Academic literature on the topic 'Kurdistan Region'
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Journal articles on the topic "Kurdistan Region"
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Protopapas, Georgios. "KURDISH AWAKENING AND THE SYRIAN CRISIS." Ali sodobni varnostni izzivi res potrebujejo povsem nove pristope?/ Do Contemporary Security Challenges Really Require Entirely New Approaches?, VOLUME 2012/ ISSUE 14/3 (September 30, 2012): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.14.3.2.
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The Syrian crisis has been creating the preconditions for a Kurdish awakening in the sensitive region of the Middle East. The paper tries to analyse the prospects for Kurdish revolution that could redraw the borders of the Middle East with the creation of the “Greater Kurdistan”. The understanding of the greater Kurdish matter is approached through three significant parameters that relate to the regional politics and correlations. The first parameter is the Kurdish problem in Turkey and the role of the separatist organisation called “Worker Party of Kurdistan” (PKK), the second one is the Iraqi Northern Kurdistan a semi-autonomous region that could be used as precursor of the “Greater Kurdistan” and the third one relates the possibility of the Kurdish minority to create an autonomous Kurdish enclave in Syria. Nonetheless, there is no apparent and coordinated effort by the different Kurdish communities towards the creation of the Greater Kurdistan through a general uprising. Sirska kriza ustvarja razmere za kurdsko vstajo v občutljivi regiji Bližnjega vzhoda. Avtor v članku poskuša analizirati možnosti za kurdsko revolucijo, ki bi lahko spre- menila meje Bližnjega vzhoda z oblikovanjem velikega Kurdistana. Za razumevanje širše problematike Kurdistana uporabi tri glavne parametre, ki so povezani z regio- nalno politiko in medsebojnimi odnosi. Prvi parameter je problem Kurdov v Turčiji in vloga separatistične organizacije, imenovane Delavska stranka Kurdistana (PKK). Drugi parameter je iraški Kurdistan na severu države, deloma avtonomna pokrajina, ki bi lahko pomenila predhodnico velikega Kurdistana, tretji parameter pa je povezan z možnostjo, da kurdska manjšina ustvari avtonomno kurdsko enklavo v Siriji. Vendar pa ni zaznati očitne in usklajene namere različnih kurdskih skupnosti, da skozi vsesplošno vstajo ustanovijo veliki Kurdistan.
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Dick, Samme. "Rekindling the Flame: Zoroastrianism in Iraqi Kurdistan." Kurdish Studies 7, no. 2 (October 25, 2019): 161–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v7i2.511.
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This article examines the emergence of Zoroastrianism in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq since 2015 as a new religion inspired by Kurdish nationalism, feminism, ecologism and humanism. The author argues that the emergence of Zoroastrianism at this particular time is due to a combination of the rise of the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant in 2014, legislative change and the importance some Kurdish nationalists historically attached to Zoroastrianism as the suggested original religion of the Kurds. The article outlines the historical context of Zoroastrianism in Kurdistan, and then explores the origins, beliefs and organisational structure of Kurdish Zoroastrianism. Also discussed are the legislative changes enabling the rise of the movement since 2015. This study draws on interviews with Kurdish Zoroastrian leaders as well as with representatives from the World Zoroastrian Organization, the Kurdistan Regional Government’s Ministry of Endowments and Religious Affairs and the Alliance of Iraqi Minorities.ABSTRACT IN KURMANJIJi nû ve pêxistina agir: Baweriya Zerduştî li Kurdistana IraqêEv gotar, li ser peydabûna Zerduştiyê li Herêma Kurdistanê ya Iraqê hûr dibe, ku ji 2015an vir ve wek dînekî nû yê ji netewegeriya kurd, femînîzm, ekolojîzm û humanîzmê îlham wergirtî tê dîtin. Nivîskar îddia dike ku peydabûna Zerduştiyê ya bi taybetî wê demê ji ber hejmareke sedeman e: di 2014an de peydabûn û xurtbûna Dewleta Îslamî li Iraqê û Levantê, guherîna qanûnî û girîngiya nêrîna hin netewegerên kurd ku ji aliyê dîrokî Zerduştiyê wek dînê resen ê kurdan dibînin. Gotar, çarçoveya dîrokî ya Zerduştiyê li Kurdistanê bi kurtî rave dike û paşê li kok, bawerî û avahiya rêxistinî ya Zerduştiya kurdî dikole. Ji hêleke din, nîqaş dike ku guherînên hiqûqî ji 2015an vir ve rê li ber xurtbûna tevgerê vekiriye. Ev xebat xwe dispêre hevpeyvînên bi rêberên Zerduştiyên kurd re ligel hin şandeyên ji Rêxistina Zerduştiyan a Cîhanê, Wezareta Bexş û Karên Dînî ya Hikumeta Herêma Kurdistanê û Hevpeymaniya Kêmîneyên Iraqê.ABSTRACT IN SORANIGeşandinewey agireke: Zerdeştêtî le Kurdistanî ÊraqdaEm babete timaşay rewşî wediyarkewtinî Zerdeştêtî dekat le Kurdistanî Êraqda, le sall 2010da wek ayînêkî nwê debînrêt ke le netewegerîy kurdî, fêmênîzm, jîngeparêzî û mirovparêzî îlham werdegirêt. Nûser bangeşey ewe dekat ke derkewtinî Zerdeştêtî lem kateda ke Dewlletî Îslamî Da'îş le Şam û Êraq le 2013 ser helldeda û be yasa rêgey pê dedirêt, şitêkî giringe bo gerranewey kurd bo ayînî neteweyî xoy wek ewey ke hendêk kurdî neteweperist basî deken. Babeteke rîşey mêjûyî Zerdeştêtî le Kurdistan nîşan dedat, herwaş rîşey bawerr û binaẍey damezrawey Zerdeştêtî dedate ber roşnayî. Dîsan guftugoy gorranî yasa lew bareyewe bote hoyî derkewtinî em ayîne le 2015da. Em babete legell serok û bawerrdaranî Zerdeştîy le Kurdistan û damezrawey Zerdeştîyanî cîhanî û legell wezaretî karubarî ayînî le ḧukumetî herêmî Kurdistan û damezrawey kemînekanî Êraqda çawpêkewtinî encam dawe.ABSTRACT IN ZAZAKINewe ra geşkerdişê adirî: Kurdîstanê Îraqî de zerduştîyeNa meqale qayîtê zerduştîye kena ke sey bawerîya newîye serra 2015î ra nat Herêmê Kurdîstanî yê Îraqî de vejîyaye û hetê neteweperwerîya kurdan, femînîzm, dorûverperwerîye û merdimperwerîye ra îlham girewt. Nuştox musneno ke vejîyayîşê zerduştî yê ê demî çend sebeban ra qewimîya: hêzdarbîyayîşê DAÎŞ yê serra 2014î, vurîyayîşê qanûnî û tayê neteweperwerê kurdan ê ke tarîx de giranî daye zerduştîye ser ke aye sey dînê kurdan o eslî pêşnîyaz bikerê. Na meqale xulasaya kontekstê tarîxî yê zerduştîya Kurdîstanî dana û dima esl, bawerî û awanîya rêxistinan yê zerduştîya kurdan ser o cigêrayîş kena. Ser o kî vurîyayîşê qanûnî munaqeşe benê. Nê vurîyayîşî serra 2015î ra nat vejîyayîşê tevger kerd mumkîn. No cigêrayîş roportajanê bi serekanê kurdan ê zerduştîye û bi temsîlkaranê Rêxistina Zerduştîyan a Dinya, Wezaretê Ewqaf û Kar û Barê Dînî yê hukmatê Herêmê Kurdîstanî û Yewîya Eqalîyetanê Îraqî esas gêno
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Park, Bill, Joost Jongerden, Francis Owtram, and Akiko Yoshioka. "On the independence referendum in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq and disputed territories in 2017." Kurdish Studies 5, no. 2 (October 26, 2017): 199–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v5i2.445.
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On 25th September 2017, the eligible voters of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq were given the opportunity to respond ‘yes’ or ‘no’ to the question, posed in Kurdish, Turkmen, Arabic and Assyrian: “Do you want the Kurdistan Region and the Kurdistani areas outside the administration of the Region to become an independent state?” The aim of this note is to give an empirically focussed account of the independence referendum. The note has been written by four members of a delegation which spent one week in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) with the purpose of observing the referendum. The key point that we draw from these observations is that the referendum and associated aspiration for independence, which potentially could have unified the different political factions in the KRI, has in fact cruelly exposed divisions.
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روستم, شیلان. "Opposition in Kurdistan Region." Journal for Political and Security Studies 2, no. 3 (June 1, 2019): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10020.
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Khudtur, Shawn O., and SafaaAldden M. Gaznai. "Penal Protection of Environment from Oil Operators Pollutants." Koya University Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 2 (November 3, 2020): 183–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.14500/kujhss.v2n2y2019.pp183-190.
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Today, the protection of the environment has assumed an even more prominent position with the rapid industrialization resulting not only in the overuse of our limited natural resources but also causing the pollution of the environment. One of the most serious environmental dilemmas we face is oil pollution. The wastes of oil operators, if not treated properly, will inevitably lead to pollution of the environment and may cause life-threatening disasters for all creatures and for many years. Hence, the entire ecosystem could be irreversibly damaged that cost normal life of the mankind. With the beginning of oil industry in Kurdistan Region of Iraq mainly post 2003, the legislator in Kurdistan initiated to issue two laws with the aim of organizing its oil sector and protecting Kurdistan’s environment with its three elements of soil, water and air. Being recent to and lacking experience of the authorities in Kurdistan Region about Oil operations and its negative impacts had reflected on the contents of those two laws. Thus, they were issued with a number of legal loopholes that hindered them to achieve the objectives of environmental security, particularly Environment Penal Protection. In this context, considering the importance of this topic in Kurdistan Region of Iraq, this research attempts to explain and evaluate these two laws, addressing the issues with identifying potential legal solutions to prevent oil pollution infringements in the region which will be a contribution to the development of Kurdistan Region of Iraq.
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Ahmad, Paiman Ramazan. "The Politics of Oil in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq." Academic and Applied Research in Military and Public Management Science 17, no. 3 (December 31, 2018): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.32565/aarms.2018.3.1.
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This research is aimed at identifying the role of petroleum revenues in the Kurdistan Region for better economic efficiency and sovereignty of the Kurdistan Region in the future. This study identifies some root causes of deficiency of revenue usage generally, as well as specific causes in the Kurdistan Region. Further, the study looks at the various factors that affect oil production in the Kurdistan Region and compares it to the Federal Government. This study seeks to show how the Kurdistan Region generates the oil reserves regionally, despite the difficulties it encounters with the Federal Government due to the constitutional ambiguity. The research analysis concludes the importance of energy efficiency for the Kurdistan Region both economically and politically.
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Qader, Sanh Shareef. "Right to Self-determination: Iraqi Kurdistan Region and Kosovo as A Case Study." Twejer 3, no. 3 (December 2020): 1033–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.31918/twejer.2033.28.
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The Iraqi Kurdistan region and Kosovo have their own struggles in exercising their right to self-determination. Both regions became victims as a result of trying to achieve independence. However, Kosovo's independence was successful, while the Kurdistan region's attempt for independence was not. It must be assumed that there must be reasons for the failure of independence in the Iraqi Kurdistan region, as well as Kosovo's successful independence. The international community's interests, in both cases, have to be explored as well. In other words, what are the reasons for the failure of the Kurdistan region's independence and the success of Kosovo independence? Further, this paper aims at defining self-determination and then providing a historical review of the Iraqi Kurdistan region, Kosovo's struggle for achieving the right to self-determination, and also a precise analysis of both cases. The methodology used in this paper is pure library research; focusing mainly on secondary sources. This paper legally recommends that the KRG must try to negotiate with the Iraqi federal government following a bilateral agreement under the supervision of international mediation whereby the Kurdistan region can have the right to secede when a constitutional violation is taken place by the federal government. Kurdistan region must review its relations with all international actors, which play a main role in the Middle East and make a lobby group by including separatists groups and other Kurds who live abroad to gather support for its independence in the future. Keywords: Self-Determination, Kurdish Autonomy, Iraqi Kurdistan Region, Kosovo and Serbia, International Community.
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Kakarash, Zana Azeez. "Kurdistan Region Network Infrastructure Design." UHD Journal of Science and Technology 2, no. 2 (September 2, 2018): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdjst.v2n2y2018.pp15-23.
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Digital communications play fundamental role in everyday life. Requests for e-services and e-applications obviously will grow rapidly on networks. Although In Kurdistan Region, There are many potential barriers, however design and implementing national digital Backbone Infrastructure is a vital and challenging task for the government to improve public sector efficiency. For the purpose of this research to get a sense of which barriers are more likely than others, A survey was conducted among the Kurdistan ICT professional. Moreover, One of the main focuses of this study is offering KRG a comprehensive, secure network infrastructure design with minimum latency, high availability, and maximum performance. Finally the possibility of using cloud computing within the context of normal government operations and public services in general has been discussed.
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Shakali, Swara. "The problems of 2017 Kurdistan Region independence referendum." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 2 (February 2021): 23–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2021.2.33448.
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This article sheds light on the situation related to 2017 Kurdistan Region independence referendum. Leaning on the primary sources, it is demonstrated that the party officials of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan warned the leadership of the Kurdish Regional Autonomy of Iraq represented by the Kurdistan Democratic Party about the consequences of shortsighted policy. The disputed territories, which are the subject of discussion between the leadership of the Autonomy and Baghdad, were controlled by the troops of the Central Government. The Iraqi leadership has also reduced the funds from the federal budget for supporting the government employees of the Autonomy. It resulted in payment arrears and mass disturbances in the Autonomy. The novelty of this research lies in the fact that this topic has not previously received due attention in the Russian sources. This article is first within the Russian Kurdish Studies to introduce the primary sources in Sorani (Kurdish dialect). It cannot be asserted that these problems have been resolved conclusively; the blame falls on the shortsighted and irrational policy of the Kurdistan Democratic Party, or even personally Masoud Barzani, who was removed from his office as result of the referendum. The representatives of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan denounced the detrimental consequences of holding the referendum in the existing conditions.
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SOFI, DASKO HASAN, and AZAD OTHMAN SALIH. "The Iranian Foreign Policy towards Kurdistan Region–Iraq 2003-2018." Twejer 3, no. 3 (December 2020): 913–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31918/twejer.2033.25.
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After the US invasion of Iraq and the fall of Ba’ath-regime in 2003, the Kurdistan Region-Iraq became one of the main issues in Iranian foreign policy in the region. Although there have been several changes in Iranian foreign policy respecting its relationship with the Kurdistan Regional Government at various times, there has been no change in its strategy towards the region regarding its political independence and the right to self-determination of its people. The significant historical, cultural, and neighbourly relations that exist between Iran and the Kurdistan Region could become the basis for relations between the two parties for the sake of common interests and benefits and to establish peace and stability in the region. The main objective of this research is as follows: to clarify Iranian foreign policy towards the Kurdistan Region-Iraq and to explain the future horizon of the relations between the two parties in light of the current reality and based on the vital interests of the two parties in general. Keywords: Iran, Kurdistan Region, Foreign Policy, Ba’ath Regime, Shi’ism.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Kurdistan Region"
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Mustafa, Mohammad Salih. "Religious nationalism in the Kurdistan region of Iraq." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/30444.
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This thesis explores a new political phenomenon in the Middle East - the reconciliation of nationalism and Islamism by Islamic political parties in the context of nation states. Although the concept of religious nationalism has been discussed substantially before, as for example in Juergensmeyer (1993: 40) where the author defines religious nationalism as “the attempt to link religion and the nation-state”, this work highlights that a new brand of religious nationalism has emerged in the Middle East as the result of the intertwining of nationalism and Islamism. The focus of this study is, therefore, on the development of religious nationalism in the continuously tumultuous region of the Middle East. The aim of this researchis to investigate whether Islamism in Kurdistan is limited by the politics of nationalism, which is an accentuated example for the whole Middle East region. Furthermore, it should be noted that many of the religious nationalists themselves have not yet fully acknowledged the existence of the trend of merging between Islamism and nationalism. For instance, although the position of the Muslim Brotherhood of Kuwait, during the liberation of their state from the Iraqi regime, is a clear example of religious nationalism, all other affiliations of this organisation around the world at that time viewed the military operation as a foreign occupation. Highlighting this historical juncture in the political life of the Middle East by studying the Islamism in the Kurdistan region helped to elaborate on this new type of politics exceptionally well. This is essentially due to the absence of a politically recognised nation state which renders Kurds to be particularly susceptible to various manifestations of nationalism. The key finding of this project was, therefore, the notion that Islamism in Kurdistan has become significantly framed by the politics of nationalism.
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Braim, Kadhim Magdid. "Managing cultural tourism in a post-conflict region : the Kurdistan Federal Region of Iraq." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2018. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/48705/.
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During any period marked by conflict, potential investors (domestic and foreign) are reluctant to invest in the tourism sector of a country or region, owing to weak investor protection and the general climate of instability, in parallel with the lack of comprehensive planning for the tourism industry. Moreover, after a period of conflict, major challenges have to be faced in rebuilding the social, cultural, educational, service and economic infrastructure. Thus, the tourism industry in conflict and post-conflict areas often suffers a number of challenges, in the form of poor infrastructure, low investment and a lack of proper tourism management planning, or, poor implementation. In the case of the Kurdistan Federal Region of Iraq (KFR), conflict caused major challenges to heritage protection and consequently to the development of cultural tourism. The region was subject to ethnic conflict between the Iraqi government and Kurdish opposition, in particular the armed conflict in 1961 to 2003. There was lack investment in transport infrastructure. The absence of essential facilities such as motorways, rail networks and airports severely restricted the development of a tourism industry from 1991 (the year in which Kurdish autonomy in the region was achieved) to 2005 (when the KFR was officially recognised in Iraq's Constitution of 2005) and continued until 2006. Thereafter, the tourism industry recorded an increase of approximately 700% from 2007 to 2013, after the building of two international airports and thousands of miles of motorways in the KFR. However, so far, in the KFR, no consideration has been given to the conservation of cultural heritage, either as a legacy to the nation or in terms of its potential use to develop tourism. This underdevelopment is attributable to a number of problems, but notably the conflict, which led to the lack of an integrated tourism policy, lack of knowledge on how to protect heritage assets, poor infrastructure and low investment. The preservation of heritage assets has been discussed in the literature, but mostly the focus is on preservation of resources in the context of sustainable tourism (often in the context of over-utilization), and there is a lack of studies undertaken to investigate how post-conflict issues affect the protection of heritage assets, that is, what the potential challenges are to the conservation of heritage assets in post-conflict countries, and how these challenges impact on the future potential for cultural tourism development. This thesis investigates how post-conflict issues affect heritage protection and cultural tourism, in terms of both planning and management, by exploring heritage protection and cultural tourism in the KFR as an example of both a post-conflict area and a new autonomous region. It suggests solutions and makes recommendations for the development of successful, competitive and sustainable cultural heritage tourism in the KFR. The results show that the KFR is rich in cultural resources, but currently not enough governmental consideration is given to cultural heritage conservation. The managerial issues caused by lack of legislation and poor government administration, in parallel with some other challenges, notably a lack of funding, are the core barriers to investment in heritage protection in the KFR, and consequently creating major problems to the development of cultural tourism. Other issues include: a lack of investment and poor implementation, a negative destination image and marketing difficulties. The findings will help decision makers to develop a strategy for cultural protection and to establish a proper cultural tourism policy in the KFR through recommendations to government. The findings will also be of interest to other post-conflict nations and regions. The thesis reports data from a series of focus groups and in-depth interviews conducted in 2015 and 2017.
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Karim, Abdolbaset. "Selenium and iodine status in the Kurdistan region of Iraq." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2018. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/51123/.
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The primary aims of this project were to: i) provide a survey of selenium and iodine concentrations in the terrestrial environment and locally grown crops of Iraqi-Kurdistan; ii) gain greater understanding of the factors controlling bioavailability of these elements in the calcareous soils of the region; iii) investigate the feasibility of biofortification of selenium and iodine and test the use of isotopically enriched tracers for this purpose; iv) assess iodine and selenium dietary intake and nutritional status of the local population using dietary questionnaires and a survey of a human biomarker. A survey was conducted covering locally grown crops, matched soil samples and irrigation water including 300 plant, 100 soil and 20 water samples. The potential availability of Se and I for plant uptake was examined by quantifying the soluble and adsorbed fractions of both micronutrients and their species. The influences of soil factors on plant Se and I uptake were examined. Results indicated that total soil Se (SeTot = 309 μg kg-1) was lower than the global average (400 μg kg-1). Approximately 2.5% of soil Se was present in the soluble and adsorbed fractions with an equal proportion of selenate and selenite in the soluble fraction and mainly selenite in the adsorbed fraction. The organically-bound Se extractability ranged from 20-89% of SeTot, depending on soil pH. Plant Se content was variable between crop species and different areas within Kurdistan with mean concentration of 113,112, 69 and 49 μg kg-1dw for leafy vegetables, tubers, fruit vegetables and wheat grain respectively. Higher plant Se concentrations were observed in plants grown in soils with pH > 8. The mean concentration of total soil iodine was 4140 μg kg-1. Almost 10% of this value was present in the soluble and adsorbed fractions. Mean plant iodine concentrations were 439, 368, 140, and 12 μg kg-1dw for leafy vegetables, fruit vegetables, tubers and grains respectively. The combined concentrations of soluble and adsorbed iodine were correlated with plant iodine content. The mean concentrations of irrigation water Se and I were 0.495 and 11.9 μg L-1 respectively. The amount (%) of soil CaCO3 was strongly correlated with iodine concentration in groundwater used for irrigation and irrigation water iodine concentration was again strongly correlated with plant iodine concentrations. The feasibility of Se biofortification in calcareous soils using local vegetable genotypes from Kurdistan was examined using 10 g ha-1 77Se as a biofortification treatment (and isotopic tracer). Five commonly used vegetables, including celery, chard, lettuce, radish and spring-onion were planted in soils spiked with the 77Se application and grown for 8 weeks under controlled growth room conditions. Results indicated that, at the end of the growth period approximately 35% of applied 77Se had been transferred to a recalcitrant form in the soil which resisted extraction with 10% TMAH. Only 5% of 77Se was present within the soluble and adsorbed soil fractions combined, at harvest. The amount of 77Se taken up by plant biomass varied according to crop species; 25% for radish and 7-8% for other vegetables from the total 77Se applied. Plant 77Se concentrations varied despite growing in identical soils and, unexpectedly, plants contained more Se originating from the soil rather than the fertilizer. The ratio of Sesoil/Sefertilizer also varied between varieties reflecting different growth patterns and uptake rates against a backdrop of decreasing fertilizer Se availability during the growing season. Biofortification of iodine using a range of vegetable crops grown in calcareous soil was investigated, using soil and vegetable genotypes from Kurdistan, and employing 129I as a tracer. Vegetables were irrigated daily with water containing 5.56 and 6.89 μg L-1 129IO3- and 129I- respectively for 8 weeks. Total and fractionated iodine (127I and 129I) was conducted on moist soil (c. field capacity) and air dried soil at the end of the growing season. Plant analysis was also undertaken for 127I and 129I, using ICP-MS. Results showed that plant iodine concentrations originating from native soil iodine were variable even when grown in identical soils. Generally, iodine concentrations in roots was greater than in shoots for both 127I and 129I. Vegetables irrigated with 129I- (iodide) had considerably lower iodine concentrations (6.2-12 μg kg-1dw) than those irrigated with 129IO3- (iodate) (53.3-479 μg kg-1dw). The majority of plant iodine originated from soil iodine rather than fertilizer iodine and varied depending on 129I species applied (iodate or iodide) and the vegetable plant type grown. For vegetable shoots treated with 129I- (iodide) only 3% of the iodine of the three test plants originated from the 129I treatment. By contrast, for 129IO3- (iodate) applications 11, 22 and 58% of iodine in the shoots of celery, lettuce and chard were from the 129I additions respectively. The recovery rate of 129I from soil extracted with 10% TMAH ranged from 63-95% of total iodine applied and varied depending on vegetable variety. The 129I recoveries from pots irrigated by 129IO3- were less than from 129I- irrigated soils suggesting greater loss of iodine from the iodate irrigated system. To assess the Se and I status of the population in a region of Kurdistan, the food composition data and dietary intake of Se and I was determined for 410 volunteers using a semi- quantitative food questionnaire, including commonly used food items. To directly investigate level of nutritional status of Se and I, urine samples were also collected from each participants as a biomarker. Daily dietary intake and source apportionment of Se and I from each food item was determined using questionnaire survey. The daily intake of I from food excluding salt was 119 μg d-1. Vegetables and fruits supplied 48%, protein sources 25%, cereal and grains 9%, dairy products 8% and water 2% of daily I intake. The majority (>90%) of salt samples collected were iodised with a mean I concentration of 40 mg kg-1 and daily intake of salt was estimated as 13.5g d-1. Accounting for salt intake, average daily iodine intakes increased to 668 μg d-1, with salt supplying 82% of daily I intake. The median urinary iodine (corrected for creatinine) was 379 μg g-1CRT and 424 μg L-1 osmolality corrected. More than 90% of school age children and over 55% all participants had excessive I intake according to WHO classification. The salt I concentration consumed by each family was highly correlated with mean urinary iodine of family members. Urinary Na and I were also correlated. The iodine intake estimated according to salt intake (calculated based on urinary Na) was strongly correlated with iodine intake calculated according to urinary iodine. The daily salt intake estimated by urinary Na was 15.3 g d-1 considerably higher than WHO recommended. Mean total daily intake of Se according to the questionnaire responses was 72.9 μg d-1 with 21% of participants having a daily intake lower than recommended RDA. The mean urinary Se fell in the range of 21.2-24.8 μg L-1 depending on justification methods. The predicted Se intake from urinary Se gave a values of 59 and 42 μg d-1 according to the method used which may imply Se deficiency. To conclude, Kurdistan soils Se content was found insufficient. Despite that, Due to high pH effect in some areas plant Se content seems to be having considerably higher Se content rather than areas with lower pH. Later studies revealed that daily Se intake may not enough to address the Se requirement of population. Biofortification of Se possible but to prevent decreasing availability would be recommend to apply in med season or foliar application. Typically soil and plant of Kurdistan found in a minimum of normal range of iodine and comparable with other areas. Irrigation water was found as a main source of plant iodine uptake. The daily iodine intake from food excluding salt is not enough to meet the recommended iodine level but considering high consumption of iodized salt in that region it can be classified as an excessive iodine intake which could cause high intake iodine consumption disorders such as hyperthyroidism and in turn health issues caused by elevated Na intake such as cardiovascular disease. In current iodine nutritional status of the region plant biofortification would not be recommended.
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Yaseen, Abdulhameed Abdullah. "Seismic fragility assessment of masonry buildings in the Kurdistan region." Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 2015. https://researchportal.port.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/seismic-fragility-assessment-of-masonry-buildings-in-the-kurdistan-region(68d3f8fb-c760-4a1c-a10f-86f103686f9f).html.
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The collapse of building structures during recent earthquakes, particularly in the countries around the Kurdistan region (KR), including Turkey (2011 Van earthquake) and Iran (2003 Bam earthquake), has raised many questions about the safety of existing buildings in the region and structures that are going to be constructed in the future. The KR, which is located in northern and northeastern Iraq, is also considered to be the most hazardous region of Iraq. However, many buildings in the region, especially unreinforced masonry (URM) buildings, were not engineered to withstand seismic loads. The seismic vulnerability assessment of these types of buildings in this region is a necessary step towards the development of regional seismic retrofitting and pre-disaster mitigation plans. Fragility analysis is often used for this purpose and to graphically represent a structure’s seismic vulnerability in terms of fragility curves. Considering that there are several important uncertainties involved in such an analysis and after developing and proposing seismic zonation maps, response spectra and the seismic zone factor Z for the KR, the results of analytical fragility analyses of URM buildings in the KR indicated that the correct selection of a ground-motion intensity measure (IM) is the most important variability involved in assessing the fragility of URM buildings. The results suggest that the variability in the mechanical parameters of materials can be neglected because the variability of ground motion is considerably more substantial. Furthermore, the use of incremental dynamic analysis (IDA) and a well-selected IM allows fragility curves to be derived with only a few records (i.e., a minimum of 7 records) with the same performance as for with numerous records (i.e., 60 records). Moreover, the pronounced difference in the results when using only one IM vs. using two IMs cannot be ignored; hence, fragility surfaces are preferred over the more commonly used fragility curves. Furthermore, a framework based on using machine learning models (i.e., a wrapper-based approach) for the optimal selection of an IM for developing fragility curves is proposed in this study. The feasibility of the wrapper method for selecting the best IM is compared to a statistical regression (log-logistic regression) used to develop fragility curves and the results were encouraging. Finally, the outcomes of the study indicate that the seismic safety of the investigated low-rise buildings in the region is questionable and that these structures must be strengthened to prevent failure.
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Hussein, Nawfal Rasheed. "The pathogenesis of Helicobacter pylori associated diseases in Kurdistan region, Iraq." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2009. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/10782/.
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Helicobacter pylori is regarded as the most important risk factor for peptic ulcer disease and gastric cancer. In Kurdistan region, northern Iraq, gastric cancer is rare (5/100,000). To investigate some possible reasons for this, the prevalence of H. pylori infection, gastric mucosal histopathological changes in H. pylori infected subjects, and virulence factor genotypes (especially dupA) of colonising strains were studied. The immune response to H. pylori infection, focusing on genes associated with T-helper (Th) and regulatory T-cell (Treg) cells, was also investigated. It was found that 79% of 163 adults and 37% of 120 children were seropositive for H. pylori (p<0.0001). For infected people, gastric lymphocyte infiltration was more prominent in the antrum (p=0.01). 71% of Iraqi H. pylori strains were positive for cagA and its presence was significantly associated with peptic ulcer disease (PUD) (p<0.01). cagA genes encoding four or more tyrosine phosphorylation motifs could not be found in any of the Iraqi strains. Isolates possessing the i1 form of vacA were significantly associated with GU (p<0.02). 32% of Iraqi H. pylori isolates were dupA-positive and presence of this gene was associated with PUD (p<0.01). The levels of IFNγ, IL-12 p35, IL-10, IL-4 and FOXP3 mRNA were found to be elevated in gastric mucosal samples from H. pylori-infected patients compared to those from H. pylori-negative patients (median increase 7-fold p=0.001; 17-fold p=0.002; 1320-fold p=0.001; 1184-fold p=0.001; and 3-fold p=0.01, respectively), indicating a predominant IL-4 and IL-10 (Th2) response. Interestingly, IFNγ mRNA levels were 16-fold higher in tissues taken from 17 infected smokers than found in tissues taken from 18 infected non-smokers (p=0.009). IL-4 mRNA levels in tissues from 20 infected females were 40-fold higher than in tissues from 15 males (p=0.005). Nucleotide sequencing of the dupA 3' region from 32 strains showed that dupA commonly had additional single base insertions or deletions that either truncated or extended the open reading frame (ORF). We have therefore classified dupA into two main groups: the common extended ORF within jhp0917-19 (dupA1), and dupA with an early stop codon to truncate the ORF (dupA2). ELISA performed on supernatants from H. pylori-infected gastric epithelial cell lines found no significant differences in IL-8 production between strains that possessed or lacked dupA. In comparison to wild-type H. pylori, disruption of dupA significantly reduced IL-12, IFNγ, TNFα and IL-8 production by peripheral blood mononuclear cells (PBMCs) in 2/4 strains. For the remaining 2 strains, where gene sequencing revealed a frame shift resulting in truncated dupA in the wild-type, the level of these cytokines was unchanged by dupA mutation. H. pylori infection is common in Kurdistan region and acquired at a young age. The low cancer rate may be partially explained by a predominant lymphocyte infiltration in the antrum rather than the corpus, which has been reported to be associated with reduced risk of gastric adenocarcinoma. An absence of the more toxic cagA genotype with four or more tyrosine phosphorylation motifs in the Iraqi strains, and the predominance of Th2 cytokine expression rather than a more pro-inflammatory Th1 response to H. pylori could also contribute to a reduced incidence of cancer. dupA1 appears to play an important role in promoting the inflammatory response of leukocytes to H. pylori.
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Hussein, Hataw H. S. "The role of news media in supporting democracy in Kurdistan Region." Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 2018. http://irep.ntu.ac.uk/id/eprint/34661/.
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This thesis has chosen the Kurdistan Region of Iraq as a case study to examine the media's function in newly democratised countries. In any new transitional democracy, the media will be influenced by the new political system and they will frequently be criticised for being unable to act as a watchdog because of the close relationship with the political elites. However, there are also many other factors, such as cultural, political and economic pressures that affect the development of the media. This thesis makes an original contribution by furthering understanding of the role of the media in supporting an emerging democracy in the Kurdistan Region after 2003. It argues that there is also an assumption the news media will try to keep their independence from political dominance, and work actively to expose the political and government wrongdoings. Therefore, this thesis aims to examine the state of the news media in playing the role of watchdog and holding power to account. It also assesses the working environment for journalists in Kurdistan to see whether the general situation encourages media to the same degree as in established democratic societies. To understand the current situation of the media and how the news media take a critical stance towards political corruptions, this thesis has conducted in-depth interviews and focus group discussions. The results show that the media have demonstrated good practice in exposing corruption and malfeasance in the government. It argued that the media are present in the political scene and have performed their task as a forum for the public, providing the public with the necessary information. However, as a newly democratised country, the general environment in the political system is not helpful, for example, the executive, legislative and judicial authorities do not have enough power to play a key role in the democratic system. Various pressures on the media still exist, and the country lacks effective democratic institutions supporting the media, which are essential to build a strong democratic system. This has certainly limited the media's ability to stand against political corruption and hold the government to account.
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Shukri, Nawzad Abdullah. "Explaining U.S. foreign policy towards Kurdistan Region of Iraq (2003-2015)." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/39353.
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The objective of this thesis is to examine U.S. foreign policy towards the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) from 2003-2015. It argues that after 2003 there has been a considerable change in U.S. policy towards the KRI, and attempts to explain the key reasons behind this change. The regime change in Iraq in 2003 can be considered the beginning of a dramatic departure from the U.S.' traditional policy towards the Kurds, which was mostly embodied in the rejection of any Kurdish aspirations for autonomy and independence. From 2003, the U.S. backed the Kurds and pursued more flexible policy towards the KRI, yet it was always limited by the U.S.’ position on maintaining Iraq as a unitary state. Whilst the U.S. worked with the Kurds and supported Kurdish autonomous region, it nevertheless blocked the Kurdish aspirations for independence. In particular when it appeared to threaten U.S. policy in Iraq and the Middle East. However, this U.S. policy changed further from 2012 to 2015, during which the KRI was seen as almost the final platform of stability in Iraq, a perception that was strengthened by the rise of ISIL in 2014. Thus, the U.S. position towards Kurdish interests and even a Kurdish independent state changed, as the KRI in particular became more important to the U.S. strategy in Iraq and region. However, the position of the KRI highlights a wider set of issues. The regime change in Iraq in 2003 was latest part of the U.S.’ wider strategy to enhance its regional hegemony, and so its behaviour towards the Kurds depended on the extent to which they contributed to its interests. As such, this thesis provides a case study to explain the changing approach of U.S. policy towards the KRI, and in doing so also provides a useful and detailed case study of U.S.-Kurdish policy.
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Hossin, S. "Determinants of foreign direct investment in Kurdistan Region (North of Iraq)." Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 2009. http://irep.ntu.ac.uk/id/eprint/30402/.
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Iraq has the second largest oil resource in the world, presenting good business opportunities for foreign investors. However, foreign investors have avoided the country due to its ongoing unrest. This includes two wars (the Iran-Iraq war from 1980 to 1988, then the Gulf war in 1991), followed by United Nations (UN) sanctions, and most recently, since 2003 the country has become a battle ground for terrorists and insurgents in most parts of the country. Kurdistan Region is a safe and sustainable part of Iraq compared to the rest of the country. Its rich natural resources (oil and gas), and competitive investment laws are expected to attract foreign direct investment (FDI) into the Region. However, despite Kurdistan Regional Government's (KRG) massive advertising campaign internationally, and the many incentives offered to foreigners to invest in the Region, there is little evidence of foreign multinational companies' willingness to commit to long term investment in Kurdistan Region. This thesis is part of an overall research study, exploring the determinants of FDI in Kurdistan Region. In the previous documents the author investigated the Region's market attractiveness for FDI, through interviews with senior government officials in Kurdistan and Iraqi Central Government (Document Three), and foreign investors (Document Four) regarding their main concerns relating to foreign investors’ investments in Kurdistan Region. This study, investigating a different set of stakeholders, a number of UK and Turkey based organisations involved in FDI in the Kurdistan Region. It aims to investigate all the potential risks associated with investing in Kurdistan Region as well as to research how these organisations evaluate the Kurdistan market. The findings of this research project suggest that although Kurdistan Region presents good business opportunities for FDI, investing in the Region is closely associated with political and market risks. These risks are a result of Iraq's recent history of violence, the current conflict between different ethnic groups over power and authority, and the Region's uncertain long term political risks which are affecting multinational companies' (MNC) modes of entry and preventing high-resource commitments (Uppsala theory). The findings also suggest that participants' opinions regarding the Region’s market attractiveness for FDI consideration are influenced by their own experiences, and the participants of this study play an encouraging role in MNCs' decisions to enter the Region.
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Khalil, Hiwa Majid. "The obstacles to political development in the Kurdistan Region, 1992-2014." Thesis, Bangor University, 2016. https://research.bangor.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-obstacles-to-political-development-in-the-kurdistan-region-19922014(5837f1a8-99f0-439e-9d5e-68f04c9e07e3).html.
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This thesis examines the main obstacles to political development in the Kurdistan region (KR) in the period 1992-2014. It is an interdisciplinary study of recent history, culture, economics, politics and regional relations with a focus on political outcomes. Data from documentary sources is supported by semi-structured interviews with political stakeholders. The first part reviews the current historical, geographic, economic and social situation in the KR. The analysis is informed by theories of political development and the dependency school. The second part concentrates on the socio-political organisation of the KR, the performance of government and parliament, the role of the political parties and tribes. The third part evaluates the external relationships between the KR and the neighbouring countries, namely Iran and Turkey, and their impacts, positive or negative on political development. The aim of the study is to explain the interaction between all these aspects in the process of political development. Modern political institutions are considered as a tool for development, manifested in general elections in a multiparty system. However, the finding of this thesis is that the political institutions in the KR themselves obstruct the process of political development. The main political parties have a strongly centralised hierarchical structure without devolution of power or rotation of leaders. The parties cooperate with chieftains and tribes to stay in power. A further finding is that the level of political development in the KR corresponds to its relationships with neighbouring countries and the stability or instability of the region. The existence of Kurdish populations in the neighbouring countries and the standing of the KR as a non-state entity has had a negative impact on the ability of the Kurdistan regional government to follow an independent policy for development.
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Jalal, Pishtiwan Abdulwahid. "Sectarianism in Kurdistan Region of Iraq Between Political and Theological schism." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/99090.
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Sectarianism has become the magic word with which many scholars and politicians describe the current Middle East politics. Much of the existing literature presumes that most of the state and non-state actors of the region are divided over Shia and Sunni blocs led by Iran and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabi (KSA) respectively. However, so far scholars have left out the Kurds within their studies on sectarianism. Scholars have not explicitly pointed out why they are disinterested in sectarianism among the Kurds; it might be due to the perception that the Kurds are mostly Sunnis who have an ethnic and not a religious cause. The main aim of this research is to look at sectarianism in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) and find out whether or not of this perception is true. To do so, this research rejects the general application of the English term "sectarianism" in the first place as a theme to explain the politics of the Middle East. Instead, in the first chapter it is argued that there are three tiers of relations among regional actors: 1) state-state realpolitik, which is based on geopolitical realities among Turkey, Iran and the KSA, 2) political sectarianism (taifiyya) among sectarian groups such as the MB, Wahabis and Shia, often conducted through political agents like state and non-state actors, and 3) the civil and non-violent sect-sect theological sectarianism (madhabiyya) among those three sects. In the second chapter this new understanding of sectarianism is then applied on the domestic politics of the KRI. It is argued that while there is theological sectarianism in the KRI, there is no political sectarianism. The third chapter explores the foreign relations of the KRI. It argues that the KRI as an unrecognized state, acts rationally to survive. It evades sectarianism and deemphasizes its demands of international recognition. Alternatively, the KRI pursues 'Regional Acceptance Policy' within which the Kurdish leadership persuades the regional powers, especially Turkey and Iran, that the de facto state will not declare independence, in return, they ask regional powers' acceptance of the KRI as a legitimate actor with its unique status.Doctor of Philosophy
Throughout the 20th century ethno-nationalism was the strongest sentiment in the Middle East. Within the past decade or so, however, Islam's two main sectarian identities, Shia and Sunni, have become extraordinarily strong, if not stronger than ethno-national identities. The common understanding of the region's politics is that Iran, as a Shia majority country, has allied with the other Shia non-Persian countries and actors, such as Iraq and Hezbollah. The Sunni countries, on the other hand, have gathered around the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) against Iran or Shias in general. There is also, however, a common perception that Kurds are the only people in the Middle East who have not become sectarian. This research is to see whether this perception towards the Kurds is true, and if it is, why? The first chapter argues that the English term "sectarianism" fails to explain the current politics of the Middle East. Instead, it is argued, there are two different forms of sectarianism in Islam; one is about theological disagreements, which in Arabic is called "madhabiya", the other is about the political competition among the various Muslim groups which in Arabic is called "taifiya". Regardless of the religious factor, states of the Middle East act rationally based on geopolitical realities. Political sectarianism comes emerges especially when those sectarian groups mobilize under political parties and armed militia groups. Sects and states sometimes cooperate for mutual interests and hence it appears that the entire conflicts of the region are driven by sectarian motivations. The second and third chapters then explore sectarianism in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) within this new understanding. The KRI acts like the state actors based on its interests and not its Sunni sectarian identity. Contrary to the common perception towards the unrecognized state which assumes that the KRI's ultimate goal should be international recognition (IR), it is here argued that the KRI prioritizes 'regional acceptance' (RA) over IR. Within the KRI there is theological sectarianism among Salafists, Sufis, and political Islamists. However, there is no political sectarianism because the Kurdish government has neutralized and unarmed the sectarian groups.
Books on the topic "Kurdistan Region"
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Salih, Azad. Freies Kurdistan: Die selbstverwaltete Region Kurdistans ; Hintergründe, Entwicklungen und Perspektiven. Berlin: Köster, 2005.
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Muḥammad, ʻAbd al-Raḥmān Serdar, and Xoşnaw Huşyar Muḥammad Āmīn, eds. Etłesî siyasîy Herêmî Kurdistan, 1914-2005: Political atlas of Kurdistan Region, 1914-2005. Silêmanî [Kurdistan, Iraq]: Senterî Lêkołînewey Sitratîcîy Kurdistan, 2010.
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Amīn, Hawr̄ê Yasîn Muḥammad. Lêkołîneweyek le cugrafyay Herêmî Kurdistanî ʻÊraq: A geographical study of Iraqi Kurdistan Region. Silêmanî: [publisher not identified], 2011.
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Heshmati, Almas. Integrated water resource management in the Kurdistan region. Hauppauge, NY, USA: Nova Science, 2009.
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World Bank. The Kurdistan region of Iraq: Assessing the economic and social impact of the Syrian conflict and ISIS. Washington, DC: World Bank, 2015.
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Etłesî Herêmî Kurdistanî ʻÎraq, ʻÎraq u cîhan: Atlas of Iraqi Kurdistan Region, Iraq and the world. Hewlêr [Kurdistan, Iraq]: Kompanyay Tênûs bo Çapemenî w Karî Hunerî, 2009.
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author, Burger Nicholas, Ghosh-Dastidar Bonnie author, Glick Peter author, Kumar Krishna B. author, Pérez Arce Francisco author, Smith Alexandria C. author, Labor and Population Program, and Kurdistān (Iraq). Ḧikûmetî Herêmî Kurdistan-ʻÊraq, eds. Capacity building at the Kurdistan region statistics office through data collection. Santa Monica, CA: Rand Corporation, 2014.
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Ala'Aldeen, Dlawer A. A. Nîştîmansazîy w sîstemî fermanr̄ewayetî xomałî le Herêmî Kurdistan: Nation building and the system of self-governance in Kurdistan Region. [Kurdistan, Iraq]: Çapxaney Aras, 2013.
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author, Shatz Howard J., Constant Louay author, Smith Alexandria C. author, Kumar Krishna B. author, Krull Heather author, Usanov Artur author, Dogo Harun author, Martini Jeffrey author, Labor and Population Program, and Kurdistān (Iraq). Ḧikûmetî Herêmî Kurdistan-ʻÊraq, eds. Strategies for private-sector development and civil-service reform in the Kurdistan Region--Iraq. Santa Monica, CA: Rand Corporation, 2014.
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Auzer, Khazal Abdullah. Institutional Design and Capacity to Enhance Effective Governance of Oil and Gas Wealth: The Case of Kurdistan Region. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-4518-9.
Full textBook chapters on the topic "Kurdistan Region"
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Yoshioka, Akiko. "Challenges for the Kurdistan Region." In Iraq since the Invasion, 172–84. Abingdon, Oxon : New York, NY : Routledge, 2020.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429201936-9.
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Tinti, Alessandro. "The Kurdistan Region of Iraq." In Oil and National Identity in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, 52–85. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003161103-3.
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Klich, Sebastian. "The Kurdistan Region of Iraq." In De Facto State Identity and International Legitimation, 142–74. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003178521-5.
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Mustafa, Mohammad Salih. "Islam and the Kurdistan Islamic Union." In Nationalism and Islamism in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, 100–126. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge studies in Middle Eastern politics ; 104: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429277160-4.
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Mustafa, Mohammad Salih. "Democracy and the Kurdistan Islamic Union." In Nationalism and Islamism in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, 127–53. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge studies in Middle Eastern politics ; 104: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429277160-5.
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Mustafa, Mohammad Salih. "Nationalism and the Kurdistan Islamic Union." In Nationalism and Islamism in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, 154–80. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge studies in Middle Eastern politics ; 104: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429277160-6.
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Hakeem, Murad. "The Reality of Civil Society in Kurdistan Region." In Between State and Non-State, 143–57. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-60181-0_8.
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Eliassi, Barzoo. "Diasporic conceptions of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq." In Routledge Handbook on the Kurds, 425–38. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2019. |: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315627427-32.
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Khayyat, Nabaz. "Technology Management and Policy of Kurdistan Region of Iraq." In Iraqi Kurdistan’s Statehood Aspirations, 87–98. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-93420-4_5.
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Shareef, Mohammed. "China’s Dual Diplomacy: Arab Iraq and the Kurdistan Region." In Toward Well-Oiled Relations?, 69–93. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137539793_6.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Kurdistan Region"
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Rasul, Hewa. "organizing legislative initiative in kurdistan region." In INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF DEFICIENCIES AND INFLATION ASPECTS IN LEGISLATION. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicdial.pp141-151.
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The regulation of the legislative initiative is one of the sensitive and important issues in the field of regulating the relations between the three authorities in the state, especially the legislative and executive authorities, and that is why we find that the majority of countries dealt with it in their constitutions through general constitutional principles, because the constitution determines and regulates the powers of the authorities, in the Kurdistan Region not We have a constitution at the time of writing this research, and that is why the Kurdish legislator was forced to deal with it through the ordinary laws and the internal system of the Parliament of Kurdistan, and this is what made it subject to many changes during the past thirty years. This competence, for example, in light of the abolished internal system of Parliament, the Council of Ministers in the region had the competence of two types of legislative initiative, namely, the submission of draft laws as well as draft legislative decisions. He was left with nothing but the right to present draft laws, and these many changes led to a state of instability in the organization of this jurisdiction Which is an important part of the legislative process, and based on this, we took the initiative to write this research in order to show how to organize it in the light of the developments that took place in this field at the level of different countries and in a way that serves the stability of relations between the authorities in the region.
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Aqrawi, Haval, and Luqman Ruadzy. "E-Banking in Kurdistan Region of Iraq." In 1st International Conference on Information Technology. Lebanese French University - LFU, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.25212/icoit17.048.
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Amin, Azad Mohammad. "Kurdistan oil and its impact on kurdistan environment — Overview." In 2017 International Conference on Environmental Impacts of the Oil and Gas Industries: Kurdistan Region of Iraq as a Case Study (EIOGI). IEEE, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/eiogi.2017.8267636.
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Jassim, Hamed Muhammed, and Varoujan K. Sissakian. "Workshop 1 The Mineral Wealth in Kurdistan Region." In 2020 6th International Engineering Conference “Sustainable Technology and Development" (IEC). IEEE, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/iec49899.2020.9122826.
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Amin, Latif. "Difficulties in issuing the constitution of the Kurdistan Region." In INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF DEFICIENCIES AND INFLATION ASPECTS IN LEGISLATION. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicdial.pp181-190.
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The Constitution is the basic law and from it all authorities derive their powers and the legitimacy of their actions, through which the form of the state, its government, its system of governance, the nature of authorities, their competencies, the relations between them, and their limits are determined, in addition to determining the rights of citizens: individuals and groups, and ensuring the performance of these rights for them. It is the right of any region or state in the federal state to have a constitution, and in the Kurdistan region it was possible to establish a constitution for the region since 1992 after the issuance of the federal statement by the Parliament of Kurdistan, which decided to define the right of the Kurds to disobey as a formula for peaceful coexistence in federalism, but this was not done, Since the issuance of the Iraqi Constitution of 2005 and its entry into force in 2006 and its recognition of the Kurdistan Region as a region within federal Iraq, the region should have drawn up its constitution based on the provisions of Article 120 of the Constitution. Undoubtedly, there are several internal and regional reasons and obstacles that stand in the way of the enactment of the constitution in the most valuable of them - There is no single supreme authority in the region, but there are two authorities, one in Erbil and the other in Sulaymaniyah, both of whom consider themselves equal to the other The regional impact represented by the interventions of the two neighboring countries, Iran and TurkeThe absence of the mentality of the statesmen, but the mentality of the men of power and the party, and looking at the constitution from a narrow hierarchical perspective. In order for the region to have a good constitution, these obstacles must be removedy
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"Jihadi Ideology in Eastern Kurdistan/ Iran And Its Influences on The Southern Kurdistan Region/ Iraq." In International Conference on Accounting, Business, Economics and Politics. Ishik University, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23918/icabep2019p51.
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Karim, Hawraman, and Murad Mzori. "Nation-Building in Kurdistan." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp286-294.
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We define nation-building as a process which leads to the formation of countries in which the citizens feel a sufficient amount of commonality of interests, goals and preferences so that they do not wish to separate from each other. It can also be said that nation-building is a process in which the government, the state or a group of elites act with the aim of creating national unity and reducing divisions in society. In this regard, groups and ethnicities come together to form a national identity. Nation and nation-building are two modern phenomena and the elements of the nation-building process, which are patriotic unity, citizenship, collective identity, equal opportunities for all citizens and a common language, are the foundations of the formation of a modern state. In this research and theoretically, the concept of nation-building and its constituent elements and the importance of this process for the Kurdistan region are discussed. The main question in this research is the question of the national existence of the Kurd. Is there a nation in the Kurdistan region? If so, how? If not, why not? Should nation-building or state-building be a priority for the Kurds in the Kurdistan region?
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Fatah, Yahya. "The role of social media in political change in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp97-114.
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This study deals with the relationship between the political field and the media field especially the role of the social media platforms on the political transformation recently in Kurdistan region of Iraq. This is done through a scientific and theoretical study about the controversial relationship between both politic and media and by directing a group of questions concerning this subject to the media experts and socialists in both of Sulaymaniyah and Polytechnic University of Sulaymaniyah. Finally the researcher reaches a group of results, of which: most of the sample members see that the social media platforms is a suitable environment to express and oppose the authority in the Kurdistan region but it is also see that the social media platforms causes stirring up strife and chaos in the region and they also see that it encourages violence which leads to burning party headquarters and governmental institutes in the Kurdistan region of Iraq. On the other hand, most of the sample people see that the role of the religious leaders is stronger than the role of the social media on the community in the Kurdistan region of Iraq.
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Mohammed OZER, Abdullah. "E-management application constraints at university in Kurdistan region." In The Impact of Information Technology on the Quality of Education and Learning Process. Soran University, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.31918/itec.2018.15.
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"Teacher Quality Improvement Policy Issue in Kurdistan Region-Iraq." In 10th International Visible Conference on Educational Studies and Applied Linguistics. Tishk International University, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23918/vesal2019.a19.
Full textReports on the topic "Kurdistan Region"
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Tinti, Alessandro. Water Resources Management in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. Institute of Regional and International Studies, October 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.26598/auis_iris_2017_10_19.
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DeWeaver, Mark. Making Ends Meet: Economic Reforms in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. American University of Iraq, Sulaimani, January 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.26598/auis_iris_2017_01_16.
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Bartnick, Aaron. Obstacles and Opportunities for Entrepreneurship in Iraq and the Kurdistan Region. American University of Iraq, Sulaimani, July 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.26598/auis_iris_2017_07_01.
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