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1
Ahmad, Paiman Ramazan. "The Politics of Oil in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq." Academic and Applied Research in Military and Public Management Science 17, no. 3 (December 31, 2018): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.32565/aarms.2018.3.1.
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This research is aimed at identifying the role of petroleum revenues in the Kurdistan Region for better economic efficiency and sovereignty of the Kurdistan Region in the future. This study identifies some root causes of deficiency of revenue usage generally, as well as specific causes in the Kurdistan Region. Further, the study looks at the various factors that affect oil production in the Kurdistan Region and compares it to the Federal Government. This study seeks to show how the Kurdistan Region generates the oil reserves regionally, despite the difficulties it encounters with the Federal Government due to the constitutional ambiguity. The research analysis concludes the importance of energy efficiency for the Kurdistan Region both economically and politically.
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Adistia, Margaretha Novianti, Muhammad Anugrah Fidriansyah, Rizka Yeza Utami, Nofi Yanti, and Muhammad Faiz Krisnadi. "The Shift from Paradiplomacy to Protodiplomacy: A Comparative Study of Catalonia and Kurdistan." Journal of Paradiplomacy and City Networks 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2024): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jpcn.v3i1.38.
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This article explored the transition from paradiplomacy to protodiplomacy in Catalonia and Kurdistan, two regions at the forefront of this shift. Protodiplomacy involves the direct participation of subnational entities in diplomatic activities akin to those of recognized nation-states, challenging traditional diplomatic hierarchies and altering the global diplomatic landscape. Catalonia has greater autonomy in matters such as governance and economy, while Kurdistan has more limited autonomy in matters such as security and governance. As such, this research showed that paradiplomacy could serve as a means to increase regional engagement in international politics. This research provided an in-depth analysis of how the South Sulawesi Provincial Government's paradiplomacy initiative impacts the export of agricultural products to Egypt. Through a comparative analysis of Catalonia and Kurdistan, this study elucidated the motivations, consequences, and challenges associated with this transition. It emphasized the significance of effective paradiplomacy practices between central and local governments. Catalonia and Iraqi Kurdistan exemplified modern paradiplomacy, showcasing their capabilities on an international stage. The research identified high Iraqi Kurdish nationalism as a key driver of the shift towards protodiplomacy in Kurdistan. It also highlighted the internal structural factors within Iraq that propelled Iraqi Kurdistan's diplomatic efforts, culminating in a referendum that marked a peak in separatist interest. This research underscored the dynamic nature of protodiplomacy, highlighting the motivations behind subnational diplomatic endeavors and the transformative implications for central-local government relations.
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Gunter, Michael M. "The Kurds in the changing political map of the Middle East." Kurdish Studies 3, no. 1 (May 1, 2015): 64–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v3i1.392.
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This article examines how the rise of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), the on-going Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) insurgency and current peace negotiations with the Turkish government, and the recently declared autonomy by the Syrian Kurds—largely under the leadership of the Democratic Union Party (PYD)—have empowered the Kurds and challenged the existing political map of the Middle East largely established after World War I. At the same time this article also considers the rise of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) as one of the other main tipping points changing the Middle East political map. The roles and policies of Turkey and the United States to these transformations are also analysed.Keywords: Kurds; ISIS; Middle East; politics; Syria; Iraq; KRG; Turkey.Kurd di xerîteya siyasî ya Rojhilata Navîn a di guherînê deArmanca vê gotarê ew e tehlîl bike ka duristbûna Hukûmeta Herêma Kurdistanê, serhildana berdewam a Partiya Karkerên Kurdistanê û danûstandinên aştiyê ligel hukûmeta Tirkiyeyê, û ew otonomiya ku kurdên Sûriyeyê, heyamên dawî, piranî di bin pêşengiya Partiya Yekîtiya Demokratîk de ragihandin çawa kurd bihêz kirine û çawa hevsengiya xerîteya siyasî ya Rojhilata Navîn, ya bi piranî li dû Şerê Cîhanî yê Yekem hatiye binecihkirin, xistiye ber birparsyaran. Gotar herwiha balê dikêşe ser peydabûna Dewleta Îslamî li Iraq û Sûriyeyê wek xaleke dîtir a werçerxanê di guherîna xerîteya siyasî ya Rojhilata Navîn de. Herwiha, dewr û siyasetên Tirkiye û Dewletên Yekgirtî yên Emerîkayê yên di barê van guherînan de jî hatine tehlîlkirin.
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Vedeneev, Il'ya. "The Kurdish Problem in the Modern Politics of Iraq, Syria and Turkey: a Comprehensive Analysis." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University. Series: Political, Sociological and Economic sciences 2023, no. 4 (December 14, 2023): 411–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2500-3372-2023-8-4-411-424.
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Currently, the Middle East is undergoing significant changes, often due to a mixture of global and regional factors. The study is devoted to the current policies in the Middle East, in the ethnogeographic area of Kurdistan. The study researches numerous parties (political entities) of the Kurds of Iraq, Syria and Turkey, considers the events that took place in Kurdistan in 2022 and 2023. The central government of Iraq receives new levers of pressure on the leadership of the Kurdish Autonomy. At the same time, the Turkish leadership refuses to resume oil exports. Although the government of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan pursues its own goals, in this case the actions of Ankara and Baghdad coincide. Relations between the Kurdish Democratic Party and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan remain tense on a number of issues. During the adoption of the budget law, the latter actually opposed the idea of Kurdish autonomy in Iraq. In Syria, the autonomy of the Kurds (Rojava) will exist as long as the United States maintains its presence. The Syrian government is promoting the withdrawal of Turkish troops from Syria as a precondition for restoring relations with Ankara. Turkey refuses, because the Syrian Democratic Forces are not controlled by the Damascus. Thus, the Syrian Kurds are the stumbling block of the post-war settlement in Syria. In Turkey, there is a split between the opposition and pro-government Kurds. The opposition is divided into legal and illegal. Because the government of R. T. Erdoğan won a landslide victory in the presidential elections, there is no reason to believe that a softer course will be adopted against the Turkish Kurds.
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Fischer-Tahir, Andrea. "Science-based truth as news: Knowledge production and media in Iraqi Kurdistan." Kurdish Studies 1, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 28–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v1i1.384.
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This article examines aspects of the entanglement of (social) science, politics and media in Iraqi Kurdistan and investigates their representation in Kurdish newspapers, taking a quantitative study on genocidal persecution published by a Kurdistan government ministry as an example. It demonstrates how one and the same corpus of science-based ideas is appropriated and operationalised according to very different political agendas, and how the media itself conveys certain beliefs on the measurability of social experience and the truth value of science-based knowledge. Drawing on the broad debate in social science and the humanities on knowledge and the capitalist society, this article discusses aspects of the scientification of media and the politicisation of academic knowledge production. Berpêşkirina rastiyên li ser bingehên zanistiyê wekî nûçe: hilberana zanyariyê û medya li Kurdistana IraqêEv gotar astengên li ber zanyariya civakî, siyasî û medyayê li Kurdistana Iraqê û pêşkeşkirina wan di rojnameyên Kurdî da vedikole. Ev lêkolîn xwe dispêre xebateka çendaniyî/quantîtatîv ya nimûneyî li ser çespandina komkujînî ku ji layê Wezareta Hikûmeta Kurdistanê ve hatiye weşandin. Ev xebat nîşan dide bê di medyayê da fikrên zanistî çawan hatine guhertin û bikarînan li gor berjewendiyên siyasî yên ji hev gelek cuda. Ew herwisan destnîşan dike bê medya bi çi rengî baweriyên pûç hildiwerîne li ser pîvandariya serboriyên civakî û li ser rastiya zanyariyên zanistî. Bi bikarînana nîqaşên fereh di qada zanistiya civakî û beşerî da li ser zanyarî û civaka sermayedar, mijara vê gotarê nîqaşkirina wan nêrînan e ku medyayê wekî çavkaniyeka zanyariyên zanistî dihesibînin û wisan pêşkêş dikin. Ev gotar herwisan nîqaş dike li ser zanyariya akademîk ya ku di bin bandora siyasetê da tê hilberandin. حەقیقەتی بە زانستی کراو وەکوو نووچە: زانین بەرهەم هێنان و میدیا لە کوردستانی ئێراق ئەم کاغەزە لە سەر هیندێک لایەنی زانستی (کۆمەڵایەتی)، سیاسەت و میدیا لە کوردستانی ئێراق لێکۆلینەوە دەکات و هەروەها شێوازی بەرجەستەکردنەوە و نواندنەوەی ئەوان لە رۆژنامە کوردییەکان دا دەخاتە بەر تیشکی لێکدانەوە، وەکوو نموونە، لیکۆڵینەوەیەکی چەندییەتی (کوانتیتاتیڤ) لە سەر ستەمەکانی پەیوەندیدار بە ژینۆسیدەوە کە لە لایان وەزارەتخانەیەکی حکوومەتی هەریمی کوردستانەوە بڵاو کراوەتەوە. ئەمە نیشانی داوە، چۆناوچۆن هەر هەمان کۆبیرۆکەی لە سەر زانست دارژتراو، بە ئاجێندایەکی سیاسی تەواو جیاواز وەرگیراوە و بە کارهێنراوە و هەروەها دەبیندرێت کە چۆناوچۆن خودی میدیا دەبیتە سەرچاوەی چەشنە باوەرییەک لە سەر بە پێوانکردنی ئەزموونی کۆمەڵایەتی و نرخی حەقیقەتی زانینی بە زانستی کراو. بە رێگای راوەستەکردن لە سەر گەنگەشەکانی نێو زانستی کۆمەڵایەتی و جیهانی زانین و کۆمەڵگای سەرمایەداری، ئەم نووسراوەیە، لایەنی بە زانستی کردنی میدیا و بە سیاسی کردنی زانستی ئاکادیمیک دەخاتە بەر باس و لێکۆلینەوە.وشە سەرەکییەکان: هەریمی کوردستان، میدیا، شالاوی ئەنفال، بەرهەمهێنانی زانین، ئانترۆپۆلۆژی میدیا
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Latifi, Ali, and Shiva Jalalpoor. "Analysis of Israel's Foreign Policy Concerning Iraqi's Kurdistan (2003-2015)." Journal of History Culture and Art Research 6, no. 3 (June 16, 2017): 864. http://dx.doi.org/10.7596/taksad.v6i3.961.
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<p>Analysis of the Israel's Foreign Policy is one of the important issues concerned by the researchers of the international and regional affairs. Israel's Foreign Policy in years 2003-2015 has witnessed a lot of events. In these years, transformation of the Iraq's internal structures including the fall of the Baath Regime in Iraq and appearance of the terroristic group of Dashi (ISIS) in this country has provided new opportunities and challenges for the Israel's Foreign Policy. In this regard, establishment of a republic system in Iraq and the reinforcement of the Kurdish streams, specially during the current transformations and the increasing desires for the independence in Iraqi's Kurdistan, have paved the way for Israel to intensify its activities in the region. In this regard, the current study has approach the issue of Israel's Foreign Policy concerning Iraqi's Kurdistan during the years 2003-2015 with a descriptive analytic method. The achieved results show that the political reasons (alliance of the periphery and development of the strategic depth in closeness to Iran), economic (accessing the energy and mineral resources in Iraqi's Kurdistan, the importance of the Kurdistan's hydro-politic resources for Israel and the Israel's economical influence from the Nile to the Euphrates), military-security (presence in the strategic environment of Iran and the external threats in the Middle East, creation of an environmental crisis un the Kurdish region of the Middle East, weakening the Iraqi's central government and disintegration of this country, Israel's security-intelligence expansion, acquiring a strategic territory and getting out of isolation and the resolving the its legitimacy crisis, controlling the currents of thought in this region), all have been influential in thein Israel's Foreign Policy Concerning Iraqi's Kurdistan. </p>
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Musa, Ibrahim. "Ethnic Conflict in World Politics." American Journal of Islam and Society 14, no. 3 (October 1, 1997): 95–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v14i3.2273.
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Thi publication comes at a time when unprecedented bloody ethnic conflictnot only dominate the global media and international politics, but also numb theworld's conscience. Bosnia Herzegovina, Somalia, Rwanda, Burundi, EastTimor, Chechnia, Kashmir, and Kurdistan are some of the famous landmarkswhere entire countries and communities are caught up in the web of ethnic conflict.In other instances, ethnic conflict is gradually becoming a feature ofnational life. It is not at all unfamiliar to hear reports of ethnic conflict in India(Hindu-Muslim riots), Germany (violence against immigrant Turks), France(anti-Arab right-wing nationalist fervor and the Muslim scarf issue), the UnitedStates (Los Angeles riots after the Rodney King trial) and Great Britain (Muslimand government standoff over Salman Rushdie's Satanic Verses).Gurr and Harff have written a useful book that tries to make sense of the causesof ethnic conflict in different parts of the world. It deals with the issue in thecontext of rapid changes in the world order; the emergence of ethnopoliticalgroups or ethnoclasses; the struggles for either autonomy or pluralism by variousethnic and social groups; the challenges that ethnopolitics poses to the international.legal and political systems; and the effect of this on communitiesdemanding ethnic rights. It also attempts to provide a framework for analysis ...
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Mofidi, Sabah, and Somayeh Rahmani. "The Effect of Religion on the Political Identity of Kurdish Youth (with Focus on University Students)." Economics, Law and Policy 2, no. 1 (December 5, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/elp.v2n1p1.
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<em>This article studies the relationship between religion and political identity in Eastern Kurdistan located in Iran. For this purpose, it reviews at first the theoretical debates on social and political identities, the bases of Kurdish individual’s political identity and the situation of religion in Kurdish society as one of them.<strong> </strong>Then,<strong> </strong>the quantitative and analytical methods are used to measure the effect of religion. The results show that religion and religious identity are still important determinants of political identity in Kurdistan that is affected by the situation of society. Because of both the influence of religion in this traditional society and the existence of a totalitarian religious government, the other social factors and identities cannot practically affect the political identity, though they are also important and powerful in the society, especially the Kurdish identity. Hence, the political identity of Kurdish youth is further affected by the government’s politics and policies that reinforce both Iranian and religious identities and prevent the manifestation of the other identities in political arena. </em>
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Moodrick-Even Khen, Hilly. "Past and Future of Kurdish Autonomy in Syria: Prospects of the Autonomy in the Time of COVID-19." Journal for Interdisciplinary Middle Eastern Studies 7, no. 1 (2021): 5–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.26351/jimes/7-1/1.
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This article focuses on the current COVID-19 implications for the fissure between the Syrian regime and the Kurds in Syria. It explains how the Syrian Kurds cope with COVID-19, given the region’s political status and the current state of play in the Syrian war. It sheds light on (1) the practical application of Kurdish semi-autonomy in Syria along with its successes and shortcomings in the public health sphere; and (2) how COVID-19 has affected intra-Kurdish politics in Syria and Kurdistan. Although changes in the political framework of Syria are not expected in the near future, the pandemic has underscored the fissures between the Kurds and the central government. Since the pandemic reached Syria, the Syrian government has almost completely neglected the health situation in the Kurdish territories. The Kurdish Autonomous Administration, in turn, recruited all the means at its disposal to cope independently with the crisis. These on-the-ground developments are signs for both the overt and covert, anxious hopes and strivings of the Kurds for autonomy. To assess the prospects for Kurdish autonomy, the article also analyzes the Kurds’ relationships with the states involved in the Syrian conflict and the historical landmarks of intra-Kurdish politics.
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Voller, Yaniv. "COUNTERING VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN IN IRAQI KURDISTAN: STATE-BUILDING AND TRANSNATIONAL ADVOCACY." International Journal of Middle East Studies 46, no. 2 (April 10, 2014): 351–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743814000142.
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AbstractThe struggle against gender-based violence in the Iraqi Kurdistan Region has witnessed some significant achievements since the late 1990s. A subject long excluded from public discourse in the region, it has now moved increasingly into the mainstream, compelling the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) to take legal and practical measures against such practices as honor killings, female genital mutilation, and domestic violence. This article traces the sources of these shifts in the KRG's stance, looking especially at the role of transnational women's rights networks in the region. It highlights these networks’ successful strategy of binding their cause to the KRG's endeavor to legitimize and consolidate its contested sovereignty over the Kurdistan Region. In doing so, the paper addresses an underexplored subject in the literature on women's rights campaigns in the Kurdistan Region and contributes to the study of transnational advocacy as a source of normative change.
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Jongerden, Joost. "Governing Kurdistan: Self-Administration in the Kurdistan Regional Government in Iraq and the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria." Ethnopolitics 18, no. 1 (November 22, 2018): 61–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2018.1525166.
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ENTESSAR, NADER. "MICHAEL M. GUNTER, The Kurdish Predicament in Iraq: A Political Analysis (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999), Pp. 191. $39.95 cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 2 (May 2001): 331–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801422069.
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This work is a follow-up to Michael Gunter's earlier book, The Kurds of Iraq: Tragedy and Hope (St. Martin's Press, 1992). In that book, which was published shortly after the first democratic elections in Iraqi Kurdistan and the subsequent establishment of the Kurdish regional government (KRG), Gunter was somewhat optimistic about the prospects for realizing Kurdish national aspirations in Iraq. The book under review, however, strikes a more pessimistic tone based on political developments in Iraqi Kurdistan in the 1990s. The main focus of the book is on the causes of continuing conflict between the two major Iraqi Kurdish parties—namely, the Kurdish Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK)—since the end of the 1991 Gulf War and the establishment of the autonomous Kurdish region in northern Iraq. The author uses a variety of sources, including interviews with principal Kurdish players and English-language publications.
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RADPEY, LOQMAN. "Kurdish Regional Self-rule Administration in Syria: A new Model of Statehood and its Status in International Law Compared to the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in Iraq." Japanese Journal of Political Science 17, no. 3 (August 12, 2016): 468–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109916000190.
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AbstractHaving been supressed and denied their rights by successive Syrian governments over the years, Syrian Kurds are now asserting ade factoautonomy. Since the withdrawal of the Syrian President's forces from the ethnically Kurdish areas in the early months of the current civil war, the inhabitants have declared a self-rule government along the lines of the Kurdistan regional government in northern Iraq. For Syrian Kurds, the creation of a small autonomous region is a dream fulfilled, albeit one unrecognized by the international community. Some 15% to 17% of the Syrian population is Kurdish. Whether they can achieve statehood will depend on a reading of international law and on how the international community reacts. There are certain aspects which differentiate Kurdish self-rule in Syria from its counterpart in Iraq.
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Pobedonostseva-Kaya, A. O. "“The Mukri Kurds” by O. L. Vilchevsky: What and Why Has Been Deleted Before Publication?" Islam in the modern world 16, no. 4 (February 7, 2021): 99–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.22311/2074-1529-2020-16-4-99-116.
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The article deals with the problem of political influence on scholarship. It analyses the existing versions of an ethnographic essay by Oleg Vilchevsky, a prominent Soviet Orientalist. Alongside a published version the ethnographic essay “The Mukri Kurds” — an author’s typescript, “Mukri Kurdistan,” has been found in the Scientific Archive of Peter the Great Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography (the Kunstkamera) of the Russian Academy of Sciences. The first materials for this essay were collected by Vilchevsky during his journey to Iran in 1942 as he prepared a military-political description of the Kurdish regions. Before publication, the state-controlled structures removed or made the author remove from the essay a number of important thematic blocks, e. g., on interconfessional relations in Mukri Kurdistan of Iran (focusing on Mahabad), descriptions of various meetings Vilchevsky held with Kurdish activists. The paper analyses the content of this scholarly study and the problems related to the publication of the essay in the context of Vilchevsky’s participation as a Soviet military officer in the implementation of the Soviet Middle Eastern policies in 1942–1954. The author of the essay “The Mukri Kurds” apparently strived to maintain scholarly neutrality yet the facts and argumentation contained in the different variants of this study were consistently reviewed and added or omitted depending on the existing political situation. The paper raises the question about the subjectivity or autonomy of a scholar serving a government — something effectively dismissed and neglected in the work of Edward Said on the relationship between politics and scholarship in the field of Middle Eastern studies.
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Sargi, Islam. "Convince me you exist. An analysis of The Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) court files." Religación. Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades 6, no. 27 (March 18, 2021): 248–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.46652/rgn.v6i27.772.
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The end of empires and the rise of nation-states have transformed the way politics and societies operate and the modern sense of these changes, transformations, events, and situations. Language, culture, and memory are essential pillars of the nation-states’ projects of creating a new society. The modern form of government, the nation-state, use history not only as a means of transmission but also as a means of building identity and memory. This study examines the case files of three critical names in the Kurdish movement and the history-based debates in their trials. By applying discourse analysis, we have shown how the Turkish state and The Kurdish Workers’ Party used history as a tool to “prove” and “disprove” the existence of Kurds, the Kurdish language, and Kurdistan. While the judges imposed an evidence-based approach to history and denied the existence of Kurds, Kurdish and Kurdistan, the PKK members opposed the official thesis of the state and built their arguments more on the day-to-day realities of life. The study’s main argument is that the official ideology uses history to prove and convey a message to the rest of society, whereas the defendants used it as a means of protest depending on the historical reality rather than history as a science. This study discusses that by using science to make examples of these members, the judges used history to prove the Kurds’ non-existence, whereas the defendants implied history as a way of protesting the ruling authority.
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Gunter, Michael M. "The Permanent and New Realities Facing the Kurdistan Regional Government: Options and Prospects." Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 28, no. 2 (August 2008): 237–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602000802303177.
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Irwani, Muslih Abdulqahar. "Exploring Social Welfare Regimes in the Context of the Iraqi Kurdistan Region." Twejer 7, no. 1 (July 2024): 1308–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.31918/twejer.2471.50.
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Social policy derives from the welfare regime which is embraced in the political structure. Starting from this argument, this article provides an overview of social service provisions, and in light of major welfare regimes, it examines the adopted social welfare system in the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG). In this article, social welfare is defined as a systematic attempt to provide the well-being of the population. Four social welfare approaches (Esping-Andersen’s three typologies of welfare regime plus socialism) are critically examined. Additionally, taking into account the politico-administrative structure, the ambiguity in the social welfare system of the KRG is explored. The article argues that the social welfare system of the KRG, after three decades of self-administration, cannot deviate from the socialist perspective inherited from the former Baathist regime, while a diversion in the KRG’s social welfare approach towards neo-liberalism is highlighted
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Majid, Kamal. "An assessment of conditions in the Kurdish region of Iraq." Contemporary Arab Affairs 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 67–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910802597631.
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Kamal Majid provides an insider's assessment of the history, political dynamics, major players and current social and economic conditions in the Kurdish region of Iraq. The author outlines a state of exception that has had an ambiguous and sometimes turbulent relationship both with the previous Baﺀth regime and the present Baghdad government which ultimately replaced it. The powerful rival groups of Jalāl Ṭalabānī and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and Masﺀūd Barazānī and the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) vie for power, control of oil resources and pipelines as well as lucrative trans-national smuggling routes at a time when services have deteriorated and material components of infrastructure have been sold off to Iran. The picture of a region run by the Peshmerga militias of the ruling parties and plagued by corruption and influence peddling in a world of shifting alliances between Turkey, occupation forces and Iran is a dim one.
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Little, Douglas. "The United States and the Kurds: A Cold War Story." Journal of Cold War Studies 12, no. 4 (October 2010): 63–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_r_00048.
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In a prolonged quest for independence after 1945, Kurdish nationalists reportedly sought help from U.S. officials who viewed the Kurdish issue through a Cold War prism and who regarded the Kurds as querulous mountain tribes useful primarily in keeping the Soviet Union and its Arab clients off balance. Recently declassified documents shed new light on three key episodes in this story: first, the secret encouragement provided by Washington to Kurds opposed to Iraq's Abdul Karim Qassim, who tilted toward Moscow after seizing power in 1958; second, the covert action launched by Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger in Iraqi Kurdistan after Saddam Hussein allied himself with the USSR in 1972; and third, the half-hearted U.S. attempts to foment regime change in Iraq in the early 1990s. In each case, the U.S. government stirred up anti-Arab resentments among the Kurds, helped ignite an insurrection, and then pulled the plug when events spiraled out of control. U.S. duplicity plus Kurdish factionalism equaled tragedy in the mountains of Kurdistan.
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Ahram, Ariel I. "Territory, Sovereignty, and New Statehood in the Middle East and North Africa." Middle East Journal 71, no. 3 (August 1, 2017): 345–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/71.3.11.
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This article examines the interaction between territory, sovereignty, and statehood in the Middle East and North Africa. Various groups have aspired — and have failed — to become states since the contemporary regional system's inception after World War I. Since the 2011 uprisings, movements claiming territory and sovereignty have emerged or become more viable throughout the region, including the Islamic State in Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS), Rojava, Cyrenaica, Azawad, and the Kurdistan Regional Government. Each poses different challenges to the regional system and holds out different hopes for rectifying historical missteps in state-building.
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Bayraktar, Uğur. "Reconsidering Local versus Central: Empire, Notables, and Employment in Ottoman Albania and Kurdistan, 1835–1878." International Journal of Middle East Studies 52, no. 4 (November 2020): 685–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743820000835.
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AbstractThe present article is a study of provincial administration in the nineteenth-century Ottoman Albania and Kurdistan. It examines the transformation of provincial administration in Dibra and Hazro after two towns’ hereditary rulers were exiled. Focusing on the employment patterns of the notables in exile as well as the ones who occupied the posts in the absence of the former, this study challenges the binary framework mostly employed in conceptualizing the making of the modern Ottoman state. Particularly, the employment of the notables exiled to the distant parts of the empire necessitates a revision in the presumptions about the origins of appointed Ottoman officials. By focusing on the partnership operating by means of employment, this study argues that the making of Ottoman state follows a trajectory of flexible centralization based on the partnership between the government and notables, terms of which were constantly negotiated.
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Malysheva, D. "Political Development in Modern Turkey." World Economy and International Relations, no. 9 (2014): 84–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-9-84-91.
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The transformation of political system in Turkey resulted in creation of a pluralistic society, while the Justice and Development Party (AKP) – the winner of the country’s last five national elections – provides with the most relevant political model which is unique for the country with a predominant Muslim population. Turkey has made an impressive progress since Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his populist AKP came to power in 2002. The country entered the G20, its GDP tripled, while exports increased fivefold. Turkey's role in international affairs has grown significantly. For more than a decade of Erdoğan's leadership, the government has undertaken a limited democratization process through amendments to the Constitution and steps to eliminate the military tutelage over the civil authority. Nowadays domestic political process in Turkey is characterized by the erosion of secularism and the planting of a moderate (“soft”) Islam. The ruling Turkish elite seeks to transform local society into a more conservative one. In April 2013, Erdoğan initiated discussion by Parliament to the proposed new Constitution, including the transition from a parliamentary to a presidential form of government. The major breakthrough has been reached in relations with the Kurds. In March 2013, a truce was attained with the jailed PKK (Kurdistan Workers Party) leader Abdullah öcalan. The PKK forces retreated hereupon to bases in the autonomous Iraqi Kurdistan. The Kurdish party – Peace and Democracy – is presented in the Parliament, along with the ruling AKP (which takes 50% of the seats) and the opposition Republican People's Party. At the same time Turkey has already seen societal polarization since the 2013 Gezi Park protests (“the Turkish Spring”) which grew into a nationwide protest movement. This, however, did not affect the determination of the AKP to build a model based on the market economy, parliamentary democracy and Islamic traditions. This model may be in demand in other countries with a prevailing Muslim population. Turkey’s political system can also inspire Arab neighbouring countries, where – like in Turkey – the pro-Islamic ruling parties are actively looking for alternative forms of development.
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Miran, Rashad, and Kurdistan Mohammed Mahmood. "Political Culture of Kurdistan Region Factors and Features." Halabja University Journal 8, no. 1 (March 30, 2023): 236–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.32410/huj-10460.
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Political Culture is perception and approach of people in relation to politics and political system, which at the same time is an important factor in determining the type of political system and plays an important role in stabilizing democracy. So far, less importance has been given to the role of culture in politics and determining the type of political system in Kurdistan. This research is titled political culture of Kurdistan factors and features, which is also the first research on this topic. The purpose of the research is to show the features and factors of the political culture of the Kurdistan region, which is finally reflected in its politics and political system. Analytical research has been done based on historical and library methods.
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Omar Issa, Salih, and Barzan Jawhar Sadeq. "Political Trust in Kurdistan Reginal Government “A Field Study in Kurdistan Region”." Twejer 2, no. 2 (June 2019): 185–254. http://dx.doi.org/10.31918/twejer.1922.6.
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Hama, Hawre Hasan. "Partisan Armed Forces of Kurdistan Regional Government." Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies 41, no. 2 (2018): 38–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsa.2018.0000.
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Saeed, Kurdistan Salim. "The problem of the distribution of competencies between the federal authorities and the authorities of the Kurdistan Region." Journal of University of Human Development 3, no. 4 (December 31, 2017): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/juhd.v3n4y2017.pp27-50.
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The federal system in Iraq was constitutionally adopted in 2004 in Article 4 of the Transitional Administrative Law of the State. It was subsequently adopted in the 2005 Constitution of Iraq. Article 1 states that "Iraq is a single, sovereign and independent federal state, (Article 117) in the Kurdistan Region and its existing authorities, a federal territory and defined the terms of reference of both the federal government and the terms of reference of the regions in the fourth and fifth of it. The constitutional organization contained in the Iraqi constitution has defined the terms of reference of the federal government exclusively, and gave broad powers to the governments of the regions, with the definition of some common competencies, and accordingly the Kurdistan Regional Government is the general jurisdiction and the federal government with exceptional jurisdiction, which supports the authority of the Kurdistan Region constitutionally Independence and internal sovereignty, But the process of application of these materials accompanied by different problems generated multiple political and economic problems between the parties, which led to shortcomings in the federal democratic experiment in Iraq The study dealt with this issue through two sections, the first deals with the terms of reference of the federal government and regional governments according to the Constitution of 2005. The second addresses Problems of the exercise of the functions of the federal government and the Kurdistan Regional Government.
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Rahmani, Sharmin, and Mahmoud Goodarzi. "Compare of Physical Structure and Content of Counselling between Consultation Services and Psychotherapy Government Agencies and the Private Sector in Kurdistan Province." Bulletin of Mathematical Sciences and Applications 13 (October 2015): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/bmsa.13.1.
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The purpose of this study was compare the physical structure and content of counselling between consultation services and psychotherapy government agencies and the private sector in Kurdistan province. The research is descriptive and comparative. The study population included all psychotherapy and counseling centers in Kurdistan. therefor among the population of through available sampling a total of 16 centers selected and data were collected using a questionnaire quality services of Jafari with the reliability of 0.83 and a correlation coefficient of (Cronbach's alpha = 0.76). The results of analysis of independent T test showed that, between the physical structure consultation and psychotherapy government agencies and the private sector in Kurdistan province there is a significant difference but content of counselling and psychotherapy government agencies and the private sector in Kurdistan province there is no significant difference. This means that quality of physical structure was higher in private sector however in terms of content there is no difference between two centers.
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Rahmani, Sharmin, and Mahmoud Goodarzi. "Compare of Physical Structure and Content of Counselling between Consultation Services and Psychotherapy Government Agencies and the Private Sector in Kurdistan Province." International Frontier Science Letters 5 (October 2015): 25–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ifsl.5.25.
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The purpose of this study was compare the physical structure and content of counselling between consultation services and psychotherapy government agencies and the private sector in Kurdistan province. The research is descriptive and comparative. The study population included all psychotherapy and counseling centers in Kurdistan. therefor among the population of through available sampling a total of 16 centers selected and data were collected using a questionnaire quality services of Jafari with the reliability of 0.83 and a correlation coefficient of (Cronbach's alpha = 0.76). The results of analysis of independent T test showed that, between the physical structure consultation and psychotherapy government agencies and the private sector in Kurdistan province there is a significant difference but content of counselling and psychotherapy government agencies and the private sector in Kurdistan province there is no significant difference. This means that quality of physical structure was higher in private sector however in terms of content there is no difference between two centers.
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Kakarash, Zana Azeez. "Kurdistan Region Network Infrastructure Design." UHD Journal of Science and Technology 2, no. 2 (September 2, 2018): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdjst.v2n2y2018.pp15-23.
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Digital communications play fundamental role in everyday life. Requests for e-services and e-applications obviously will grow rapidly on networks. Although In Kurdistan Region, There are many potential barriers, however design and implementing national digital Backbone Infrastructure is a vital and challenging task for the government to improve public sector efficiency. For the purpose of this research to get a sense of which barriers are more likely than others, A survey was conducted among the Kurdistan ICT professional. Moreover, One of the main focuses of this study is offering KRG a comprehensive, secure network infrastructure design with minimum latency, high availability, and maximum performance. Finally the possibility of using cloud computing within the context of normal government operations and public services in general has been discussed.
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Mohammed Yousif, Yousif, and Abdulfattah Ali Yahia. "Kurdistan Parliament Elections 1992 and the Impact of the Results on the Popular Party." Academic Journal of Nawroz University 12, no. 3 (August 19, 2023): 344–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.25007/ajnu.v12n3a1444.
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The Election of 1992 was an important result of the Kurdish movement, despite the confrontations and difficult circumstances that Kurdistan has gone through, the Kurdistan front was able to take desiccion about elections in order to establish a parliament and the Kurdistan Regional Government. The elections were the first democratic examination to add legitimacy to the Kurdish government to replace the Kurdish front. In fact, the process of election which had been done was not an easy decision because the Iraqi govemnemet imposed the siege on Kurdistan and on the other hand, regional pressures to prevent the existence of any other Kurdish region.
Also, most of the political parties affiliated with the Kurdistan Front were not with the conduct of the elections, ultimately the elections were done. This research deals with the way of how the law of the elections was taken by the Kurdistan Front, then the conduct and completion of the elections, legal violations, and the lack of credibility of political parties when conducting the elections, finally, the results were decided in favor of Party and Yekiti, and the seats were divided equally between them. The results of the elections had a negative impact on the parties that did not excel, so they made preparations and thought about forming serious alliances between the parties (Kurdistan Democratic Popular party, Kurdistan Socialist party and Kurd Socialist Party) to form the Kurdistan Union Party in 1992, but it did not last long, The year after party was dissolved, and on August 16th 1993, in the eleventh conference, the party joined with the kurdistan Democratic Party.
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Sabri Ali, Dilshad, and Eyyub Kerimi. "The Political Economy of Class Formation and Class Structure in the Southern Kurdistan: 1991-2021." Journal of University of Raparin 10, no. 4 (December 29, 2023): 797–811. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(10).no(4).paper35.
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This article examines the dynamics of class formation from a historical sociology perspective after the formation of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), roughly from 1991 to 2021. It then reviews the KRG period (1991-2021) to trace the process of class formation in the newly-born government. After that, the researchers explore the pattern and nature of class structure and the state in the Southern Kurdistan from 1991 to 2021. This article presents the role of the world economy and the Southern Kurdistan political parties in class formation. For example, the government relied on the selling of natural resources such as crude oil, and a small proportion of people received a tremendous amount of wealth from the government by utilizing political power, and their class position changed to a new one, which is a bourgeois class. As this is a historical sociology study, the following theories will be used: Dependency theory and the world-systems theory are essential in this article because they will evaluate the relationship between classes and compare the Southern Kurdistan with other countries in the capitalist world system. The qualitative methods which have been used in this article include critical analysis of written sources and secondary data, including official statistics of the KRG.
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Hussein, Dalsooz Jalal. "Hydrocarbons support the global diplomacy of the Kurdistan Region." SENTENTIA. European Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences, no. 2 (February 2021): 47–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/1339-3057.2021.2.34661.
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This article empirically examines the competition of the world’s counties for the establishment of their diplomatic relations with non-state actor. It is underlined that the government of the Kurdistan region, which has used “soft power” to draw attention of the states. Among other tools, hydrocarbons (oil and gas) placed the main soft power policy of the Kurdistan government for its global movement. It is proven that the economic and hydrocarbon ambitions have led states to overpass their traditional understanding of global diplomacy; and this further inspires some of the previously antagonistic states to reshape their relations with non-state actor towards considering a close partner. The drawn conclusions correlated with the idea that the Kurdistan government would be more actively involved in the global diplomacy due to its oil and gas wealth.
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Othman, Arez Mohammed Sediq. "Dispute Resolution in Petroleum Contracts." Journal of University of Human Development 4, no. 4 (October 6, 2018): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/juhd.v4n4y2018.pp36-41.
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Premeditated handling of settling disputes is one of the main issues that international parties have to take into consideration in concluding contracts. Having effective dispute resolution provisions is one of the key factors that will lead to success in international agreements. In the recent years, the Kurdistan Region of Iraq has made lots of transactions in petroleum industry by concluding many international agreements with various international companies in the energy sector. Negotiation, mediation and arbitration have been adopted by the Kurdistan Regional Government in details, through its Oil and Gas Law No.28 of 2007 and signed production sharing contracts, as means of dispute resolution. Nonetheless, having less experience in this field has weakened the position of the host government in front of foreign companies. Moreover, the recent case of Dana Gas versus Kurdistan Regional Government has proven this fact; it was an indication that the Kurdistan Region has to be more cautious when it comes to regulate the terms and conditions of the contracts with the international companies, particularly in dispute resolution part. This paper will shed light on the available mechanisms to resolve every kind of disputes between the conflicted parties, with the specific focus on Kurdistan Region. Investigating the effectiveness and enforceability of alternative dispute resolution mechanisms is another major part of this paper.
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Qader, Sanh Shareef. "Right to Self-determination: Iraqi Kurdistan Region and Kosovo as A Case Study." Twejer 3, no. 3 (December 2020): 1033–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.31918/twejer.2033.28.
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The Iraqi Kurdistan region and Kosovo have their own struggles in exercising their right to self-determination. Both regions became victims as a result of trying to achieve independence. However, Kosovo's independence was successful, while the Kurdistan region's attempt for independence was not. It must be assumed that there must be reasons for the failure of independence in the Iraqi Kurdistan region, as well as Kosovo's successful independence. The international community's interests, in both cases, have to be explored as well. In other words, what are the reasons for the failure of the Kurdistan region's independence and the success of Kosovo independence? Further, this paper aims at defining self-determination and then providing a historical review of the Iraqi Kurdistan region, Kosovo's struggle for achieving the right to self-determination, and also a precise analysis of both cases. The methodology used in this paper is pure library research; focusing mainly on secondary sources. This paper legally recommends that the KRG must try to negotiate with the Iraqi federal government following a bilateral agreement under the supervision of international mediation whereby the Kurdistan region can have the right to secede when a constitutional violation is taken place by the federal government. Kurdistan region must review its relations with all international actors, which play a main role in the Middle East and make a lobby group by including separatists groups and other Kurds who live abroad to gather support for its independence in the future. Keywords: Self-Determination, Kurdish Autonomy, Iraqi Kurdistan Region, Kosovo and Serbia, International Community.
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Sahe, Ismael Abdalrahman. "The impact of leftist on political movement of Eastern Kurdistan: JK (1942-1945)." Journal of University of Raparin 7, no. 1 (December 19, 2019): 289–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(7).no(1).paper17.
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Leftism ideology came to Kurdistan through different ways like; social democracy movement, Iranian Communist Party, Iranian Tuddeh Party and invasion of Kurdistan by the red army and the support of the Soviet Union for the Kurdistan Republic.
Since the leftism idea promoted justice and equality and removal of all kinds of oppression, it was attractive to the Kurdish intellectuals and so they welcomed it: the Kurdistan Revival association as the first nationalist party of Kurdistan (1942). In spite of this, it was a national-religious party, but the effect of left thoughts was clear. In that order they were against to the feudalism system as an socioeconomic regime of Kurdistan, and they tried to destroy tribal system in Kurdistan and at the same time they supported grubber class and specially farmer class.
Kurdistan Revival Association to reach its main goal meaning creating a Kurdish Independent Government, was looking for foreign support, hence, its relations with the Soviet Union were very friendly and; even in its declarations, there are sympathize for socioeconomic system of Soviet Union.
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Neyzi, Leyla, and Haydar Darıcı. "Generation in debt: Family, politics, and youth subjectivities in Diyarbakır." New Perspectives on Turkey 52 (May 2015): 55–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/npt.2015.2.
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AbstractThis paper investigates the political subjectivities of Kurdish youth in Diyarbakır through the interplay of kinship and politics. We argue that it is through a framework of kinship that young people make sense of the Kurdish issue. We show that the war between the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan, PKK) and the Turkish military has reshaped the Kurdish family, leading to a crisis in the life cycle. We suggest that the young feel indebted to the Kurdish movement, which they express using the term bedel (“debt”). Debt is related to the family, as the individual becomes indebted as part of a kinship group. We argue that the expansion of public space in Diyarbakır has created alternative ways of paying debt and doing politics.
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Shakali, Swara. "The problems of 2017 Kurdistan Region independence referendum." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 2 (February 2021): 23–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2021.2.33448.
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This article sheds light on the situation related to 2017 Kurdistan Region independence referendum. Leaning on the primary sources, it is demonstrated that the party officials of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan warned the leadership of the Kurdish Regional Autonomy of Iraq represented by the Kurdistan Democratic Party about the consequences of shortsighted policy. The disputed territories, which are the subject of discussion between the leadership of the Autonomy and Baghdad, were controlled by the troops of the Central Government. The Iraqi leadership has also reduced the funds from the federal budget for supporting the government employees of the Autonomy. It resulted in payment arrears and mass disturbances in the Autonomy. The novelty of this research lies in the fact that this topic has not previously received due attention in the Russian sources. This article is first within the Russian Kurdish Studies to introduce the primary sources in Sorani (Kurdish dialect). It cannot be asserted that these problems have been resolved conclusively; the blame falls on the shortsighted and irrational policy of the Kurdistan Democratic Party, or even personally Masoud Barzani, who was removed from his office as result of the referendum. The representatives of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan denounced the detrimental consequences of holding the referendum in the existing conditions.
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Rahmani, Sharmin, and Mahmoud Goodarzi. "Compare the Quality of Consultation and Psychotherapy Government Agencies and the Private Sector in Kurdistan Province." International Frontier Science Letters 5 (October 2015): 9–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ifsl.5.9.
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Each organization for growth and progress should pay attention to self-assessment. The feedback process evaluation and quality improvement organizational weakness. This study aimed to compare the quality of consultation and psychotherapy government agencies and the private sector in Kurdistan province. The research is descriptive and comparative. The study population included all psychotherapy and counseling centers in Kurdistan and all the patients at the centers. For this purpose, the sampling method chosen 16 of them to approach the clients available, 400 people were selected from public and private facilities and questionnaire quality services with 49 question of Jafari with the reliability of 0.83 and a correlation coefficient of (Cronbach's alpha = 0.76), was carried out on them. To analyze the data independent t-test was used. The results showed that, between the quality and satisfaction of centers of consultation and psychotherapy government agencies and the private sector in Kurdistan province there is a significant difference. This means that client satisfaction was higher in finance of government agencies however in physical space, handling of personnel and equipment private sector achieved a higher rating.
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Abdo, Ahmed Mohamed, and Najimaldeen Mohieddin Al-Rikani. "Change in Turkish Foreign Policy towards neighboring countries for 2003-2015 (Iraq model)." Tikrit Journal For Political Science, no. 14 (March 2, 2019): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i14.118.
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This paper deals with the nature and causes of change in Turkish foreign policy towards its neighbors, specifically Iraq. This change, which was the main reason, the new obstacles faced by the external movement and result, directly or indirectly, of the variables that have emerged in neighboring countries during the past decade, including Iraq, of course. Where the relationship between Turkey and Iraq is one of the most sensitive relations in the Middle East, and the Kurdistan region of Iraq has formed one of the important factors that contributed to the nature of that relationship between them. Therefore, the research attempts to detect the paths of change in the Turkish foreign policy towards the central government in Iraq and the Kurdistan Regional Government for the period 2003-2015. Many researchers and academics have pointed to the changing and contradictory nature of Turkish foreign policy toward Iraq in the post-2003 era. The main question in this paper is: Why was there no consistent position in Turkish foreign policy towards the central government in Baghdad and Kurdistan Regional Government in Arbil between In 2003-2015? The hypothesis of the research is that countries adopt change in their foreign policies in order to achieve their national interests and interests with the lowest costs and more benefits. Turkey has adopted a change in its foreign policy toward its neighbors as well, specifically Iraq, and this research will try to test this hypothesis on the Turkish policy towards Iraq. The duration of the search, if it is or not. The research in the final analysis shows that one of the most important results of improving relations between Turkey and the Kurdistan Regional Government will be in favor of the Turkish quest to strengthen its influence in front of Iranian influence in Iraq and the region as a whole.
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Paasche, Till F., and Howri Mansurbeg. "Kurdistan Regional Government–Turkish energy relations: a complex partnership." Eurasian Geography and Economics 55, no. 2 (March 4, 2014): 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15387216.2014.942339.
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Hamad, Saman Taha. "Political and Legal Factors affecting Electronic Government in Kurdistan." International Journal of Electrical, Electronics and Computers 4, no. 1 (2019): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.22161/eec.4.1.1.
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Ahmed, Arshad Mohammed. "The role of government spending in promoting human development indicators in the Kurdistan region of Iraq." Journal of University of Human Development 1, no. 3 (August 31, 2015): 261. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/juhd.v1n3y2015.pp261-277.
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Received human development of exceptional importance in various economic and social research , as well as the various reports of local and international to this topic of great importance , reflected directly on the economic reality and Social any country , became the subject at the forefront with the spins of talk about economic development and global social and promised the basis of strategies international development of the United Nations. In Iraq in general and the Kurdistan region of Iraq , especially development depends on what the State by spending through the general budget, Increased demand for social services pay increase public spending , which is putting pressure on the state, and will shed light on the reality of human development in Iraq in general and Kurdistan Region in particular through the Show human Development Reports local issued by the Central Agency for Statistics and Information Technology Iraqi statement if human development in the provinces of Kurdistan , compared with the provinces of the center, with an indication of the amount of government spending to the Kurdistan region of Iraq on the indicators making up the human Development Index to identify the social and economic impacts and their implications for human development in the the province.
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Dalsooz, Jalal Hussein. "DIPLOMACY OF THE KURDISTAN REGION OF IRAQ IN THE AGE OF TERRORISM." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 1 (December 15, 2019): 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-1-43-55.
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In this paper, we empirically study the effects of terrorism on the para-diplomacy of Kurdistan Region of Iraq during the last two decades. The research paper analyses the form of diplomacy, in the current age, has covered new style, in particular, when the new actors (non-state actors) are playing significant roles. In this regard, the Kurdistan region government as non-state actor has successfully used terrorism as a great instrument to attract the attention of the world community and created broad its paradiplomatic relations with actors around the world. In turn, we find suggestive evidence that the Kurdistan Region Government should further enhance the ability of its foundations to sustain its relations with world community. Our findings are consistent with the idea that the threat of terrorism is never going to be end, thereby it is not easy for the state-actors to keep their eyes away from the role of any world actors (including non-state actors).
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Mirhanoglu, Fidan. "Oil or State? The Role of the Oil in the Recognition of Kurdish Statehood in Iraqi Kurdistan." Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism, October 10, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/sena.12401.
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AbstractOil reserves hold importance not just in the realm of economic profit, but also wield significant influence in political matters throughout contemporary history (Yergin, 2011). There are numerous connections between domestic oil production and international policy actions (Ashford, 2022). In fragile states, entities resembling state organizations can participate in local oil extraction through the exercise of their territorial rights. Additionally, these structures can have an impact on political dynamics at both the regional and global levels. This article delves into the link between oil and the acknowledgment of statehood in Iraqi Kurdistan. It contends that the presence of oil has significantly contributed to the recognition of Kurdish statehood by providing a source of income and augmenting its economic and political prowess. The study analyzes the history of the oil industry in Iraqi Kurdistan and its impact on the region's political and economic development. It also explores the political dynamics between Iraqi Kurdistan and the central government in Baghdad, along with the role of international actors in the recognition of Kurdish statehood. This paper concentrates on the positive outcomes of having rich natural resources and being recognized as a de facto state. Additionally, the article explains how Iraqi Kurdistan legitimizes its recognition as a de facto state by signing agreements with large oil companies since 2005 on its own territory. The study employs Caspersen's “unrecognized state” definition and Krasner's concept of sovereignty, along with Pegg's definition of de facto states, to provide a comprehensive understanding of the Iraqi Kurdistan's international position. For this study, it used the interviews that were conducted in 2017 in the Iraqi Kurdistan region.
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Tinti, Alessandro. "“Scales of justice. Large dams and water rights in the Tigris–Euphrates basin”." Policy and Society, February 10, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/polsoc/puad003.
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Abstract The paper explores the politics of scale associated with the top-down planning of large hydraulic infrastructures in the Tigris–Euphrates basin. Against the backdrop of a worsening water crisis and the lack of cooperation between riparian countries, dams and reservoirs across the transboundary river system are sites of contestation between competing claims over dwindling and disputed resources. Drawing on post-structuralist insights from human geography on the politics of scale and the literature on megaprojects, it is argued here that hydraulic infrastructures are materially and discursively implicated in the construction of waterscapes at different scales to sustain broader political imaginaries. Based on ethnographic fieldwork and with a focus on the autonomous Region of Kurdistan in Iraq, the analysis juxtaposes the narratives deployed by state- and non-state actors to support or counter the development of additional dams. While, on the one hand, the Kurdistan Regional Government portrays hydraulic infrastructures as a vital source of security and well-being within the overarching nationalist narrative of Kurdish self-determination, on the other hand, transnational civil society groups under the umbrella of the Save the Tigris and Iraqi Marshes Campaign have mobilized against the adverse impact of megaprojects and appealed to the common Mesopotamian heritage in order to de-escalate political tensions within the transboundary river basin. In both cases, hydraulic infrastructures provide a framework for political action to secure recognition of rights and assert the appropriate scale of governance. Furthermore, bottom-up resistance is accompanied by the promotion of a participatory and inclusive approach to shared waters. From this perspective, the spatial politics of megaprojects intersect with issues of identity, equity, and sustainability.
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Saluk, Seda. "Ethnography under Authoritarianism: Notes from Medical Anthropological Fieldwork." International Journal of Middle East Studies, March 14, 2024, 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743824000217.
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What is perceived today as “living in an unknown moment” with global pandemics and ecological disasters has long become the “new normal” that structures everyday life at the margins of Europe and the Middle East, particularly in places with rising authoritarian regimes. As scholars working in and on Turkey, for instance, we have witnessed or experienced firsthand several moments of crisis over the recent years. We have seen the collapse of peace negotiations between the Turkish state and the Kurdistan Worker's Party (Partiya Karkeren Kurdistane; PKK) in 2015 and the resulting surge in state violence in Turkey's Kurdistan, the 2016 coup attempt against the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi; AKP) government by the Gülen movement, and the long-standing suppression, criminalization, and incarceration of dissent affecting, among others, students, politicians, journalists, and academics. These divergent yet interlinked moments of crisis have reshaped and often complicated, if not completely stopped, our research as ethnographers of Turkey. These moments of crisis have also pushed us to develop creative strategies and analytics to continue our fieldwork and provided opportunities to hone our research questions and methodologies in more nuanced ways.
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Bali, Ahmed Omar. "Digitizing public services and multiple interactive communications as a local government requirement: The case of the Kurdistan region of Iraq." Journal of Digital Media & Policy, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jdmp_00107_1.
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Two-way communication between the government and the public requires advanced information and communications technology (ICT). As a participatory platform, social media can facilitate public engagement and assist the authorities in introducing co-production of services with higher quality and at lower cost. This study examines the possibility, potential and challenges of digitizing the government and implementing two-way communication via social media in order to improve government information provision in an evolving digital ecosystem, using the Kurdistan regional government (KRG) as a case study. The study has adopted a survey method that gathered questionnaire responses from public servants working for the KRG, usually referred to as ‘employees’ in the Kurdistan region of Iraq (KRI), carried out between February 2019 and June 2019 (n = 1215). The findings suggest that, at present, individual KRG employees use social media on their own initiative without following structured policies or coordinated plans involving the whole of government. As a result, this study recommends that the government develop structured criteria and a formal policy for using social media across all government institutions.
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Potiker, Spencer Louis. "Exit-With-Autonomy or Autonomy-Without-Exit? Divergent Political Trajectories in Rojava and the Kurdish Regional Government." Critical Sociology, November 29, 2021, 089692052110485. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/08969205211048547.
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This paper argues that sociological analysis of social movements has undertheorized non/anti-state social movements. It is argued that an alternative modality of resistance to that of movements seeking reform through the state or the capture of state power through revolution is to exit the world-system and set up parallel structures of governance and production. A conjunctural inter-regional comparison is taken up in order to map the inter-scalar and historical causal factors that led to exit-with-autonomy in Syrian Kurdistan (Rojava) and autonomy-without-exit in Iraqi Kurdistan (Kurdish Regional Government). The paper shows that in order to exit the world-system social movement actors in Rojava used strategic loyalty bargains and political voice at specific historical conjunctures in order to maintain their movement and seize on non-state political opportunities. These same non-state political opportunities were not available for the social movement actors hoping to exit the world-system in the Kurdish Regional Government.
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Hassaniyan, Allan. "The Islamic Republic of Iran’s Multipronged Approach to the Repression of Kurds." Contemporary Review of the Middle East, June 11, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23477989241258897.
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Since the establishment of the modern Iranian nation-state in 1923, successive regimes and governments of Iran have pursued an intricate policy of suppressing and persecuting its Kurdish people, presenting a significant threat to the Kurdish national identity, culture, and society. The successive Iranian regimes have, along with military means, employed the state’s cultural, educational, religious, and economic institutions to accomplish their goals of assimilating and conquering the Kurds. An examination of Kurdish history and politics in Iran reveals that while the international community has some knowledge of the Iranian state’s extensive deployment of military force and explicit militarization of Iranian Kurdistan (Rojhelat/East Kurdistan), the broader psychological and nonmilitary (soft power) practices employed to suppress the Kurdish movement, identity, and culture are lesser known to the outside world. By focusing on mass media and policies of “divide-and-rule” as measures and mechanisms used by the Iranian state to subdue its Kurdish citizens, this article aims to provide an analysis of the post-1979 state-Kurdish relationships in Iran.
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Cengiz, Sinem. "Dynamics of Saudi Arabia–KRG Relations: From 2003 Iraq War to 2017 Referendum and Beyond." Contemporary Review of the Middle East, May 31, 2022, 234779892210993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23477989221099342.
Full textAbstract:
Numerous studies have examined the decades-old Saudi-Iranian rivalry, which has played out in various regional arenas, notably Syria, Iraq, Yemen, Lebanon, and the Gulf. This article explores the place that Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in northern Iraq occupies within this rivalry. As the KRG’s foreign relations have attracted scholarly attention since the late 1990s, the article examines the Saudi Arabia–KRG relations in the post-2003 Iraq War, with a special focus on growing Iranian influence in Iraq. The end of Saddam Hussein’s rule and the subsequent rise of Shiite-dominated governments in Baghdad has shaken the regional balance, bringing out Iran as an influential actor in the Middle East. This laid the foundation for new understandings in the Saudi regional policy as Riyadh emphasized its relations with Iraq and the KRG, which became a crucial factor that can balance and imbalance power in the Middle East. It argues that common concerns for security and relative gains paved the way for a closer relationship between Riyadh and Erbil to counter threats emanating from both Iran and ISIS. Through case-specific information to those interested in Kurdish politics and the Middle East, it not only delves into the driving forces behind Riyadh-Erbil relations but also aims to present the Saudi interpretation of the 2017 Kurdish referendum.