Relevant bibliographies by topics / Kurdistan, politics and government

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
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Academic literature on the topic 'Kurdistan, politics and government'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 31 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Kurdistan, politics and government"

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Ahmad, Paiman Ramazan. "The Politics of Oil in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq." Academic and Applied Research in Military and Public Management Science 17, no. 3 (December 31, 2018): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.32565/aarms.2018.3.1.

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This research is aimed at identifying the role of petroleum revenues in the Kurdistan Region for better economic efficiency and sovereignty of the Kurdistan Region in the future. This study identifies some root causes of deficiency of revenue usage generally, as well as specific causes in the Kurdistan Region. Further, the study looks at the various factors that affect oil production in the Kurdistan Region and compares it to the Federal Government. This study seeks to show how the Kurdistan Region generates the oil reserves regionally, despite the difficulties it encounters with the Federal Government due to the constitutional ambiguity. The research analysis concludes the importance of energy efficiency for the Kurdistan Region both economically and politically.
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Adistia, Margaretha Novianti, Muhammad Anugrah Fidriansyah, Rizka Yeza Utami, Nofi Yanti, and Muhammad Faiz Krisnadi. "The Shift from Paradiplomacy to Protodiplomacy: A Comparative Study of Catalonia and Kurdistan." Journal of Paradiplomacy and City Networks 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2024): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jpcn.v3i1.38.

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This article explored the transition from paradiplomacy to protodiplomacy in Catalonia and Kurdistan, two regions at the forefront of this shift. Protodiplomacy involves the direct participation of subnational entities in diplomatic activities akin to those of recognized nation-states, challenging traditional diplomatic hierarchies and altering the global diplomatic landscape. Catalonia has greater autonomy in matters such as governance and economy, while Kurdistan has more limited autonomy in matters such as security and governance. As such, this research showed that paradiplomacy could serve as a means to increase regional engagement in international politics. This research provided an in-depth analysis of how the South Sulawesi Provincial Government's paradiplomacy initiative impacts the export of agricultural products to Egypt. Through a comparative analysis of Catalonia and Kurdistan, this study elucidated the motivations, consequences, and challenges associated with this transition. It emphasized the significance of effective paradiplomacy practices between central and local governments. Catalonia and Iraqi Kurdistan exemplified modern paradiplomacy, showcasing their capabilities on an international stage. The research identified high Iraqi Kurdish nationalism as a key driver of the shift towards protodiplomacy in Kurdistan. It also highlighted the internal structural factors within Iraq that propelled Iraqi Kurdistan's diplomatic efforts, culminating in a referendum that marked a peak in separatist interest. This research underscored the dynamic nature of protodiplomacy, highlighting the motivations behind subnational diplomatic endeavors and the transformative implications for central-local government relations.
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Gunter, Michael M. "The Kurds in the changing political map of the Middle East." Kurdish Studies 3, no. 1 (May 1, 2015): 64–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v3i1.392.

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This article examines how the rise of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), the on-going Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) insurgency and current peace negotiations with the Turkish government, and the recently declared autonomy by the Syrian Kurds—largely under the leadership of the Democratic Union Party (PYD)—have empowered the Kurds and challenged the existing political map of the Middle East largely established after World War I. At the same time this article also considers the rise of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) as one of the other main tipping points changing the Middle East political map. The roles and policies of Turkey and the United States to these transformations are also analysed.Keywords: Kurds; ISIS; Middle East; politics; Syria; Iraq; KRG; Turkey.Kurd di xerîteya siyasî ya Rojhilata Navîn a di guherînê deArmanca vê gotarê ew e tehlîl bike ka duristbûna Hukûmeta Herêma Kurdistanê, serhildana berdewam a Partiya Karkerên Kurdistanê û danûstandinên aştiyê ligel hukûmeta Tirkiyeyê, û ew otonomiya ku kurdên Sûriyeyê, heyamên dawî, piranî di bin pêşengiya Partiya Yekîtiya Demokratîk de ragihandin çawa kurd bihêz kirine û çawa hevsengiya xerîteya siyasî ya Rojhilata Navîn, ya bi piranî li dû Şerê Cîhanî yê Yekem hatiye binecihkirin, xistiye ber birparsyaran. Gotar herwiha balê dikêşe ser peydabûna Dewleta Îslamî li Iraq û Sûriyeyê wek xaleke dîtir a werçerxanê di guherîna xerîteya siyasî ya Rojhilata Navîn de. Herwiha, dewr û siyasetên Tirkiye û Dewletên Yekgirtî yên Emerîkayê yên di barê van guherînan de jî hatine tehlîlkirin.
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Vedeneev, Il'ya. "The Kurdish Problem in the Modern Politics of Iraq, Syria and Turkey: a Comprehensive Analysis." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University. Series: Political, Sociological and Economic sciences 2023, no. 4 (December 14, 2023): 411–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2500-3372-2023-8-4-411-424.

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Currently, the Middle East is undergoing significant changes, often due to a mixture of global and regional factors. The study is devoted to the current policies in the Middle East, in the ethnogeographic area of Kurdistan. The study researches numerous parties (political entities) of the Kurds of Iraq, Syria and Turkey, considers the events that took place in Kurdistan in 2022 and 2023. The central government of Iraq receives new levers of pressure on the leadership of the Kurdish Autonomy. At the same time, the Turkish leadership refuses to resume oil exports. Although the government of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan pursues its own goals, in this case the actions of Ankara and Baghdad coincide. Relations between the Kurdish Democratic Party and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan remain tense on a number of issues. During the adoption of the budget law, the latter actually opposed the idea of Kurdish autonomy in Iraq. In Syria, the autonomy of the Kurds (Rojava) will exist as long as the United States maintains its presence. The Syrian government is promoting the withdrawal of Turkish troops from Syria as a precondition for restoring relations with Ankara. Turkey refuses, because the Syrian Democratic Forces are not controlled by the Damascus. Thus, the Syrian Kurds are the stumbling block of the post-war settlement in Syria. In Turkey, there is a split between the opposition and pro-government Kurds. The opposition is divided into legal and illegal. Because the government of R. T. Erdoğan won a landslide victory in the presidential elections, there is no reason to believe that a softer course will be adopted against the Turkish Kurds.
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Fischer-Tahir, Andrea. "Science-based truth as news: Knowledge production and media in Iraqi Kurdistan." Kurdish Studies 1, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 28–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v1i1.384.

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This article examines aspects of the entanglement of (social) science, politics and media in Iraqi Kurdistan and investigates their representation in Kurdish newspapers, taking a quantitative study on genocidal persecution published by a Kurdistan government ministry as an example. It demonstrates how one and the same corpus of science-based ideas is appropriated and operationalised according to very different political agendas, and how the media itself conveys certain beliefs on the measurability of social experience and the truth value of science-based knowledge. Drawing on the broad debate in social science and the humanities on knowledge and the capitalist society, this article discusses aspects of the scientification of media and the politicisation of academic knowledge production. Berpêşkirina rastiyên li ser bingehên zanistiyê wekî nûçe: hilberana zanyariyê û medya li Kurdistana IraqêEv gotar astengên li ber zanyariya civakî, siyasî û medyayê li Kurdistana Iraqê û pêşkeşkirina wan di rojnameyên Kurdî da vedikole. Ev lêkolîn xwe dispêre xebateka çendaniyî/quantîtatîv ya nimûneyî li ser çespandina komkujînî ku ji layê Wezareta Hikûmeta Kurdistanê ve hatiye weşandin. Ev xebat nîşan dide bê di medyayê da fikrên zanistî çawan hatine guhertin û bikarînan li gor berjewendiyên siyasî yên ji hev gelek cuda. Ew herwisan destnîşan dike bê medya bi çi rengî baweriyên pûç hildiwerîne li ser pîvandariya serboriyên civakî û li ser rastiya zanyariyên zanistî. Bi bikarînana nîqaşên fereh di qada zanistiya civakî û beşerî da li ser zanyarî û civaka sermayedar, mijara vê gotarê nîqaşkirina wan nêrînan e ku medyayê wekî çavkaniyeka zanyariyên zanistî dihesibînin û wisan pêşkêş dikin. Ev gotar herwisan nîqaş dike li ser zanyariya akademîk ya ku di bin bandora siyasetê da tê hilberandin. حەقیقەتی بە زانستی کراو وەکوو نووچە: زانین بەرهەم هێنان و میدیا لە کوردستانی ئێراق ئەم کاغەزە لە سەر هیندێک لایەنی زانستی (کۆمەڵایەتی)، سیاسەت و میدیا لە کوردستانی ئێراق لێکۆلینەوە دەکات و هەروەها شێوازی بەرجەستەکردنەوە و نواندنەوەی ئەوان لە رۆژنامە کوردییەکان دا دەخاتە بەر تیشکی لێکدانەوە، وەکوو نموونە، لیکۆڵینەوەیەکی چەندییەتی (کوانتیتاتیڤ) لە سەر ستەمەکانی پەیوەندیدار بە ژینۆسیدەوە کە لە لایان وەزارەتخانەیەکی حکوومەتی هەریمی کوردستانەوە بڵاو کراوەتەوە. ئەمە نیشانی داوە، چۆناوچۆن هەر هەمان کۆبیرۆکەی لە سەر زانست دارژتراو، بە ئاجێندایەکی سیاسی تەواو جیاواز وەرگیراوە و بە کارهێنراوە و هەروەها دەبیندرێت کە چۆناوچۆن خودی میدیا دەبیتە سەرچاوەی چەشنە باوەرییەک لە سەر بە پێوانکردنی ئەزموونی کۆمەڵایەتی و نرخی حەقیقەتی زانینی بە زانستی کراو. بە رێگای راوەستەکردن لە سەر گەنگەشەکانی نێو زانستی کۆمەڵایەتی و جیهانی زانین و کۆمەڵگای سەرمایەداری، ئەم نووسراوەیە، لایەنی بە زانستی کردنی میدیا و بە سیاسی کردنی زانستی ئاکادیمیک دەخاتە بەر باس و لێکۆلینەوە.وشە سەرەکییەکان: هەریمی کوردستان، میدیا، شالاوی ئەنفال، بەرهەمهێنانی زانین، ئانترۆپۆلۆژی میدیا
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Latifi, Ali, and Shiva Jalalpoor. "Analysis of Israel's Foreign Policy Concerning Iraqi's Kurdistan (2003-2015)." Journal of History Culture and Art Research 6, no. 3 (June 16, 2017): 864. http://dx.doi.org/10.7596/taksad.v6i3.961.

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<p>Analysis of the Israel's Foreign Policy is one of the important issues concerned by the researchers of the international and regional affairs. Israel's Foreign Policy in years 2003-2015 has witnessed a lot of events. In these years, transformation of the Iraq's internal structures including the fall of the Baath Regime in Iraq and appearance of the terroristic group of Dashi (ISIS) in this country has provided new opportunities and challenges for the Israel's Foreign Policy. In this regard, establishment of a republic system in Iraq and the reinforcement of the Kurdish streams, specially during the current transformations and the increasing desires for the independence in Iraqi's Kurdistan, have paved the way for Israel to intensify its activities in the region. In this regard, the current study has approach the issue of Israel's Foreign Policy concerning Iraqi's Kurdistan during the years 2003-2015 with a descriptive analytic method. The achieved results show that the political reasons (alliance of the periphery and development of the strategic depth in closeness to Iran), economic (accessing the energy and mineral resources in Iraqi's Kurdistan, the importance of the Kurdistan's hydro-politic resources for Israel and the Israel's economical influence from the Nile to the Euphrates), military-security (presence in the strategic environment of Iran and the external threats in the Middle East, creation of an environmental crisis un the Kurdish region of the Middle East, weakening the Iraqi's central government and disintegration of this country, Israel's security-intelligence expansion, acquiring a strategic territory and getting out of isolation and the resolving the its legitimacy crisis, controlling the currents of thought in this region), all have been influential in thein Israel's Foreign Policy Concerning Iraqi's Kurdistan. </p>
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Musa, Ibrahim. "Ethnic Conflict in World Politics." American Journal of Islam and Society 14, no. 3 (October 1, 1997): 95–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v14i3.2273.

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Thi publication comes at a time when unprecedented bloody ethnic conflictnot only dominate the global media and international politics, but also numb theworld's conscience. Bosnia Herzegovina, Somalia, Rwanda, Burundi, EastTimor, Chechnia, Kashmir, and Kurdistan are some of the famous landmarkswhere entire countries and communities are caught up in the web of ethnic conflict.In other instances, ethnic conflict is gradually becoming a feature ofnational life. It is not at all unfamiliar to hear reports of ethnic conflict in India(Hindu-Muslim riots), Germany (violence against immigrant Turks), France(anti-Arab right-wing nationalist fervor and the Muslim scarf issue), the UnitedStates (Los Angeles riots after the Rodney King trial) and Great Britain (Muslimand government standoff over Salman Rushdie's Satanic Verses).Gurr and Harff have written a useful book that tries to make sense of the causesof ethnic conflict in different parts of the world. It deals with the issue in thecontext of rapid changes in the world order; the emergence of ethnopoliticalgroups or ethnoclasses; the struggles for either autonomy or pluralism by variousethnic and social groups; the challenges that ethnopolitics poses to the international.legal and political systems; and the effect of this on communitiesdemanding ethnic rights. It also attempts to provide a framework for analysis ...
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Mofidi, Sabah, and Somayeh Rahmani. "The Effect of Religion on the Political Identity of Kurdish Youth (with Focus on University Students)." Economics, Law and Policy 2, no. 1 (December 5, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/elp.v2n1p1.

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<em>This article studies the relationship between religion and political identity in Eastern Kurdistan located in Iran. For this purpose, it reviews at first the theoretical debates on social and political identities, the bases of Kurdish individual’s political identity and the situation of religion in Kurdish society as one of them.<strong> </strong>Then,<strong> </strong>the quantitative and analytical methods are used to measure the effect of religion. The results show that religion and religious identity are still important determinants of political identity in Kurdistan that is affected by the situation of society. Because of both the influence of religion in this traditional society and the existence of a totalitarian religious government, the other social factors and identities cannot practically affect the political identity, though they are also important and powerful in the society, especially the Kurdish identity. Hence, the political identity of Kurdish youth is further affected by the government’s politics and policies that reinforce both Iranian and religious identities and prevent the manifestation of the other identities in political arena. </em>
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Moodrick-Even Khen, Hilly. "Past and Future of Kurdish Autonomy in Syria: Prospects of the Autonomy in the Time of COVID-19." Journal for Interdisciplinary Middle Eastern Studies 7, no. 1 (2021): 5–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.26351/jimes/7-1/1.

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This article focuses on the current COVID-19 implications for the fissure between the Syrian regime and the Kurds in Syria. It explains how the Syrian Kurds cope with COVID-19, given the region’s political status and the current state of play in the Syrian war. It sheds light on (1) the practical application of Kurdish semi-autonomy in Syria along with its successes and shortcomings in the public health sphere; and (2) how COVID-19 has affected intra-Kurdish politics in Syria and Kurdistan. Although changes in the political framework of Syria are not expected in the near future, the pandemic has underscored the fissures between the Kurds and the central government. Since the pandemic reached Syria, the Syrian government has almost completely neglected the health situation in the Kurdish territories. The Kurdish Autonomous Administration, in turn, recruited all the means at its disposal to cope independently with the crisis. These on-the-ground developments are signs for both the overt and covert, anxious hopes and strivings of the Kurds for autonomy. To assess the prospects for Kurdish autonomy, the article also analyzes the Kurds’ relationships with the states involved in the Syrian conflict and the historical landmarks of intra-Kurdish politics.
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Voller, Yaniv. "COUNTERING VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN IN IRAQI KURDISTAN: STATE-BUILDING AND TRANSNATIONAL ADVOCACY." International Journal of Middle East Studies 46, no. 2 (April 10, 2014): 351–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743814000142.

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AbstractThe struggle against gender-based violence in the Iraqi Kurdistan Region has witnessed some significant achievements since the late 1990s. A subject long excluded from public discourse in the region, it has now moved increasingly into the mainstream, compelling the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) to take legal and practical measures against such practices as honor killings, female genital mutilation, and domestic violence. This article traces the sources of these shifts in the KRG's stance, looking especially at the role of transnational women's rights networks in the region. It highlights these networks’ successful strategy of binding their cause to the KRG's endeavor to legitimize and consolidate its contested sovereignty over the Kurdistan Region. In doing so, the paper addresses an underexplored subject in the literature on women's rights campaigns in the Kurdistan Region and contributes to the study of transnational advocacy as a source of normative change.
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More sources

Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Kurdistan, politics and government"

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Fatah, S. "A study of the implementation of the constitution and the quality of governance in Kurdistan." Thesis, Liverpool John Moores University, 2016. http://researchonline.ljmu.ac.uk/4820/.

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As the first study focusing on the implementation of the constitutions and quality of government (QoG) in Kurdistan from a practical point of view, this thesis examines the question why the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) fails to deliver the constitutions in a way that strengthens its democracy and produces a good QoG. From analyses of the data gleaned from 41 semi-structured interviews the thesis identifies the main factors that affect the implementation of the constitutions and QoG with particular reference to the 2005 Iraqi constitution and the Kurdistan draft constitution of 2009. The study also outlines the reform process in the Kurdistan Region and explains how a system of political checks and balances in a democratic society can improve QoG and democracy. This research considers the main obstacle to the establishment of a good and democratic government in the region to be political influence on all state institutions, including the executive, parliament, the judiciary, military forces, police and security services, and use of these institutions for political and personal benefits. Other obstacles identified are a reliance on oil products, a culture of corruption, poor administration, a low-quality legal system, Kurdish disputes with the central Iraqi government, the absence of a clear, enforceable regional constitution, the lack of experience with democracy and, more importantly, the absence of political will for reform by the ruling parties. In this light, the study recommends strengthening the state institutions, reducing political influence over them and establishing a process of political checks and balances – as exists in democratic states – as extremely important to improving QoG. However, it also argues that these aims will not be achieved without a genuine political will for reform. Thus, this thesis stands as the first detailed research in this field that qualitatively investigates the effect of the implementation of democratic constitutions in a region that has gone through conflict and violence; attempts to set out the factors that form obstacles to such implementation; and puts forward recommendations for the improvement of QoG in the light of the constitutions. This study therefore, can help the government and politicians to take action in terms of reforms to improve QoG in the region and develop the democratic process. This research will also contribute to future study on a similar theme.
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Voller, Yaniv. "From rebellion to de facto statehood : international and transnational sources of the transformation of the Kurdish national liberation movement in Iraq into the Kurdistan regional government." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/474/.

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In 1991, following its defeat in the first Gulf War and out of fear of a humanitarian catastrophe, the Iraqi army and state-apparatus were forced to withdraw from the three Kurdish-population governorates in Northern Iraq. This left an administrative vacuum that was filled by the leadership of the Kurdish fragmented guerrilla movement – now a de facto Kurdish state in Northern Iraq, known as the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG). Instead of achieving their goal of an autonomous (and in the long-term even independent) Kurdistan through insurgency or guerrilla warfare, the Kurdish leadership came to see state- and institution-building as the most efficient path. De facto statehood has had a significant impact on the development of the KRG, its state-building, its interaction with the international community, and its policies. As demonstrated in the growing literature on de facto states, the pursuit of international legitimacy often plays a key role in shaping their conduct and identity, paving the way toward substantial, though fragile, achievements in state-building. The purpose of this research is to contribute to the study of de facto states by exploring the case of the KRG. It argues that the pursuit of legitimacy is essential for the understanding of de facto states, mainly due to its potential to generate interaction between the de facto state and different segments of the international community. Transnational advocacy is found to be particularly significant, including diaspora activism for conveying ideas and encouraging interaction. By examining the evolution of the Kurdish national liberation movement from 1958 to 2010, this research aims to better explain the dynamics that shape de facto states in general, and to contribute to the study of the KRG as a de facto state in particular, including its development, and its domestic and foreign policies.
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Padgett, Tammy. "The Three Rs of Militant Politics: Rhetoric, Radicalism and Realpolitik." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2003. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/691.

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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf
Bachelors
Arts and Sciences
political Science
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Emanuelsson, Ann-Catrin. "Diaspora global politics : Kurdish transnational networks and accommodation of nationalism /." Göteborg : Dept. of Peace and Development Research, Göteborg University, 2005. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=013153776&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

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Bayraktar, Uğur. "Yurtluk-Ocakliks : land, Politics of Notables, and Society in Ottoman Kurdistan, 1820-1890." Paris, EHESS, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015EHES0173.

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Cette thèse examine la transformation des terres de yurtluk-ocaklik et hukûmet dans le Kurdistan ottoman, pendant dix-neuvième siècle. Le fait que ces terres ont assuré du privilège politique et économique aux possesseurs, cette étude aussi éclaire la transformation des émirs Kurde en étant les propriétaires des yurtluk-ocaklik et hukûmet dans leurs provinciaux milieux. La période de Tanzimat, dans laquelle les réformes de centralisation sont accélérées, a contrevenu les concessions politiques et économiques associées à la terre de yurtluk-ocaklik. Suivant le cas des terres en possession de Zirki émirs dans le nord-est de Diyarbekir, cette thèse offre des concept(s) contesté(s) sur la propriété de ces terres et leur future après le Code Foncier de 1858. Puisque le code est souvent accepté comme le seuil de la moderne propriété individuelle dans le contexte de la période ottoman, cette thèse étudie les perceptions contrastées sur la propriété individuelle au-delà des définitions imposées par le gouvernement ottoman. En cela, cette étude examine attentivement la mutation des terres yurtluk-ocaklik et hukûmet à la propriété individuelle en dehors des assertions de Zirki émirs et le gouvernement ottoman. En montrant la nature compliquée de ce processus de la mutation, la thèse aussi révèle que le processus n'était pas simple mais plutôt a inclus beaucoup de participants avec leurs propres objectifs. D'ailleurs, cette étude examine l'évolution de la forme politique de provincial notables comme Zirki émirs. Cette thèse essaie de montrer la transformation du pouvoir économique de la possession de propriété à pouvoir politique dans le dix-neuvième siècle dans le Kurdistan ottoman
This dissertation examines the transformation of yurtluk-ocaklik and hukumet lands in Ottoman Kurdistan during the nineteenth century. Since these lands provided their possessors with political and economic privileges, this study also sheds light on the transformation of Kurdish emirs as yurtluk-ocaklik and hukumet holders in their provincial setting. The Tanzimat period contravened the political and economic concessions associated with yurtluk-ocaklik lands. Following the case of yurtluk-ocaklik and hukumet lands possessed by Zirki emirs in northeastern Diyarbekir, this dissertation offers contested concept(s) of property related with these lands and their fates after the Land Code of 1858. As the latter is usually associated with the genesis of modern private property in the Ottoman context, this dissertation contemplates contrasting perceptions with regards to private property beyond the definitions dictated by the Ottoman government. By doing so, this stud} scrutinizes the making of yurtluk-ocaklik and hukumet lands as private property at the interstices of Zirki emirs and the Ottoman government. Demonstrating the complication underlying the making process, it also shows the process was not a straightforward one but rather included many participants with their own agendas. This study scrutinizes the changing notions of politics provincial notables in Ottoman Diyarbekir. With commercialisation of agriculture in the Ottoman realm from the middle of the century onwards, this dissertation attempts to show how land possession was related with economic-cum-political power throughout the nineteenth century in Ottoman Kurdistan
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Demir, Mustafa. "Turkish foreign policy towards the Kurdistan Regional Government (2003-2013) : a globalist analysis." Thesis, Keele University, 2015. http://eprints.keele.ac.uk/2500/.

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Despite the shadows cast by their history, Turkey has developed relations with the Kurdish government to the level of a strategic partnership within the last decade, following the 2003 invasion of Iraq. This thesis contextualizes this unexpected rapprochement from a globalist perspective. To do so, the research first identifies and analyses important developments taking place during 2003-2013, then it seeks the motives that led to the emergence of this strategic partnership between these two regional actors, first at regional, then at global level. In conclusion, it argues that it was mainly the power shift in global political system that led Turkey to abandon its traditional policy towards the Kurdish Region of Iraq.
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Tucker, Penelope. "Government and politics : London 1461-1483." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297286.

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This thesis discusses the nature of London's governmental and political system and the part played by the city in the political, commercial and legal life of the nation in the late fifteenth century. The first three chapters examine the city's electoral processes, the backgrounds of its most senior governors, and the relationships between its governing bodies and other civic organisations, such as the city companies. From this, it emerges that Edwardian London's political system was hierarchical rather than oligarchic, even though its governors were able to secure election to high office without following a lengthy civic cursus honorum. However, change was already under way, as the aldermen came to rely less on the wards and more on the companies for political support and legitimisation. The more oligarchical style of government clearly visible in the sixteenth century can be shown to have had its roots in the late fifteenth century. Chapters Four and Five examine the effectiveness of the city's financial organisations and system of law courts. In raising revenue for both civic and royal purposes, the city was relatively efficient, though its methods were ponderous and their effectiveness was heavily dependent on individual financial officers. The city's law courts remained busy and responsive to the needs of litigants, contributing to the effectiveness and prestige of civic government by their activities. In the final chapter, London's place in national and international political events is considered. The governors' normal aim was, above all, to protect the city's interests. Although London played an important role in the wider political scene, it had that role largely thrust upon it by others. This stance helped to prevent the city from mirroring the national tumults of the late fifteenth century.
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Dorado, Maria-Cristina. "Local government politics in Pereira, Colombia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670328.

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Watts, Nicole Frances. "Routes to ethnic resistance : virtual Kurdistan west and the transformation of Kurdish politics in Turkey /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10842.

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Ahmad, Sairan. "The role played by the Kurdistan regional government in the reconstruction of the Iraqi state." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/4116.

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The Iraqi Kurds have stood firmly at the forefront of many changes and challenges in the Middle East and Iraq since 1991, taking the opportunity to stand firm and to become a semi-autonomous entity with an establish regional government. Events after 2003 offered a second historical opportunity to determine their present and future position on the Iraqi political map as a major partner constructing the new Iraqi State and developing their region. The thesis aims to address and challenge the claim that the Kurds have become more integrationist than secessionist since the collapse of Saddam Hussein’s regime. Through a descriptive and analytical narrative of the evolution of the KRG’s situation and the Kurds’ assertion of their national demands towards Iraq. The study identifies four major dimensions of KRG policy towards Iraq. These include the need to address chronic problems and political disputes through commitment to the new Iraqi Constitution; to apply federal system and maintain democratic principles guaranteeing the rights of all ethnic and religious minorities, through full implementation of Article 140; to resolve the legitimacy of KRG’s international and regional oil contracts through real power sharing between regional governments and the federal government; address the dilemma of the rights and duties of the Kurdish forces (Peshmerga) vis-a-vis the Iraqi army. As national forces protecting the Kurdish region, the Peshmerga also fought Saddam Hussein’s regime participated with US troops in its downfall and joined in fighting terrorism elsewhere in Iraq. Iraqi factions and parties need genuine political will to overcome tribal and religious differences. Strengthening the current political consensus and implementing a constitution to prevent violations by factions or political groups will help to secure Iraq as a unified state, and to prevent regional interventions of the sort that have so far led to insecurity and destabilisation.
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Books on the topic "Kurdistan, politics and government"

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Pişderî, Refîq. Kurdistan. [Sweden?]: Pashdari, 2010.

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Stansfield, Gareth R. V. Iraqi kurdistan: Emergent democracy. New York, NY: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003.

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Kurdistān (Iraq). Ḧikûmetî Herêmî Kurdistan-ʻÊraq. Nwêbûnewe w awedanî sałnamey Ḧikûmetî Herêmî Kurdistan, 2009-2011: Kurdistan Regional Government record of achievements, 2009-2011. Hewlêr [Kurdistan, Iraq]: Le Biławkirawekanî Rageyandinî Encumenî Wezîran, 2011.

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Loḣutī, Abulqosim. Kurd u Kurdistan. Rotterdam: Çapemenî w Kitêbfiruşî Gilara, 1998.

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Emanuelsson, Ann-Catrin. Drömmen om Kurdistan. Västra Frölunda: Emsal, 2012.

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Beşikçi, İsmail. International colony Kurdistan. London: Parvana, 2004.

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ʻEbdułła, Stiran. Kurdistan çawer̄êy tîne. Kerkuk [Kurdistan, Iraq]: Çapxaney Şehîd Azad Hewramî, 2012.

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Torelli, Stefano Maria. Kurdistan, la nazione invisibile. Milano: Oscar Mondadori, 2016.

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Arsenovich, Gasrati͡a︡n Manvel, Mgoi Sh Kh, Lazarev M. S, and T͡S︡entr kurdskikh issledovaniĭ (Rossiĭskai͡a︡ akademii͡a︡ nauk), eds. I͡U︡zhnyĭ Kurdistan segodni͡a︡: Uroki krizisa. Moskva: In-t vostokovedenii͡a︡ Rossiĭskoĭ akademii nauk, T͡S︡entr kurdskikh issledovaniĭ, 1997.

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Hejar, Şêrko. Kurdî neteweyî w netewey Kurdistan. [Netherlands?]: [publisher not identified], 2013.

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Book chapters on the topic "Kurdistan, politics and government"

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Ahmed, Mohammed M. A. "Emergence of Kurdistan Regional Government." In Iraqi Kurds and Nation-Building, 7–28. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137034083_2.

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Pettitt, Robin T. "Government." In Contemporary Party Politics, 162–77. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-41264-5_9.

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Diaz-Guerrero, Rogelio, and Lorand B. Szalay. "Government, Politics." In Understanding Mexicans and Americans, 175–90. Boston, MA: Springer US, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4899-0733-2_12.

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Wahlbeck, Östen. "Politics and Forced Migration in Kurdistan." In Kurdish Diasporas, 39–63. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230288935_3.

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Jones, Bill. "Local government." In British politics, 342–58. Second edition. | Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: The basics: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429199509-27.

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Game, Chris. "Local government." In Politics UK, 528–59. 10th ed. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003028574-32.

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Forman, F. N. "Local government." In Mastering British politics, 247–67. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11203-6_16.

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Forman, F. N., and N. D. J. Baldwin. "Local Government." In Mastering British Politics, 369–92. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-02159-5_17.

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Forman, F. N., and N. D. J. Baldwin. "Local Government." In Mastering British Politics, 338–65. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-13493-9_16.

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Forman, F. N. "Local Government." In Mastering British Politics, 269–91. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-17778-3_17.

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Conference papers on the topic "Kurdistan, politics and government"

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"Kurdistan’s Politics Issues Regarding Production Sharing Contract with Iraqi Central Government and Analyses Whether This Contract Best Suits Kurdistan or Iraq as Whole." In International Conference on Accounting, Business, Economics and Politics. Ishik University, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.23918/icabep2018p3.

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Karim, Hawraman, and Murad Mzori. "Nation-Building in Kurdistan." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp286-294.

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We define nation-building as a process which leads to the formation of countries in which the citizens feel a sufficient amount of commonality of interests, goals and preferences so that they do not wish to separate from each other. It can also be said that nation-building is a process in which the government, the state or a group of elites act with the aim of creating national unity and reducing divisions in society. In this regard, groups and ethnicities come together to form a national identity. Nation and nation-building are two modern phenomena and the elements of the nation-building process, which are patriotic unity, citizenship, collective identity, equal opportunities for all citizens and a common language, are the foundations of the formation of a modern state. In this research and theoretically, the concept of nation-building and its constituent elements and the importance of this process for the Kurdistan region are discussed. The main question in this research is the question of the national existence of the Kurd. Is there a nation in the Kurdistan region? If so, how? If not, why not? Should nation-building or state-building be a priority for the Kurds in the Kurdistan region?
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Mohammed Ameen, Peshraw. "the presidential and the semi-presidential system." In INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF DEFICIENCIES AND INFLATION ASPECTS IN LEGISLATION. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicdial.pp152-163.

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In this research we dealt with the aspects of the presidential system and the semi-presidential system, and he problematic of the political system in the Kurdistan Region. Mainly The presidential system has stabilized in many important countries, and the semi-presidential concept is a new concept that can be considered a mixture of parliamentary and presidential principles. One of the features of a semi-presidential system is that the elected president is accountable to parliament. The main player is the president who is elected in direct or indirect general elections. And the United States is a model for the presidential system, and France is the most realistic model for implementing the semi-presidential system. The French political system, which lived a long period under the traditional parliamentary system, introduced new adjustments in the power structure by strengthening the powers of the executive authority vis-à-vis Parliament, and expanding the powers of the President of the Republic. In exchange for the government while remaining far from bearing political responsibility, and therefore it can be said that the French system has overcome the elements of the presidential system in terms of objectivity and retains the elements of the parliamentary system in terms of formality, so it deserves to be called the semi-presidential system. Then the political system in the Kurdistan Region is not a complete parliamentary system, and it is not a presidential system in light of the presence of a parliament with powers. Therefore, the semi-presidential system is the most appropriate political system for this region, where disputes are resolved over the authority of both the parliament and the regional president, and a political system is built stable. And that because The presence of a parliamentary majority, which supports a government based on a strategic and stable party coalition, which is one of the current problems in the Kurdistan region. This dilemma can be solved through the semi-presidential system. And in another hand The impartiality of the head of state in the relationship with the government and parliament. The head of state, with some relations with the government, can participate in legislative competencies with Parliament.
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"A Comparative Study of Occupational Stress Index of Non-Governmental Workplace During Covid-19 Virus in Erbil, Kurdistan Region." In rd Joint International Conference on Accounting, Business, Economics and Politics. Tishk International University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.23918/icabep2021p11.

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Fatah, Yahya. "The role of social media in political change in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp97-114.

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This study deals with the relationship between the political field and the media field especially the role of the social media platforms on the political transformation recently in Kurdistan region of Iraq. This is done through a scientific and theoretical study about the controversial relationship between both politic and media and by directing a group of questions concerning this subject to the media experts and socialists in both of Sulaymaniyah and Polytechnic University of Sulaymaniyah. Finally the researcher reaches a group of results, of which: most of the sample members see that the social media platforms is a suitable environment to express and oppose the authority in the Kurdistan region but it is also see that the social media platforms causes stirring up strife and chaos in the region and they also see that it encourages violence which leads to burning party headquarters and governmental institutes in the Kurdistan region of Iraq. On the other hand, most of the sample people see that the role of the religious leaders is stronger than the role of the social media on the community in the Kurdistan region of Iraq.
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"Jihadi Ideology in Eastern Kurdistan/ Iran And Its Influences on The Southern Kurdistan Region/ Iraq." In International Conference on Accounting, Business, Economics and Politics. Ishik University, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23918/icabep2019p51.

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"Public Relations Practices in Democracy: Case of Kurdistan." In International Conference on Accounting, Business, Economics and Politics. Ishik University, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23918/icabep2019p34.

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"Public Environmental Awareness in the Kurdistan Region in Iraq: Factors and Policy Recommendations." In International Conference on Accounting, Business, Economics and Politics. Ishik University, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.23918/icabep2018p22.

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"Analysis of Public Perception on Virtual Currency in Erbil, Kurdistan Region of Iraq." In International Conference on Accounting, Business, Economics and Politics. Ishik University, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.23918/icabep2018p7.

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"Psychological Pricing Strategy and its Influences on Consumer’s Buying Behavior in Kurdistan Region." In International Conference on Accounting, Business, Economics and Politics. Ishik University, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23918/icabep2019p13.

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Reports on the topic "Kurdistan, politics and government"

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Bassetto, Marco, and Thomas Sargent. Politics and Efficiency of Separating Capital and Ordinary Government Budgets. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, January 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w11030.

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Persson, Torsten, and Guido Tabellini. The Size and Scope of Government: Comparative Politics with Rational Politicians. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, December 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w6848.

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Menes, Rebecca. The Effect of Patronage Politics on City Government in American Cities, 1900-1910. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, February 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w6975.

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de Figueiredo, John, and Brian Silverman. How Does the Government (Want to) Fund Science? Politics, Lobbying and Academic Earmarks. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, October 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w13459.

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Becerra, Oscar, Eduardo A. Cavallo, and Carlos Scartascini. The Politics of Financial Development: The Role of Interest Groups and Government Capabilities. Inter-American Development Bank, September 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0010996.

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Although financial development is good for long-term growth, not all countries pursue policies that render full financial development. This paper builds on an extensive political economy literature to construct a theoretical model showing that the intensity of opposition to financial development by incumbents depends on both their degree of credit dependency and the role of governments in credit markets. Empirical evidence for this claim is provided, and the results suggest that lower opposition to financial development leads to an effective increase in credit markets development only in those countries that have high government capabilities. Moreover, improvements in government capabilities have a significant impact on credit market development only in those countries where credit dependency is high (thus, opposition is low). This paper therefore contributes to this rich literature by providing a unified account of credit market development that includes two of its main determinants, traditionally considered in isolation.
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Schneider, Ben Ross. Institutions for Effective Business-Government Collaboration: Micro Mechanisms and Macro Politics in Latin America. Inter-American Development Bank, October 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011517.

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What makes for effective cooperation between government and business in industrial policy? Core research questions on the institutional design of arrangements for business-government interactions focus on three main functions: i) maximizing the benefits of dialogue and information exchange; ii) motivating participation through authoritative allocation; and iii) minimizing unproductive rent seeking. Countries with more experiences of public-private collaboration (PPC) tend to have more pragmatic governments and better organized and informally networked private sectors. Effective cooperation also depends on the macro context, in particular the nature of the political system and the alternative avenues it provides for business politicking, especially through parties, networks and appointments, the media, and campaign finance. Lastly, the structure and strategies of big domestic businesses -mostly diversified, family-owned business groups- affects their preferences and interest in collaborating in industrial policy.
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Khorsheed, Najmadeen. The Necessity of Collaborative Federalism for Oil and Gas Management in Iraq. Fribourg (Switzerland): IFF, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.51363/unifr.diff.2017.18.

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The distribution of power and wealth is a contentious issue of federalism in Iraq. It has caused major conflicts between the federal government and the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), especially over the management of oil and gas. This paper aims to clarify the nature of those disputes and their possible solution through Elazar’s theory of collaborative federalism. After presenting the principal elements of collaborative federalism, it provides eight rationales for adopting collaborative approach in Iraq. The rationales are mainly examined in the context of managing oil and gas between the central government and KRG. The paper then discusses some potential challenges for changing the nature of federalism in Iraq from competitive to collaborative.
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Mitralexis, Sotiris. Deepening Greece’s Divisions: Religion, COVID, Politics, and Science. Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp11en.

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Instead of being a time of unity and solidarity, the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic has proven to be a time of disunity, a time for deepening Greece’s divisions after a decade of crisis — on a spectrum ranging from politics to religion, and more im-portantly on the public discourse on religion. The present article offers a perspective on recent developments — by (a) looking into how the Greek government weapon-ized science in the public square, by (b) examining the stance of the Orthodox Church of Greece, by (c) indicatively surveying ‘COVID-19 and religion’ develop-ments that would not be covered by the latter, and last but not least by (d) discuss-ing the discrepancy between these two areas of inquiry in an attempt to explain it.
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Harvey, Paul, and Habiba Mohamed. The Politics of Donor and Government Approaches to Social Protection and Humanitarian Policies for Assistance During Crises. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/basic.2022.010.

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This paper examines social protection policy processes in fragile and conflict-affected settings (FCAS). It explores what the policies of donor governments, aid agencies, and crisis-affected governments reveal about the politics of assistance during crises, and how aid agencies are navigating tensions between humanitarian and development approaches to social assistance. It finds that social protection policies are prone to conflict blindness. Commitments to state-building often ignore dilemmas inherent in supporting states that are parties to ongoing conflicts and the political rather than technical challenges involved. Government social protection policies in FCAS often make little mention of the fact that war or conflict are taking place.
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Hallerberg, Mark, and Carlos Scartascini. Research Insights: Does Politics Trump the Ability of Having Successful Tax Reforms? Inter-American Development Bank, October 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0005267.

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The probability of tax reform is higher during banking crises. Tax reform is unlikely to occur during election periodseven if the government is facing financing problemsso reforms that seek to raise taxes should be avoided at those times. The ideology of the president does not explain which taxes are reformed, or how they are changed, but the presence of an IMF program does.
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