as the suggested original religion of the Kurds. The article outlines the historical context of Zoroastrianism in Kurdistan, and then explores the origins, beliefs and organisational structure of Kurdish Zoroastrianism. Also discussed are the legislative changes enabling the rise of the movement since 2015. This study draws on interviews with Kurdish Zoroastrian leaders as well as with representatives from the World Zoroastrian Organization, the Kurdistan Regional Government’s Ministry of Endowments and Religious Affairs and the Alliance of Iraqi Minorities.ABSTRACT IN KURMANJIJi nû ve pêxistina agir: Baweriya Zerduştî li Kurdistana IraqêEv gotar, li ser peydabûna Zerduştiyê li Herêma Kurdistanê ya Iraqê hûr dibe, ku ji 2015an vir ve wek dînekî nû yê ji netewegeriya kurd, femînîzm, ekolojîzm û humanîzmê îlham wergirtî tê dîtin. Nivîskar îddia dike ku peydabûna Zerduştiyê ya bi taybetî wê demê ji ber hejmareke sedeman e: di 2014an de peydabûn û xurtbûna Dewleta Îslamî li Iraqê û Levantê, guherîna qanûnî û girîngiya nêrîna hin netewegerên kurd ku ji aliyê dîrokî Zerduştiyê wek dînê resen ê kurdan dibînin. Gotar, çarçoveya dîrokî ya Zerduştiyê li Kurdistanê bi kurtî rave dike û paşê li kok, bawerî û avahiya rêxistinî ya Zerduştiya kurdî dikole. Ji hêleke din, nîqaş dike ku guherînên hiqûqî ji 2015an vir ve rê li ber xurtbûna tevgerê vekiriye. Ev xebat xwe dispêre hevpeyvînên bi rêberên Zerduştiyên kurd re ligel hin şandeyên ji Rêxistina Zerduştiyan a Cîhanê, Wezareta Bexş û Karên Dînî ya Hikumeta Herêma Kurdistanê û Hevpeymaniya Kêmîneyên Iraqê.ABSTRACT IN SORANIGeşandinewey agireke: Zerdeştêtî le Kurdistanî ÊraqdaEm babete timaşay rewşî wediyarkewtinî Zerdeştêtî dekat le Kurdistanî Êraqda, le sall 2010da wek ayînêkî nwê debînrêt ke le netewegerîy kurdî, fêmênîzm, jîngeparêzî û mirovparêzî îlham werdegirêt. Nûser bangeşey ewe dekat ke derkewtinî Zerdeştêtî lem kateda ke Dewlletî Îslamî Da'îş le Şam û Êraq le 2013 ser helldeda û be yasa rêgey pê dedirêt, şitêkî giringe bo gerranewey kurd bo ayînî neteweyî xoy wek ewey ke hendêk kurdî neteweperist basî deken. Babeteke rîşey mêjûyî Zerdeştêtî le Kurdistan nîşan dedat, herwaş rîşey bawerr û binaẍey damezrawey Zerdeştêtî dedate ber roşnayî. Dîsan guftugoy gorranî yasa lew bareyewe bote hoyî derkewtinî em ayîne le 2015da. Em babete legell serok û bawerrdaranî Zerdeştîy le Kurdistan û damezrawey Zerdeştîyanî cîhanî û legell wezaretî karubarî ayînî le ḧukumetî herêmî Kurdistan û damezrawey kemînekanî Êraqda çawpêkewtinî encam dawe.ABSTRACT IN ZAZAKINewe ra geşkerdişê adirî: Kurdîstanê Îraqî de zerduştîyeNa meqale qayîtê zerduştîye kena ke sey bawerîya newîye serra 2015î ra nat Herêmê Kurdîstanî yê Îraqî de vejîyaye û hetê neteweperwerîya kurdan, femînîzm, dorûverperwerîye û merdimperwerîye ra îlham girewt. Nuştox musneno ke vejîyayîşê zerduştî yê ê demî çend sebeban ra qewimîya: hêzdarbîyayîşê DAÎŞ yê serra 2014î, vurîyayîşê qanûnî û tayê neteweperwerê kurdan ê ke tarîx de giranî daye zerduştîye ser ke aye sey dînê kurdan o eslî pêşnîyaz bikerê. Na meqale xulasaya kontekstê tarîxî yê zerduştîya Kurdîstanî dana û dima esl, bawerî û awanîya rêxistinan yê zerduştîya kurdan ser o cigêrayîş kena. Ser o kî vurîyayîşê qanûnî munaqeşe benê. Nê vurîyayîşî serra 2015î ra nat vejîyayîşê tevger kerd mumkîn. No cigêrayîş roportajanê bi serekanê kurdan ê zerduştîye û bi temsîlkaranê Rêxistina Zerduştîyan a Dinya, Wezaretê Ewqaf û Kar û Barê Dînî yê hukmatê Herêmê Kurdîstanî û Yewîya Eqalîyetanê Îraqî esas gêno
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Bajalan, Djene Rhys. "On the frontiers of empire: Culture and power in early modern “Iranian” Kurdistan." Kurdish Studies 5, no. 1 (May 17, 2017): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v5i1.417.
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This article will provide a broad (although by no means comprehensive) overview of the development of modern scholarly historical writing pertaining the Middle East’s Kurdish community prior to the end of the First World War. It seeks to highlight some of the important pioneering scholars who shaped the field during its twentieth century as well as more recent flurry of academic activity that has, since the turn of the twenty-first century, resulted in a publication of a number of important works that have greatly expanded our knowledge of Kurdish history. However, it will also endeavour to highlight some of the deficits in the existing historiography, most notably relating to Kurdistan in the early modern period (the early sixteenth to early nineteenth century) and, more specifically, the relatively underdeveloped nature of the literature on “Iranian” Kurdistan during this era. In doing so, it hopes to provide context for the three articles published in this issue of Kurdish Studies, all of which examine issues relating to culture and power in early modern “Iranian” Kurdistan.ABSTRACT IN KURMANJILi ser sînorên împeretoriyê: “Hêmana Îranî” di dîroka pêş-modêrn ya Kurdistanê deEv gotar dê nirxandineke berfireh (lê ne giştgir) a nivîsarên li ser dîroka gelê kurd ê li Rojhilata Navîn yên berî xelasiya Şerê Cîhanî yê Yekem. Ew dê dêneke taybet bide ser çendîn zanyarên serkêş ku di sedsala bîstan de meydana dîroknivîsiya kurdî ava kirine û herwiha berê xwe bide ser berbelavbûna vê dawiyê ya çalakiyên akademîk –ji çerxa sedsala bîst û yekê ve– ku çendîn berhemên girîng jê derçûne û bi vê yekê re zanyariya me ya li ser dîroka kurdan gelek berfirehtir kirine. Lê belê, gotar dê herwiha hewl bide ku hindek valahiyên dîroknivîsiya heyî berçav bike, bi taybetî valahiya xebatên li ser Kurdistana di serdema pêş-modêrn (ji serê sedsala şanzdehan heta serê sedsala hevdehan) de, û, bi rengekî hûrbijêrtir, paşmayîbûna nisbî ya lêkolîn û nivîsarên li ser Kurdistana “Îranî” ya di vê serdemê de. Bi vî awayî, gotar dil dike çarçoveyekê dabîn bike ji bo her sê gotarên di vê hejmara Kurdish Studies de, ku hemû jî berê xwe didine wê mijarê ku em dikarin wek “Hêmana Îranî” di Kurdistana pêş-modêrn de bi nav bikin.ABSTRACT IN SORANILe ser sînorekanî împiratorî: “Hokarî Êranî” le Kurdistanî pêş-modêrn daEm wutare raçawkirdineweke giştîye (bellam nek giştgire) le ser nûsrawekanî sebaret be mêjûy kurdî le Rojhellatî Nawerast ber le axîrî Şerrî Cîhanî Yêkem. Wutareke serincêkî taybet debexşête ser çend zanyarêkî pêşengî ke le sedey bîst da biwarî mêjûnûsî kurdîyan durist kirdûwe, bellam herwa çaw le berfirawanbûnewey em duwayîyey –serî sedey bîst û yekewe– çalakiye akadamîkekan dekat ke çendîn berhemî girîngî lê we derçûwe û bew pêyeş zanyarîyekanman sebaret be mêjûy kurd ziyadtiryan kirdûwe. Wutareke hewllî eweş dedat ke hêndek kêmasiyêkî mêjûnûsîy hawçerxîş destnîşan bikat, be taybetî ewaney le merr Kurdistanî seretakanî serdemî modêrn (le ewelî sedey şanzde ta ewelî sedey hewde), herwa be rengekî deqîqtir çaw le paşmanewey lêkollînewe w nûsrawekanî le babet Kurdistanî “Êranî” lew serdeme da dekat. Bem şêweye, wutareke çarçowêk dabîn dekat bo her sê le wutarî em jimarey Kurdish Studies, ke hemûyan serinc dedene ew babetey ke detwanîn wekû “Hokarî Êranî” le Kurdistanî pêş-modêrn da be naw bikeyn.
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Rafaat, Aram. "The shaky foundations of the 1926 annexation of Southern Kurdistan to Iraq." Kurdish Studies 6, no. 2 (October 29, 2018): 197–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v6i2.457.
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Between 1921 and 1925, the Kurds of Southern Kurdistan participated in three main political processes in Iraq. These processes were the election of Faisal Ibn Hussein as the King of Iraq in 1921, the election of the Iraqi Constituent Assembly in 1924, and the Mosul Province referendum organised by the League of Nations in 1925. The British used the Kurds’ participation as a foundation for the annexation of Southern Kurdistan to Iraq. However, this article argues that these three processes cannot be considered as legitimate foundations as the majority of Kurds voted against these processes or were excluded from participation. ABSTRACT IN KURMANJIBingehên lawaz ên îlhaqa Kurdistana başûr bi ser Iraqê ve li sala 1926anDi navbera salên 1921 û 1925an de li Iraqê, kurdên başûrê Kurdistanê tevlî sê prosesên siyasî yên sereke bûn. Yek ji van prosesan hilbijartina Faysal ibn Huseyin wek qralê Iraqê bû li sala 1921an, yek hilbijartina Meclisa Avakar a Iraqê bû li sala 1924an, û referandûma wilayeta Mûsilê bû ku sala 1925an ji hêla Cemiyeta Neteweyan ve hatibû encamdan. Brîtanyayê tevlîbûna kurdan wek bingehek bi kar anî ji bo îlhaqa başûrê Kurdistanê bi ser Iraqê ve. Lê belê, îddiaya vê gotarê ew e ku ev her sê proses nabin wek bingehên rewa bêne qebûlkirin ji ber ku piraniya kurdan reya xwe li dijî van prosesan dan an jî rê li ber beşdariya wan hate girtin. ABSTRACT IN SORANIBinema lerzokekanî likandinî başûrî Kurdistan be 'Êraqewe le 1926 daLe nêwan 1921 ta 1925 da, kurdekanî başûrî Kurdistan le sê proseyî siyasîy serekî le 'Êraq da beşdarîyan kird. Ew sê proseyeş brîtîbûn le hellbijardinî Feyselî kurî Husên wek padşayî 'Êraq le 1921, hellbijardin bo Encumenî Damezrênerî 'Êraqî le 1925, we rîfrandomî wîlayetî Mûsill ke le layen Komelleyî Gelan le 1925 da rêk xira. Berîtanya em beşdarîkirdiney kurdî wek binema bo likandinî başurî Kurdistan be 'Êraqewe be kar hêna. Bellam, em babete argumêntî ewe dekat ke em sê proseye nakrêt wek binemay şer'î bo likandinî başurî Kurdistan be 'Êraqewe hejmar bikrên çunke zorîney kurd dengiyan le dijî ew sê proseye da yan bêbeş kiran le beşdarîkirdin.
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Mohammed, Zana Othman, and Ranjdar Mohammed Azeez. "History of Kirkuk during the British mandate period." Journal of University of Raparin 10, no. 2 (June 29, 2023): 142–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(10).no(2).paper6.
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In the late years of World War I (1914-1918), the Ottoman-controlled regions faced a new condition. The city of Kirkuk, as a part of Kurdistan's territory, was not deprived of these new transformations and events.
This research aimed to investigate the history of Kirkuk during the British mandate period. The study found that the arrival of the British in southern Kurdistan, particularly Kirkuk, had a historical background, dating back centuries before the British conquest of the city of Kirkuk in 1918, particularly due to the presence of natural resources in the area. The study also found that Kirkuk residents, as part of Kurdistan's territory, were exhilarated about nationalism after the fall of Ottoman oppression and the arrival of English authorities and that its population had publicly expressed their nationalism desires, for independence and unity with Kurdistan.
The study also reveals that the British have tried in every way to cut off the area from Kurdistan and the Kurdish national movement after the national stance on Kirkuk residents became clear. Kirkuk residents have also broadly supported Sheikh Mahmud and announced him as their leader, and they fully cooperated with him in this regard, which is due to the national sentiment that has developed in the city of Kirkuk.
In the study, we found that in a referendum conducted by the United Nations to resolve the Mosul state issue, residents in Kirkuk mostly agreed to be part of Iraq, even though there were votes demanding independence. Kirkuk people were also generally dissatisfied with the issue of appointing Faisal asking for Iraq, and stood against it, publicly expressing that they would prefer to unite with Kurdistan when Faisal was appointed as crown king to Iraq.
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Park, Bill, Joost Jongerden, Francis Owtram, and Akiko Yoshioka. "On the independence referendum in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq and disputed territories in 2017." Kurdish Studies 5, no. 2 (October 26, 2017): 199–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v5i2.445.
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On 25th September 2017, the eligible voters of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq were given the opportunity to respond ‘yes’ or ‘no’ to the question, posed in Kurdish, Turkmen, Arabic and Assyrian: “Do you want the Kurdistan Region and the Kurdistani areas outside the administration of the Region to become an independent state?” The aim of this note is to give an empirically focussed account of the independence referendum. The note has been written by four members of a delegation which spent one week in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) with the purpose of observing the referendum. The key point that we draw from these observations is that the referendum and associated aspiration for independence, which potentially could have unified the different political factions in the KRI, has in fact cruelly exposed divisions.
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ALLISON, Christine. "Oral History in Kurdistan." Journal of Kurdish Studies 2 (January 1, 1997): 37–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/jks.2.0.519234.
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ALLISON, Christine. "Oral History in Kurdistan." Journal of Kurdish Studies 2, no. 1 (April 14, 2005): 37–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/jks.2.1.519234.
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Ostor, Akos. "Kurdistan: In the Shadow of History.:Kurdistan: In the Shadow of History." American Anthropologist 102, no. 4 (December 2000): 883–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.2000.102.4.883.
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Begikhani, Nazand, Wendelmoet Hamelink, and Nerina Weiss. "Theorising women and war in Kurdistan: A feminist and critical perspective." Kurdish Studies 6, no. 1 (May 27, 2018): 5–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v6i1.432.
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In this introductory article to the special issue Women and War in Kurdistan, we connect our topic to feminist theory, to anthropological theory on war and conflict and their long-term consequences, and to theory on gender, nation and (visual) representation. We investigate Kurdish women’s victimisation and marginalisation, but also their resistance and agency as female combatants and women activists, their portrayal by media and scholars, and their self-representation. We offer herewith a critical perspective on militarisation, women’s liberation, and women’s experiences in times of war and peace. We also introduce the five articles in this issue and discuss how they contribute to the study of women and war in two main areas: the wide-reaching effects of war on women’s lives, and the gendered representation and images of war in Kurdistan. ABSTRACT IN KURMANJIBîrdoza jin û şer li Kurdistanê. Perspektîveke femînîst û rexnegirîDi vê nivîsara danasîner a hejmara taybet a li ser Jin û Şer li Kurdistanê de, em mijarê behsê bi bîrdoza femînîst, bîrdoza mirovnasiyê ya şer û pevçûnan û encamên wan yên demdirêj, û bîrdoza zayend, netewe û nîşane (ya ditinî) ve girêdidin. Em li ser vederkirin û mexdûrkirina jinên kurd lêkolînê dikin, her wekî meseleya berxwedan û îradeya şervanên jin û çalakvanên mafên jinan, û pirsên ku çawa medya û lêkolîner qala wan dikin û çawa ew jî xwe didin nîşan. Em her weha perspektîveke li ser leşkerîkirin, azadkirina jinan û tecrubeyên jinan di heyamên şer û aştiyê de pêşberî xwendevanan dikin. Di ber re, em danasîna her pênc nivîsarên vê hejmarê jî dikin û girîngiya wan a ji bo lêkolînên jin û şerî di du warên sereke de guftûgo dikin: encamên berfireh yên şer li ser jiyana jinan, û nîşane û dimenên zayendî yên şer li Kurdistanê. ABSTRACT IN SORANIBe Tiyorîkirdinî rewşî jinan û ceng le Kurdistan: Goşenîgayekî fêmînîstî w rexnegiraneLem çend wutare da, ke melefêkî taybete be jinan û ceng le Kurdistan, hewlman dawe ke kogîrîyek bikeyn le ruwangey fêmînîstî w tiyorîy antropolojî leser ceng û milmilanê w akame dirêjxayenekanyan le layek û herweha tiyorîy regez, netewe w têruwanînî nwênerêtîkirdin le layekî dîke. Ême xwêndineweman kirdûwe bo kêşey bequrbanîbûn û perawêzxistinî jinan. Le heman kat da mijarî berxodan û xorêxistinî jinan wek cengawer û çalakanî mafî jinan û wêney ewan le rageyandin û lenêw lêkolînewe zanistiyekan û têruwanînî xoşyan da. Ême herweha têruwanînî rexnegiraneman leser mijarî çekdarî, azadîy jinan û ezmûnî jinan le katî ceng û aştî da xistote rû. Lem melefe taybete da, pênc wutarman pêşkêş kirdûwe w eweman nîşan dawe keçon le dû layenî giringewe tîşk xirawete ser mijareke: karîgerîy firawanî ceng le ser jiyanî jinan, herweha nuwandin û wêney regezî jinan le ceng le Kurdistan da.
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Jongerden, Joost. "A spatial perspective on political group formation in Turkey after the 1971 coup: The Kurdistan Workers Party of Turkey (PKK)." Kurdish Studies 5, no. 2 (October 26, 2017): 134–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v5i2.441.
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The five years preceding the 1978 founding congress of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (Partîya Karkêren Kurdistan, PKK) are referred to by its members as the party’s “existential period”. In the PKK’s “existential period” public spaces, such as university dormitories and canteens and student associations played an important role as meeting places, yet political formation occurred mainly in private spaces, especially private apartments and houses. This article considers this early history of the PKK from a spatial perspective. The main question addressed is how the Kurdistan Revolutionaries, as the group was known before its formal establishment, sustained itself spatially at a time when political life had been paralysed as a result of martial law and became subject to securitisation politics. Data for this article has been collected by means of interviews and the study of (auto)biographical texts.ABSTRACT IN KURMANJINêrîneke mekanî li ser avabûna komên siyasî li Tirkiyeyê piştî derbeya 1971ê: Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan a Tirkiyeyê (PKK)5 salên beriya 1978an, berî kongreya avabûna Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan, ji teref endamên wê ve wek qonaxa hebûnî ya partiyê tê nîşankirin. Di ‘qonaxa hebûnî’ ya PKKê de roleke girîng a mekanên giştî yên wek xewgeh û kantîn û komeleyên xwendekaran li zanîngehan hebû lewre ew wek cihên civînê bûn, lê avabûna siyasî esasen li mekanên taybet, bi taybetî jî li mal û xaniyên taybet çêbû. Ev gotar wê dîroka pêşîn a PKKê bi nêrîneke mekanî dinirxîne. Pirsa bingehîn ew e ka Şoreşgerên Kurdistanê, wek ku berî avabûna xwe ya fermî dihatin zanîn, piştî ku jiyana siyasî ji ber qanûnên şer felc bûbû û tûşî siyaseteke rijd a asayîşê dibû, çawa karîn xwe li ser piya bigirin. Daneyên vê gotarê bi rêya hevpeyvînan û xebatên (oto)biyografîk hatine berhevkirin. ABSTRACT IN SORANIRwangeyekî şwênmend sebaret be drûstbûnî grupêkî siyasî le Turkiyay dway kudetay 1971: Partî Kirêkaranî Kurdistan le Turkiya (PKK)Mawey pênc sallî pêş le damezranî kongrey Partî Kirêkaranî Kurdistan le sallî 1978, le layen endamanî em ḧîzbewey wekû “qonaẍî wucûdî” amajey pê dekrê. Lem “qonaẍe wucûdîyey” Partî Kirêkaranî Kurdistan feza giştîyekan, wekû jûre nawxoyîyekanî zankokan, çêştxorîyekan û encûmene xwêndkarîyekan dewrêkî giringyan wek şwênî kobûnewe debînî, le katêkda ta ew qonaẍe riskanî siyasî zortir le feza taybetekan, be taybet apartman û mallî şexsîy hawwillatiyan debînra. Em wutare le rwangeyekî şwênmendewe serincî mêjûy seretayî PKK dedat. Pirsyarî serekîy em twêjînewe bo ewe degerrêtewe ke çon şorrişgêrranî Kurdistan, pêş lewey be resmî wekû grupêk dabimezrên denasran, û herweha le ruwî şwênî çalakîyewe çon ewan twaniyan xoyan rabigirin le katêkda jiyanî siyasî, wek babetî siyasetêkî emnîyewe seyr dekra û le derencamî maddeyekî yasayîyewe îflîc kirabû. Datay em wutare le rêgey wutuwêj û lêkollînewey deqekanî (xo)jiyanînamekanewe ko kirawetewe.
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Logan, Darren. "Thoughts on Iraqi Kurdistan: Present Realities, Future Hope." Iran and the Caucasus 13, no. 1 (2009): 161–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/160984909x12476379008205.
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AbstractThe collapse of Saddam Hussein's regime in April 2003 ushered Iraq into an era of unprecedented opportunity. The Kurds of Northern Iraq were given an opportunity to control their destiny in such a way not before encountered in their turbulent history. However, this moment has not been free of significant concern. Against the witness of history one can reasonably inquire as to whether or not the dominant Kurdish majority in Northern Iraq is able to seize this opportunity and make the most of it. Will they be able to break the historic cycle of internal dissension and unite to ensure the stability, prosperity, and security of their territory in Northern Iraq? Additionally, does Iraqi Kurdistan have the ability to adequately balance the often mutually exclusive demands it faces from powerful external actors? Clearly, the people of Iraqi Kurdistan must make their own choice in the matter. Nonetheless, outside forces must also help in the process by engaging with Kurdistan in Iraq in a positive and constructive manner. This will also go a long way toward securing and sustaining stability in this strategic area of the Near East. The article includes some thoughts about the current reality facing Iraqi Kurdistan, primarily as they relate to the KRG, together with some observations concerning the future hope for the region and its people. Some markers of Iraqi Kurdistan's progress are discussed not least of which is the status of its political development and freedom; economic health and growth; its fight against corruption; security within the KRG; its relations with Baghdad; and its external security situation, especially as it relates to Turkey, Syria, and Iran. These suggestions are based upon several recent trips by the author to Iraqi Kurdistan and from openly available source materials. However, these contemporary issues should be considered within their historical context. Therefore, the author gives also a summary review of some major historical events in the modern era leading up to the current situation in Northern Iraq.
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Bezwan, Naif. "The state and violence in Kurdistan: A conceptual framework." Kurdish Studies 9, no. 1 (May 9, 2021): 11–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v9i1.582.
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This article interrogates the use of state-organised violence against the Kurds by focusing on four major cases of mass violence conducted in the early republican era in the 1920s and 1930s. Through the examination of the key processes and major policies, the study explains state violence as historically and causally related to the logic and imperatives of imposing and maintaining direct rule over the predominantly Kurdish-inhabited territories in post-Ottoman Turkey. To better understand the nature of state violence, I present three mutually reinforcing and interconnected conceptual pathways: integral colonisation, incorporation by nation-destruction and colonial violence. The paper argues that the strategies of state formation and expansion into Kurdistan along with the coercive policies of creating a unitary and homogenous Turkish nation took the form of integral colonisation. This process, while laying the foundations for the politics of incorporation by nation-destruction, co-existed with and informed by the use of colonial violence. Disaggregated into ideological, ethnocidal and genocidal violence, colonial violence is thus referred to as underlying mechanism behind the recurrent use of state violence in Kurdistan. Abstract in Kurmanji Dewlet û şidet li Kurdistanê: Çarçoveyeke têgînî Bi vekolîna çar mînakên sereke yên tundiya girseyî ku di destpêka heyama komarî, yanî deheyên 1920ê û 1930ê de rû daye, ev nivîsar li ser bikaranîna şideta dewletê ya li dijî Kurdan radiweste. Di ber nirxandina pêvajoyên esasî û siyasetên bingehîn re, ez şideta dewletê wek diyardeyeke weha rave dikim ku, ji aliyê dîrok û egerên wê ve, têkildara mantiq û pêdiviyên ferzkirin û ragirtina hukmdariya rasterast a dewleta Tirkiya pişt-osmanî ye li ser erdên ku pirî nifûsa wan Kurd in. Ji bo ku çawaniya şideta dewletê bêhtir were fêmkirin, ez sê rêbazên têgînî pêşberî xwendevanan dikim ku girêdayî hev in û hev du jî xurt dikin : mêtingeriya tevahî, daxilkirin bi riya xirakirina neteweyî û şideta mêtinger. Di meqaleyê de, ez piştgiriya vî fikrî didim ku stratejiyên sazkirin û berfirehkirina dewletê ya li Kurdistanê, li gel polîtîkayên zordar ên avakirina neteweyeke tirk a yekpare û mitecanis, bi şikla mêtingeriya tevahî hatin meşandin. Vê pêvajoyê hem bingeha siyasetên daxilkirin bi riya xirakirina neteweyî danî, hem jî tev li bikaranîna şideta mêtinger hat xebitandin û vê şidetê bandor jî lê kiriye. Li nav şideta komkujî, nijadkujî û îdeolojîk dabeşbûyî, şideta mêtinger bi vî awayî wek alava binyadî ya bikaranîna mukerrer a şideta dewletê li Kurdistanê tê nîşandan. Abstract in Sorani Dewllet û tundutîjî le kurdistan: çwarçêweyekî têgeyiştin Ebistrakt: be serincdan leser çwar dosîyey gewrey tudutîjî ke leseretay qonaxî komarîda, le deyekanî 1920 û 1930 piyadekiran, em witare le bekarhênanî ew tundutîjîye ke dewllet le dijî kurd rêkîxistuwe. Twêjîneweke le rêgay hellsengandinî prose binerretîyekan û polesîye serekîyekan, ewe rûndekatewe ke tundutîjî dewllet wek mêjû û hokar peyweste be lojîk û binemakanî sepandin û parastinî hukmrranî rastewxo le turkyay post-'usmanîda beser ew herêmey ke zorîney danîştwanî kurdin. Bo baştir têgeyîştin le sruştî tundutîjî dewllet, min sê rêçkey têgeyîştinî yekgir û pêkewe grêdraw amade dekem: kollonîzekirdnî tewawkarî, girtinexo le rêgay wêrankirdnî-netewe we tundutîjî kolloniyallî. Witareke argumêntî ewe dekat ke stratîjî pêkhênanî dewllet û firawankirdnî bo kurdistan hawkat legell siyasetî serkutkerane bo pêkhênanî netewey turkî yekgirtû û çunyek forrmî kolloniyalîzey tewawkarî wergirtuwe. Em proseye, le katêkda berdî binaxey siyasetî girtnexo le rêgay wêrankirdnî-netewe, hawkat bû legell we denasrêtewe be bekarhênanî tundutîjî kollonyallî. Be polênkirdnî bo tundutîjîyekanî aydiyolojî, etnosayd û cînosayd, bemcore tundutîjî kollonyallî amajeye bo bûnî wek mîkanîzmêkî binerretî pişt bekarhênanî dûbarey tundutîjî dewlletî le kurdistan. Abstract in Zazaki The State and Violence in Kurdistan: A Conceptual Framework This article interrogates the use of state-organised violence against the Kurds by focusing on four major cases of mass violence conducted in the early republican era in the 1920s and 1930s. Through the examination of the key processes and major policies, the study explains state violence as historically and causally related to the logic and imperatives of imposing and maintaining direct rule over the predominantly Kurdish-inhabited territories in post-Ottoman Turkey. To better understand the nature of state violence, I present three mutually reinforcing and interconnected conceptual pathways: integral colonisation, incorporation by nation-destruction and colonial violence. The paper argues that the strategies of state formation and expansion into Kurdistan along with the coercive policies of creating a unitary and homogenous Turkish nation took the form of integral colonisation. This process, while laying the foundations for the politics of incorporation by nation-destruction, co-existed with and informed by the use of colonial violence. Disaggregated into ideological, ethnocidal and genocidal violence, colonial violence is thus referred to as underlying mechanism behind the recurrent use of state violence in Kurdistan.
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Keskin, Necat. "Kurdistan In the Shadow of History." International Journal of Kurdish Studies 4, no. 2 (August 25, 2018): 626–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.21600/ijoks.454583.
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Abbassi, Ebrahim, Seyed Javad Salehi, and Mohammad Salehi. "The Oil Policy and Independence of the Kurdistan Regional Government." Iran and the Caucasus 26, no. 2 (June 17, 2022): 183–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20220206.
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The oil policy of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) is mainly focused on achieving full political independence besides pursuing other interests. The Kurdistan region of Iraq contains approximately one third of the total proven energy resources of the country. This raises the question of why Kurdistan’s oil policy could not be used as a leverage for its independence in the Middle East? The main hypothesis of this research is that the complex system of the Middle East is not in line with the ultimate goal of the KRG, which is separation from Iraq and the establishment of an independent Kurdish state. The research findings show that the independence of the KRG faces severe challenges in the complex sphere of the Middle East. These challenges are mainly rooted in the weakness of the KRG in regional networking and also in the activities of terrorist groups in the region.
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Mossaki, Nodar Z. "TURKISH EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS IN IRAQI KURDISTAN: HISTORY AND CURRENT SITUATION (GÜLEN SCHOOLS AND THE MAARIF FOUNDATION)." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 4 (14) (2020): 280–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2020-4-280-294.
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This article is devoted to the activity of Turkish educational institutions in Iraqi Kurdistan, which have been active in the region since the beginning of the 1990s. The article shows the importance of Turkish educational institutions in Kurdistan in promoting a positive image of Turkey and forming a pro-Turkish stratum among the local elite. Fethullah Gülen’s educational structures are present in all the provinces of Kurdistan; they are considered the most prestigious ones and are very popular among the local elite. The Gülen empire system came in full force in 2008 with Işık University (titled Tishk International University since 2018), which has become a centre of attraction not only for residents but also for part of the Kurds of Turkey who come to South Kurdistan to study. The conflict between R. T. Erdogan and the Gülen structures that broke out at the end of 2013 resulted in pressure from Turkey on the Kurdistan authorities to force the latter to close the Gülen institutions. However, the Kurdistan leadership rejected Turkey’s demands, claiming the significant contribution of Gülen schools to the development of the region. It was only after the so-called military coup attempt in Turkey on July 15–16, 2016, which Gülen was accused of organizing, that the Kurdistan authorities formally closed Hizmet educational institutions and transferred their management under the control of the Kurdistan authorities. The Turkish authorities, having failed to get the Kurdistan leadership to either close or hand over Gülen schools, in the autumn of 2018 began a fairly active expansion of the network of schools of the Maarif Foundation, established under Turkey’s Ministry of Education. As a result, the conflict between the Turkish authorities and the Gülen movement only led to the expansion of the Turkish schools’ network in this region, which is an important factor of the foreign policy vector of the authorities in this region.
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Cegerxwin. "Kurdistan." Index on Censorship 27, no. 6 (November 1998): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064229808536469.
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MUTZAFI, HEZY. "Two texts in Barzani Jewish Neo-Aramaic." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 67, no. 1 (February 2004): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x04000011.
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In this article I offer two versions of the Kurdistani folk-tale ‘Khajo and Syabando’ in Barzani Jewish Neo-Aramaic, one of the rarest and most highly endangered modern Aramaic languages, spoken in Israel by no more than twenty elderly Jews from the regions of Barzan and ʕAqra in Iraqi Kurdistan. Three dialects of this language were discovered during the years 1996–2000: Barzan, Shahe and B[ecy ]jil. The latter dialect is already extinct. The narratives that served for the texts were furnished by two speakers of the Barzan dialect. The texts are accompanied by observations related to etymology, comparative dialectology, vocabulary and various aspects of grammar.
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Maclean, Gerald Martin. "British Travellers, the Kurds, and Kurdistan: a brief literary history, c. 1520-1673." Kurdish Studies 7, no. 2 (October 25, 2019): 113–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v7i2.461.
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This essay investigates accounts of the Kurds and Kurdistan by sixteenth- and seventeenth-century British travellers to the Ottoman and Safavid empires by placing them alongside contemporary Kurdish and Iranian chronicles by Sharaf al-Din Khan Bedlisi (1597) and Eskandar Beg Monshi (1616-29). Although considerable attention has been paid in recent scholarship to early-modern British travellers’ accounts of the Christian, Jewish, and Muslim communities of the Levant, Middle East, and Persia, the Kurds have been entirely ignored. Early British travellers most often encountered Kurds in and around Aleppo, where the Levant Company established its headquarters during the 1580s. Remarkably few, however, commented on the Kurdish presence. Further east, Anthony Shirley and his companions on their mission to visit Shah Abbas in 1598 recognised Kurdistan to be a province between Baghdad and Qazvin, and regarded the Kurds as uncivilised and rootless vagabonds; for Shirley himself they provided a means to magnify his own importance. While earlier Venetian merchants “described Kurdistan and Kurds with perspicacity and in detail” (Galletti, 1995: 99), the accounts by the first British travellers alternated between description and fabrication.ABSTRACT IN KURMANJIGerokên Brîtanî, kurd û Kurdistan: dîrokeke nivîskî ya kurt, c. 1520-1680Ev gotar li ser wan neql û berhemên derbarê kurdan û Kurdistanê de ye ku ji teref gerokên brîtanî (îngilîz) yên sedsalên 16 û 17an ên li nav împeratoriyên Osmanî û Safewî hatine nivîsandin; gotar, wan dide ber berhemên dîrokî yên kurd û îranî yên hevdemên wan, wek Şerefxanê Bidlîsî (1597/8) û Îskender Beh Monşî (1616-29). Digel ku di xebatên nûjen de baleke girîng hatiye dayîn bo zanyariyên gerokên Brîtanî yên serdema berî-modern li ser civakên Xirîstiyan, Yahûdî û Misilman ên Levant, Rojhilata Navîn û Îranê de, kurd bi temamî hatine piştguhkirin. Gerokên brîtanî yên ewil bi piranî li Heleb û derdora wê rastî kurdan hatine ji ber ku Şîrketa Levantê di salên 1580an de baregeha xwe li wir ava kiribû. Lê belê, gelek kêm ji wan behsa hebûna kurdan kiriye. Bêtir li aliyê rojhilat, Anthony Shirley û hevrêyên wî di serdana Şah Ebbas ya 1580an de, Kurdistan wek parêzgeheke di navbera Bexda û Qezwînê de destnîşan kiriye û kurd wek tolazên hov û bêesl dîtine, û ji bo Shirley bi xwe ew amrazek bûn ku girîngiya xwe qat-qat zêdetir bike. Tucarên Venedîkî yên ewil “Kurdistan û kurdan bi hişmendî û hûrbînî terîf kirine” (Galleti, 1995:99), lê belê, neql û terîfên gerokên brîtanî di navbera terîf û derewan de diguherin.ABSTRACT IN SORANIGerîde Berîtanîyekan, Kurd û Kurdistan; puxteyek le mêjû 1520-1680Em nusîne kêwmallî mijarekanî Kurd û Kurdistan le sedekanî şazdehem û ḧevdehem dekat, le jêr roşnayî nêrrînî gerrîde Berîtanyayiyekan le herdû împiratorî 'Usmanî û Sefewîda be leberçawgirtinî herdû şakarî Şerefedîn Xanî Bedlîsî (1597/8) û Eskender Begî Munşî (1616-29) herçende zorbey kare zanistîyekan tîşkyan xistûwete ser karekanî gerrîdeBberîtanîyekan le berebeyanîy modêrneda; bellam ziyatir leser Cûwekan, Krîstiyanekan, Musellmanekan le Şam, Rojhellatî Nawerast û willatî Fars rawestawn û betewawî Kurdyan piştgwê xistûwe. Gerrîde berîtanîye berayiyekan zorcar çawyan be kurd le naw yan ledewrî Ḧeleb kewtuwe; katê ke mekoy serekîy Kompanyay Şam damezra le sallî 1580kanda. Bellam zor be kemî leser bûnî kurd lewnaweda dwawin. Ziyatir bewer rojhellat, Anthony Shirley û hawrêkanî le rêgey seferyanda bo çawpêkewtin be Şa 'Ebas le sallî 1598, Kurdistanyan be wîlayetêk nasanduwe lenêwan Beẍdad û Qezwînda û Kurdanyan wek xellkêkî namedenî û koçer nasanduwe. Mebestî Shirley le derxistinî basî Kurdan ziyatir bo nîşandanî giringîy xoy buwe. Bellam bazirgane Vînîsyayiyekan wesfî Kurd û Kurdistanyan be deqîqtir û dûrudrêjtir kirduwe. (Galletti 1995: 99), baskirdinî Kurdan lelayen gerrîde berîtanyayiyekanewe ziyatir wesfkarîy wirûkeşane buwe.ABSTRACT IN ZAZAKIRaywanê brîtanyayijî, kurdî û Kurdîstan: tarîxo edebîyo kilm, dorê 1520-1680îNa meqale raporê ke Împeratorîyanê Osmanî û Sefewîyan de hetê raywananê brîtanyayijan yê seserranê şîyês û hewtêsinan ra derheqê kurd û Kurdîstanî de virazîyayî, înan ser o cigêrayîş kena û ê raporî kronîkanê hemdeman yê kurdan û îranijan yê Şerefxanê Bedlisî (1597/8) û Îskender Beg Munşî (1616-29) de nana pêver o. Herçiqas ke cigêrayîşanê peyênan de xeylê eleqe musnîyaye raporanê raywananê modernanê verênan yê Brîtanya ke derheqê komelanê xirîstîyan, yahudî û muslumanan yê Levant, Rojhelatê Mîyanênî û Îranî de virazîyayî, kurdî pêro pîya ameyî peygoş kerdene. Raywananê brîtanyayijan ê verênan kurdî zafane Haleb û derûdorê ci de dîyî, cayo ke Şîrketê Levantî serranê 1580an de merkezê xo nabî ro. Çi esto ke înan ra zaf tay kesan estbîyayîşê kurdan ser o şîrove kerd. Hîna zaf hetê rojhelatî de, Anthony Shirley û hevalê ey serra 1598î de kewtbî mîsyon ke Şah Abbasî zîyaret bikerê. Înan Kurdîstan sey wîlayetê mabênê Bexdad û Qazvînî de nas kerd û çimê înan de kurdî gewendeyê bê ristim û bê medenîyet bîyî. Seba Shirleyî kurdî tena wasitayêk bîyê ke pê înan muhîmîya xo berz bikero. Herçiqas ke bazirgananê venedîkijan “Kurdîstan û kurdî bi aqilo tuj û teferuat tarîf kerd” (Galletti, 1995: 99), raporanê raywananê brîtanyayijanê verênan mabênê terîf û pêardişî de ca girewt.
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Mackertich, David S., and Adnan I. Samarrai. "History of hydrocarbon exploration in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq." GeoArabia 20, no. 2 (April 1, 2015): 181–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.2113/geoarabia2002181.
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ABSTRACT The Kurdistan Region of Iraq has witnessed extraordinary levels of exploration activity since the first exploration well to be drilled in over two decades was spudded in 2005. Since then almost 200 wells have been drilled encountering recoverable reserves estimated to be in excess of 15 billion barrels of oil equivalent. Whilst the region is in close proximity to many of the giant and supergiant fields of Iran and Iraq, the reservoirs in which discoveries have been made are largely different. In Iraq a large percentage of discovered reserves reside in Cenozoic and Cretaceous sediments capped by Cenozoic evaporite sequences. Over much of Kurdistan, particularly the north and northeastern parts of the region, Cenozoic strata are absent. A decade ago many were doubtful that significant quantities of hydrocarbons could be trapped in the absence of the Cenozoic evaporite sequences. Furthermore, whilst the presence of large surface structures and significant oil seeps were encouraging to some, to others it fueled concerns about trap leakage. Today the majority of the surface anticlinal features in Kurdistan have been drilled, but remain to be fully evaluated. Almost all of the exploration activity in Kurdistan has taken place on 2-D seismic with vertical exploration wells. In the last few years, a number of 3-D seismic surveys have been acquired and these will undoubtedly lead to production and reserve enhancements in parallel with increased subsurface complexity. Following a decade of exploration, three fields have been fully appraised and have a reasonable early production history: Tawke, Taq Taq and Khurmala. Reserve additions in the Tawke Field have been significant as a result of increased production performance due to better than originally anticipated reservoir properties, better pressure communication and additional reserves found in older reservoirs. It is probable that similar trends will occur in other fields and discoveries. Whilst a small number of horizontal wells have been drilled, advanced techniques used for producing from tight fractured carbonates such as multilateral wells, hydraulic fracturing, selective completions, proping and water injection have not as yet been used in the region. Almost all wells in Kurdistan have been drilled on surface or near subsurface structures within the foreland or the fold belt. Some wells have drilled through thrusts, more often by accident as opposed to on purpose. There have been virtually no dedicated wells for pure sub-thrust plays or stratigraphic traps although hydrocarbons have been found below significant thrusts and also beyond apparent structural closure in some structures. Challenges remain in what is a structurally complex and recently deformed region. High levels of exploration and appraisal activity persist and new pipeline infrastructure is under construction. It is likely that the Kurdistan Region of Iraq will develop to become an important contributor to world oil and gas production. This paper aims to summarise the first decade of exploration and appraisal activity in Kurdistan Region of northern Iraq. Due to the paucity of technical papers on this subject, this document draws upon the authors’ own knowledge and material published by companies operating in the region.
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King, Diane E. "Eshiretan in Kurdistan." International Journal of Middle East Studies 53, no. 3 (August 2021): 488–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743821000799.
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The “eshiret” (‘eşîret in the romanized Kurmanji Kurdish alphabet) is a highly variable and situated concept and social and political entity in Kurdistan, the homeland of ethnic Kurdish people. This essay is based on regular ethnographic fieldwork I have been conducting in part of Kurdistan, the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. My first research stint was in the mid-1990s, and I was there most recently in 2016. During the early period of my research, I had a great deal of contact with people in nonurban settings for whom an eshiret may be an important social category and contributor to individual identity.
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Amen, Kosar Rashed, Hassan Bulkhari Ghahi, and Sayed Mohammad Fadavi. "The history of the stages of painting art in the Kurdistan region of Iraq during the twentieth century." Halabja University Journal 6, no. 3 (September 30, 2021): 115–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.32410/huj-10393.
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The current paper attempted to study the history of painting art stages in the Iraqi Kurdistan region during the twentieth century as a corpus of study. Here, the researcher tries to answer these questions: from what date, through what stages, and in what ways did the art of painting enter the Kurdistan region? The results of the study showed that painting art has gone through two major stages in Kurdistan. First, during the first half of the twentieth century (1900), the painting was primarily non-academic and folk art. Then, during the second half (1950 onwards), other than the exitance of the folk painting art, modern and academic painting styles have also entered the field of the Kurdistan region's art through three ways. These ways were: first, through those artists who have visited European countries and the US and became acquainted with different modern painting styles. The second way was by those artists who studied painting at Baghdad University, and the third way is through traditional patterns and handmade items such as carpets, kilims, rugs, etc. The research method is basic-theoretical in terms of purpose and descriptive-analytical regarding the method with a historical approach. Literature review and observation were two data collection techniques of the study.
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Olson, Robert. ":Kurdistan: Crafting of National Selves." American Historical Review 114, no. 3 (June 2009): 869–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.114.3.869.
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Mobasser, Nilou, and Omid Salehi. "Borderland: Iranian Kurdistan." Index on Censorship 32, no. 1 (January 2003): 64–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064220308537174.
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Kelly, James D. "A Review of “Kurdistan: In the Shadow of History”." Visual Communication Quarterly 17, no. 3 (August 13, 2010): 195–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15551393.2010.502484.
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Salih, Hamed Abdulla, and Salwa Tofiq Muhammed. "The role of Small and Medium-sized Industries in Achieving Economic Development in Iraq’s Kurdistan Region." Journal of Tikrit University for Humanities 29, no. 9, 1 (September 12, 2022): 195–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/jtuh.29.9.1.2022.09.
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Small and medium enterprises play a crucial role in the overall economic affairs of Iraq’s Kurdistan region. This is related to the availability of human and material possibilities which result from a historical creativity and innovative accumulation in the field of crafts and services practiced by individuals or families in the cities and countryside of Kurdistan. People there have left their marks on many industries that have been famous throughout history and continue to grow and develop at present time. The research aims to identify the reality of small and medium enterprises in the region of Iraq’s Kurdistan so as to highlight its role in achieving the desired goals in economic development. So as to fulfill the objective of the study, the study is divided into three axes: the first axis deals with the concept of small and medium enterprises and the characteristics of their importance, while the second axis deals with the reality of small and medium industries in the Kurdistan region of Iraq, and the third axis deals with the most important problems facing small and medium industries in the Kurdistan region of Iraq.
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Mohammed, Herish Khali, and Francis Owtram. "Paradiplomacy of Regional Governments in International Relations: The Foreign Relations of the Kurdistan Regional Government (2003 – 2010)." IRAN and the CAUCASUS 18, no. 1 (2014): 65–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20140106.
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Until now there has been relatively little systematic analysis of the foreign relations of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG). Based on interviews with senior officials of the KRG, this article places this activity within the conceptual framework of paradiplomacy. It argues that, in the framework of regional geopolitics and economic benefits for the Kurdistan Region from its place in Iraq, the practice of this paradiplomacy does not indicate an intention to secede from Iraq.
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Abdullah, Farhad Hassan, and Hawre Hasan Hama. "Minority Representation and Reserved Legislative Seats in Iraqi Kurdistan." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 7, no. 4 (November 4, 2020): 381–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798920939821.
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Ethnic and religious minorities have played a significant role in the long history of Kurdistan. At an official level, their political position was significantly strengthened with the advent of autonomy for the Kurdistan Region in northern Iraq in 1992. Most importantly, a quota system was established that reserved seats for several minority groups in the Kurdistan Parliament, often cited as an example of tolerance for diversity and respect for minority rights. Nevertheless, there is a lack of empirical research examining how ethnic and religious quotas affect democratic stability, quality of representation, and opportunities to represent authentic interests within the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG). The politicians who occupy the reserved seats have come under criticism for merely supporting the policy programs of the dominant Kurdish parties, which deprives ethnic and religious minority groups of authentic representation and exposes the minority parties to allegations that they are politically exploited. This article analyzes the dynamics of minority political participation in Iraqi Kurdistan, how representation has been affected by the dominance of the ruling parties, and factors that guide the behavior of minority politicians while serving in quota-allocated positions. It also examines the effects of reserving seats through the quota system on the political behavior of minority groups. To these ends, this article focuses on parliamentary quotas and their impact on democratic stability, decision-making, and the empowerment of minority groups in the Kurdistan Region.
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Ali Saied, Asst prof Dr Ali Hussein. "Ismail Agha Shakak and his political activism And the military in Iran's Kurdistan 1895-1930(Historical and documentary study)." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 227, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v227i2.707.
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Ismail Agha activity was a prominent page In the history of Contemporary Iran where Iran's Kurdistan was at critical stage before , during and after world war first Its territory became a battle ground during the war , which Ismail Agha exploited for political and military activity to expand his power by establishing an alliance with Kurdish clans which was then in vain for the establishment of an independent Kurdish state in Iran's Kurdistan , but the British and Turkish apposition prevented it
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Romano, David. "Sub-state actors and foreign policy risk-taking: The Kurdistan Regional Government of Iraq." Kurdish Studies 8, no. 2 (October 13, 2020): 339–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v8i2.533.
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The analysis presented here offers a possible framework for understanding when sub-state actors behave prudently and more strategically in their foreign relations, and when other priorities might instead heighten the chances of seemingly irrational, erratic, or dangerous, foreign policies. Using a case study of the Kurdistan Regional Government of Iraq to illustrate the argument, the author attempts to show how “regime consolidation” plays a key role in allowing such actors to prioritise policies aimed at grappling with external challenges, threats and opportunities. Internally legitimate, consolidated regimes can better present “one face” to the outside world and behave more strategically in the international arena. Political systems lacking consolidation or internal legitimacy, in contrast, turn to the external environment in search of resources to help them with domestic threats and challenges. This may lead to seemingly erratic, unpredictable and risky foreign policies on their part. Abstract in Kurmanji Aktorên bin-dewletî û girtina rîskên siyaseta derve: Hikûmeta Herêma Kurdistanê ya Iraqê Analîza ku li vir hatiye pêşkêşkirin çarçoveyeke muhtemel ji bo fehmkirina demên ku aktorên bin-dewletî di têkiliyên xwe yên derve de bi hişyarî û stratejîk tevdigerin û demên di dewsê de pêşkiyên din şansên siyaseta derve yên xeternak, guherbar û îrrasyonel didine ber xwe. Bi bikaranîna mînaka Hikûmeta Herêma Kurdistanê ya Iraqê nivîskar hewl dide ku nîşan bide ka çawa “xurtkirina rejîmê” roleke serekî dilîze di destûrdana van aktoran de ku pêşekiyê bidin polîtîkayên ku bi dijwarî, tehdît û talûkeyên derve bigre. Rejîmên di hundir de meşrû û xurt dikarin baştir “rûyekî” nîşanê cîhana derve bidin û di qada navneteweyî de bêhtir stratejîk tevbigerin. Lê belê sîstemên siyasî yên ne xurt û di hundir de ne meşrû jî berê xwe didin derdora derve di lêgerîna çavkaniyan de da ku alîkariya wan bikin ji bo talûke û zehmetiyên hundirîn. Ev dikare bibe sedem ku ew polîtîkayên derveyî yên birîsk, netexmînbar û hevnegir ên berçav bigrin ji aliyê xwe ve. Abstract in Sorani Ektere dewllete lawekeyyekan û xoleqerey metrisî danî syasetî derewe: hkumetî herêmî kurdistanî ‘êrraq Ew şîkaryaney lêreda amadekrawn , çwarçêweyekî guncaw pêşkeş dekat bo têgeyiştin lewey le katêkda ektere dewllete lawekîyekan beşêweyekî wiryayane û sitratîjyanetir le peywendîyekanî derewey xoyanda hellsukewt deken, we katêkîş ewlewîyetekanî tir renge şansî ewey le rukeşda wek syasetî derekî na'eqllanî, namo, yan trisnak derdekewêt berizbkatewe. Hkumetî herêmî kurdistanî 'êraq wek keysî twêjînewe bekarhatuwe bo rûnkirdnewey ew argumêntey ke nûser hewll dedat nîşanî bdat çon “ptewkirdnî rjêm” rollêkî serekî debînêt le rêgedan bew core ekterane bo ewey ew syasetane bkate ewlewîyet ke amanc lêy berberekanêy allingarîy û hereşe û derfete drekîyekane. Ew rjêmaney ke şer'îyetî nawxoyyan heye û çespawn baştir detwanin “yek rûîy” pîşanî dinyay derewe bken û le meydanî nêwdewlletîşda sitratîjyanetir hellsukewt bken. Bepêçewanewe, ew sîsteme syasyaney ke neçespawn û şer'îyetî nawxoyyan kurtidênêt, le gerran bedway serçawekanda rû le jîngey derekî deken bo ewey yarmetîyan bda le herreşe û allingarîye nawxoyyekan. Eme lewaneye wabkat ke ew syasete derekîyaney ke be namo, pêşbînî nekraw û metrisîdar derdekewn le terefî ewanewe bêt. Abstract in Zazaki Faîlê bindewletkî û rîskgêrîya sîyasetê teberî: Hukmatê Herêmê Kurdîstanî yê Îraqî No analîzê tîyayî seba fehmkerdişê wextê ke faîlê bindewletkîyî têkilîyanê xo yê teberî de bitedbîr û hîna zaf stratejîk hereket kenê û wexto ke herinda ci de prîorîteyê bînî asayîş ra gore îhtîmalê polîtîkayanê teberî yê bêmantiq, bêqerar yan zî xeternakan kenê zêde, ci rê çarçewayêka potansîyele pêşkêş keno. Bi xebata nimûneyî yê Hukmatê Herêmê Kurdîstanî yê Îraqî no arguman nîşan dîyeno. Nuştox wazeno bimusno ke “konsolîdasyonê rejîmî” senî rolêko sereke gêno ke tede kerdoxanê winasîyan rê destûr dîyeno ke polîtîkayanê xo yê çareserkerdişê zehmetî, tehdîd û îmkananê teberî prîorîtîze bikerê. Eke zere de meşrû yê, rejîmê kondolîdekerdeyî eşkenê xo bi “yew rî” teber rê bimusnê û sahneya mîyanneteweyîye de hîna zaf stratejîk hereket bikerê. Heto bîn ra, sîstemê sîyasîyî ke tede konsolîdasyon yan zî meşrûîyetê zereyî çin ê, ê xo çarnenê dorûverê xo yê teberî ke seba helkerdişê tehdîd û zehmetîyanê zereyî ro çimeyan bigêre. No seba înan beno ke bibo sebebê polîtîkayanê teberî yê bêqerar, nevervînbar û rîzîkodaran.
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Voller, Yaniv. "COUNTERING VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN IN IRAQI KURDISTAN: STATE-BUILDING AND TRANSNATIONAL ADVOCACY." International Journal of Middle East Studies 46, no. 2 (April 10, 2014): 351–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743814000142.
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AbstractThe struggle against gender-based violence in the Iraqi Kurdistan Region has witnessed some significant achievements since the late 1990s. A subject long excluded from public discourse in the region, it has now moved increasingly into the mainstream, compelling the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) to take legal and practical measures against such practices as honor killings, female genital mutilation, and domestic violence. This article traces the sources of these shifts in the KRG's stance, looking especially at the role of transnational women's rights networks in the region. It highlights these networks’ successful strategy of binding their cause to the KRG's endeavor to legitimize and consolidate its contested sovereignty over the Kurdistan Region. In doing so, the paper addresses an underexplored subject in the literature on women's rights campaigns in the Kurdistan Region and contributes to the study of transnational advocacy as a source of normative change.
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Dehqan, Mustafa. "Nehrî Documents from the Institute of Persian National Records: A Catalogue." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 41, no. 2 (2007): 157–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400050537.
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The Kurdish nationalist tradition is surely not very old. The earliest origins of Kurdish nationalism coincide with the beginning of modernity in Kurdistan, which emerged with the secular humanism of the ‘Western Enlightenment,’ ushering in a gradual decline of traditional Islamic identity. The nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries in Kurdish history were a period for the incubation and growth of nationalism in Kurdistan. The famous temporary conquest of Iranian Kurdistan by Sheikh ‘Ubaydullah Nehrî (d. 1883), son of Sheikh Sayyid Taha, is the most important event in the history of early Kurdish nationalism. What I want to present here is in no way a complete investigation of the revolt of ‘Ubaydullah and his nationalist efforts. This is no more than an introduction to some newly-found Persian documents from the Institute of Persian National Records (IPNR) in Tehran, a schema of basic subjects surrounding the rebellion of ‘Ubaydullah and the Kurdish tribes as reflected in Persian diplomatic reports. Here I can only list the documents without entering into much detail. This collection has attracted little attention yet, but is well worth intensive investigation.
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Rashidirostami, Mahroo. "Performance Traditions of Kurdistan: Towards a More Comprehensive Theatre History." Iranian Studies 51, no. 2 (January 4, 2018): 269–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210862.2017.1401861.
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Salih, Hazha M. "Honour Killing in Erbil City; Social Factors." Koya University Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 6, no. 1 (May 5, 2024): 252–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.14500/kujhss.v6n1y2023.pp252-258.
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Honour killing is one of oldest crimes has been carried out in human’s history, mostly by men, especially in the Middle East culture. It is important for social science researchers to find out the factors behind this horrified crime, also to what extent men see their honour and dignity in women’s gender. In Kurdish society, Honour killing is social phenomenon as it has been increased in past decade. The main question in this research is; to what extent social factors effected on increasing HK in Kurdistan/ Erbil City? Has Honour Killing become social phenomenon in Kurdish society? This research focuses on social factors like religion, culture, family reputation and status effecting on Honour Crimes in Kurdistan. The importance of this research is, It seems like every day we hear about HK and how many innocent women/men have been murdered for no reason. This topic is related to Kurdish structure and social system of Kurdistan. In spite of KRG's new law and progress in developing Kurdistan and people's awareness, the HK rate is increasing. Overall, all interviewers believed that culture is main cause and reason for HK.
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Walliser, Yann. "L’agriculture du Kurdistan irakien." Études rurales, no. 186 (March 29, 2010): 133–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesrurales.9281.
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Asatrian, Mushegh. "Note Sur Les Sectes Dans Le Kurdistan." Iran and the Caucasus 1, no. 1 (1997): 203–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338497x00139.
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Schäfers, Marlene. "Editorial." Kurdish Studies 7, no. 2 (October 25, 2019): 111–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v7i2.523.
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Now running in its seventh year, Kurdish Studies has established itself as the leading venue for the publication of innovative, cutting-edge research on Kurdish history, politics, culture and society. According to Scopus scores, our journal is now positioned among the top publications within the History category of the Arts and Humanities, ranking 170 out of 1138 (84th percentile). In Cultural Studies, we stand at rank 193 out of 890 (78th percentile). This year’s second issue of Kurdish Studies brings to you yet another collection of thought-provoking pieces of original scholarship. Gerald Maclean provides us with a literary history of British literary accounts of Kurds and Kurdistan in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Allan Hassaniyan investigates a similar geography, though within the context of contemporary fragmentation by national borders. Our third article shifts the focus from Iran to Iraq. Samme Dick examines the recent turn to Zoroastrianism amongst a growing number of Kurds living in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq.
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Osman, Fatima, Noralfishah Sulaiman, and Uzair Bhatti. "Motives and Barriers of Female Entrepreneurship in the Kurdistan Region." 12th GLOBAL CONFERENCE ON BUSINESS AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 12, no. 1 (October 8, 2021): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.35609/gcbssproceeding.2021.12(69).
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The involvement of Kurdish women in nationalistic revolutions has left many astonished. Kurdistan's history is enriched with many women that have had leadership roles in political, religious, and even military positions. This research examined the life of modern working women in Kurdistan that have turned to entrepreneurship to break from societal ties in addition to expressing their creativity and unique skills while continuing to meet their responsibilities as daughters, wives, and mothers. The purpose of this research was to answer questions regarding the motives of female entrepreneurs as well as the general and gender-based barriers that female entrepreneurs face in the Region. According to Al-silefanee (2019), the entrepreneurial ecosystem consists of two significant elements, the entrepreneur and the environment in which the entrepreneur operates. Regardless of how new the idea of entrepreneurship is to KRI, the region has the chance to build-up the entrepreneurship ecosystem by encouraging entrepreneurship through the development of an environment that facilitates entrepreneurial youth and initiate economic growth. Keywords: Female Entrepreneurship; Online Businesses; Entrepreneurship Motives.
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Ateş, Sabri. "We the Nation." Kurdish Studies Journal 2, no. 1 (June 13, 2024): 3–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/29502292-00201007.
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Abstract The last months of 1880 witnessed a turning point in Kurdish history. Under the leadership of a Naqshbandi/Qadiri Shaykh, ʿUbeydullah of Nehrî, in Central Kurdistan, thousands of Iranian and Ottoman Kurds marched on Iranian Kurdistan and temporarily captured several cities in the region. Despite the uprising’s failure, the nature of their movement has long been a subject of debate among scholars and the public. This paper provides a contextual analysis of several letters of Shaykh ʿUbeydullah, aiming to shed light on the agency, consciousness, and motivations of the participants in the uprising. Moreover, it explores whether this episode could be considered a nationalist uprising.
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عبدالرحمن, پشکۆ, and ماجید فەتاح. "The National and Geographical Identity of the Cut-Off Areas from Kurdistan Region of Iraq." Journal for Political and Security Studies 4, no. 8 (December 1, 2021): 49–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10052.
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The geographical review of those areas needs academic and scientific research. The national and geographical identity of the cutoff areas Kurdistan regions was an obscure issue in the relations between the Kurds and the Iraqi government in the stages of history. In fact, the region in terms of national and geographical identity faced many crises, and the efforts and attempts to distort the national, ethnic and geographical identity of that region were many and varied, including: ethnic cleansing, displacement and Arabization, and with all that they also tried from a cultural, linguistic and ideological perspective to obliterate the historical reality of that region and its Kurdistan. Therefore, in this research, I refer to the history of these areas in terms of the national identity of those areas, with a precise indication of the geographical borders of Southern Kurdistan, and a definition of the national, ethnic and religious minorities in it. The research consists of six axes: In it, the Kurdish regions located in the areas of Mosul, Kirkuk, Diyala and Wasit were precisely identified and defined. We also referred to scientific sources and academic research, and mentioned writers and travelers interested in Kurdish studies, official documents related to the region, and documents that confirm the truth and entitlement of nationalism, geography and national identity. and geography of that region. All of this is analyzed in this research.
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Koliński, Rafał. "Settlement history of Iraqi Kurdistan: an assessment halfway into the project." Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean 26, no. 1 (July 9, 2018): 579–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.1810.
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The objectives of the “Settlement history of Iraqi Kurdistan” project include the identification and recording of archaeological sites and other heritage monuments across an area of more than 3000 km2 located on both banks of the Greater Zab river, north of Erbil. A full survey of the western bank was carried out over three field seasons, in 2013, 2014 and 2015 (leaving the Erbil/Haūler province to be studied in the next two seasons). To date, at least 147 archaeological sites dating from the early Neolithic Hassuna culture to late Ottoman times have been registered. Moreover, the project documented 39 architectural monuments, as well as the oldest rock reliefs in Mesopotamia dating from the mid 3rd millennium BC, located in the village of Gūnduk. Altogether 91 caves and rock shelters were visited in search of Paleolithic and Pre-Pottery Neolithic remains. The paper is an interim assessment of the results halfway into the project, showing the trends and illuminating gaps in the current knowledge.
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Kozhukhar, B. "THE CONFLICT AMONG KURDS IN THE KURDISTAN REGION OF IRAQ." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 142 (2019): 9–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2019.142.3.
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Kurds are an Iranian ethnic group that compactly resides in a large geographical area, at the junction of Asia Minor, the Caucasus, the Iranian Highlands, and Mesopotamia, called Kurdistan. Currently, the region is divided between four states - Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Syria. Ethnic Kurdistan has been constantly in a state of instability since the 20th century. Because of this, the Kurdish issue is one of the most pressing problems in recent history and is at the forefront of the political life of the Middle East region. Kurds are the most numerous people who, at the present stage of human development, do not have their own statehood and have existed for a long time without autonomy. For a long period of time, they have been fighting for self-determination, and Iraqi Kurdistan has a major role to play in it. It is this region that has made the most progress in the political sphere, notably thanks to the creation of the Kurdistan Democratic Party in 1946. For almost half a century, under unfavorable conditions, its activities have helped to develop a new political culture and the so-called "pluralism of thoughts". The split within this party has shown that no national movement is unitary and combines the interests of different social and political groups. Further deepening of the contradictions, in addition to the difficult situation of Iraq in the international arena, resulted in armed conflict. During the civil war, both Kurdish parties from other countries and the armed forces of Iraq, Iran and Turkey intervened in it. In fact, the inter-Kurdish conflict in Iraqi Kurdistan has become a significant step towards the realization of the issue of autonomy.
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Özok-Gündoğan, Nilay. "Counting the Population and the Wealth in an “Unruly” Land: Census Making as a Social Process in Ottoman Kurdistan, 1830–50." Journal of Social History 53, no. 3 (November 16, 2018): 763–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shy097.
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Abstract This article examines the earliest modern Ottoman censuses in Kurdistan in the mid-nineteenth century from a social history perspective. Echoing the efforts of its contemporaries, the Ottoman state set out to conduct its first modern population census in 1830. This early census reflected the state’s aims for standardization and centralization, yet it was conducted “successfully” only in provinces geographically close to the capital. In Kurdistan, a border area controlled by ancient Kurdish chiefdoms and tribes, the census remained a herculean task for over four decades. Following recent society-centered views of global census history, this article approaches the modern Ottoman census experience in this early period as a social process rather than a top down enterprise. It argues that what determined the content, structure, and the format of these early censuses was not the discussions in the meeting rooms of the Ottoman imperial bureaucracy but social encounters between local and central, state and nonstate actors situated in the locality.
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Karim, Soran A., and Hoshmand A. Mahmood. "Political Islamic Movement in The East of Kurdistan (1979-2001)." Koya University Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 5, no. 2 (June 18, 2023): 100–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.14500/kujhss.v5n2y2022.pp100-109.
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This research analyses the political Islamic movement in the East of Kurdistan between 1979-2001. In 1979, after the Iranian Nations revolution's success, a number of religious movements and organizations formed. A part of these organizations was working to establish a local Kurdish-Islamic authority. On the other hand, there were organizations working with Ayatollah Khomeini and the newly installed regime in Tehran, and others identifying themselves under the umbrella of international Muslim Brotherhood Organization. The method of this research is a history check and analysis relying on personal interviews, books, and scientific research related to this topic. The purpose of the research. We will intensely focus on the history and ideology of Maktabi Quran which is known as the special Kurdish movement. Also, the movement of the Muslim Brotherhood was under the impact of the internal Muslim Brotherhood and members of the same organization in the South of Kurdistan who is working under the name of Da’wa and Reform.
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Jalal, Pishtiwan, and Ariel I. Ahram. "Salafism, Sectarianism, and National Identity in Iraqi Kurdistan." Middle East Journal 75, no. 3 (November 26, 2021): 386–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/75.3.12.
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This article examines the history of Salafism within the Kurdistan Region of Iraq using interviews, archives, social media, and an online survey. Despite Salafism and nationalism generally being seen as rival political ideologies, Kurdish Salafis have over the last decade increasingly linked their sectarian struggle to the Kurdish ethno-nationalist cause. Such efforts provide new understandings both of Salafism and of Kurdish nationalism while also potentially destabilizing the alliance between Kurdish nationalist and Shi'i sectarian parties that has governed Iraq since 2003.
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ENTESSAR, NADER. "MICHAEL M. GUNTER, The Kurdish Predicament in Iraq: A Political Analysis (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999), Pp. 191. $39.95 cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 2 (May 2001): 331–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801422069.
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This work is a follow-up to Michael Gunter's earlier book, The Kurds of Iraq: Tragedy and Hope (St. Martin's Press, 1992). In that book, which was published shortly after the first democratic elections in Iraqi Kurdistan and the subsequent establishment of the Kurdish regional government (KRG), Gunter was somewhat optimistic about the prospects for realizing Kurdish national aspirations in Iraq. The book under review, however, strikes a more pessimistic tone based on political developments in Iraqi Kurdistan in the 1990s. The main focus of the book is on the causes of continuing conflict between the two major Iraqi Kurdish parties—namely, the Kurdish Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK)—since the end of the 1991 Gulf War and the establishment of the autonomous Kurdish region in northern Iraq. The author uses a variety of sources, including interviews with principal Kurdish players and English-language publications.
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Dehqan, Mustafa. "Tehran's Unmined Archive of Kurdish Jewry: A Field Report." AJS Review 31, no. 2 (November 2007): 317–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009407000554.
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This brief article offers an overview of the various Kurdo-Jewish records preserved in Tehran in the Iranian Parliament Records archives. The documents reflect the perspectives of Jews and non-Jews alike and were originally reported by Kurdish officials of the Jewish colonies in Iranian Kurdistan, by Jewish senators of the National Parliament of Iran, as well as by Kurdish peasants of Kurdistan. Most of the documents are in Persian, with the exception of perhaps nine in French stemming from Westernized Jewish circles.
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Stefanov Chukov, Vladimir. "Kurdish Migration Waves to Rojava (Northern Syria)." Open Journal for Studies in History 5, no. 2 (December 20, 2022): 11–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.ojsh.0502.01011c.
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This study aims to present the Kurds and the Kurdish migration waves to Rojava (Northern Syria). The accumulation of huge Kurdish masses on the territory of today's Syria is the result of millennial waves of migration caused by the turbulent events in the Middle East. The article analyzes: The Kurdish settlements in Syria; The French colonial authorities; The French colonial policy in the Middle East; The migration flow to Syria. The authors of the in-depth study of modern Syrian Kurdistan, The Question of Syrian Kurdistan – Reality, History, Mythologisation, argue that in the twentieth century there were two main waves of migration to northern Syria. One is expansionist and the other is restrictive. They form the current profile of the Kurdish community in Syria.
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كەریم, توانا ڕەشید. "ڕەنگدانەوەی نووسینەوەی مێژوویی لە گۆڤاری گەلاوێژدا." Journal of University of Raparin 6, no. 2 (October 23, 2019): 321–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(6).no(2).paper19.
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Reflection of Historical Writing in Galawezh Magazine
The study aims at highlighting the importance of Galawezh magazine, which was issued during 1939-1949, in the process of historical writing, with its ten years of historical inventory in the fields of (Kurds and Kurdistan history, Second World War, the press history, developments and internal events in Iraq, etc).This magazine was characterized by an active presence in following up the historical material and political developments at a sensitive stage in the history of the Kurds, Iraq, and the world.
Building on this, the research is divided into two sections: the first one deals with the historical development of Galawezh magazine through its objectives, form and contents, meanwhile the second one is dedicated to the role of the magazine in historical writing through the most important fields that the magazine worked for and how to deal with historical topics.
Finally, the researcher has come up with a number of conclusions, mainly: The historical subjects occupied a high proportion in the magazine writings, especially in the field of history of the Kurds, which in turn contributed to the development of the historical writing movement in Kurdistan. The magazine also followed the rapid political developments witnessed by Iraq and the world.
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Petrosian, Vahram. "Assyrians in Iraq." Iran and the Caucasus 10, no. 1 (2006): 113–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338406777979322.
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AbstractThe article examines the question of the Assyrian identity; certain problems pertaining to the history of the Assyrian-Kurdish relationships; the problem of the Assyrian autonomy; the role of the political parties of the Iraqi Assyrians; the status of the Assyrians in Iraqi Kurdistan; the Assyrians after the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime, and several other issues.