Relevant bibliographies by topics / Kwame Nkrumah

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Academic literature on the topic 'Kwame Nkrumah'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 20 February 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Kwame Nkrumah"

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Cromwell, Adelaide M., and Douglas Kellner. "Kwame Nkrumah." International Journal of African Historical Studies 22, no. 1 (1989): 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219240.

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Morrison, Minion K. C. "The Kwame Nkrumah Legacy." National Review of Black Politics 1, no. 3 (July 2020): 347–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nrbp.2020.1.3.347.

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Kwame Nkrumah’s notion of Pan-Africanism remains the formulation that guides the aspiration and organizational expression for the unity of the African continent. This analysis provides an elaboration of Nkrumah’s model for unity and situates his role at the moment of decolonization in the context of transformational leadership theory. Discussion then turns to the two most significant efforts to implement the Pan-African model: the development of a continental organization—the Organization of African Unity and the African Union—and the decolonization of the Gold Coast, which led to the founding of the state of Ghana. While the implementation of Nkrumah’s grand vision has not been realized, the legacy of his construct provides an enduring foundation for the aspiration to continental unity. Similarly, that same unity is reflected in the political culture and identity for the territory of Ghana, a feature of government stability. That territorial stability has not become the foundation stone for continental unity that Nkrumah imagined, but it also has not detracted from the enduring aspiration for that broader unity. In this regard the analysis shows both the possibilities and limits of transformational leadership.
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Johnson, Erik. "Nkrumah and the Crowd: Mass Politics in Emergent Ghana." Journal for the History of Rhetoric 17, no. 1 (January 2014): 98–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jhistrhetoric.17.1.0098.

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ABSTRACT This article analyzes Kwame Nkrumah’s Ghana: The Autobiography of Kwame Nkrumah, which was published to coincide with Ghana’s independence on March 6, 1957. Whereas the political and social imagination of the Anglo-American world during the postwar years was riddled with anxieties concerning the masses, the crowd scenes of Nkrumah’s Ghana elaborate the characteristics of a political community centered on mass society. The article concludes by noting the possibility of a mass civic art culled from the rhetorical tradition of Ghana.
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Leman, Daryl, and June Milne. "Kwame Nkrumah: The Conakry Years." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 28, no. 2 (1994): 343. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485750.

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GRISCHOW, JEFF D. "KWAME NKRUMAH, DISABILITY, AND REHABILITATION IN GHANA, 1957–66." Journal of African History 52, no. 2 (July 2011): 179–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853711000260.

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ABSTRACTThis article examines a rehabilitation program for disabled Ghanaians developed by Kwame Nkrumah's government between 1961 and 1966. Arising at a time when Nkrumah was moving away from welfarism in favor of a ‘big push’ for industrialization, rehabilitation sought to integrate disabled citizens into the national economy as productive workers. Nkrumah's program was preceded by a colonial rehabilitation project during the 1940s for disabled African soldiers. The colonial initiative drew heavily on the British model of social orthopaedics, which equated citizenship with work. This philosophy resonated with Nkrumah's vision of national development based on full employment. Although its economic focus had troubling implications for citizenship and welfare, Nkrumah's rehabilitation program was unique among newly independent African states, and it arguably produced a positive legacy.
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BOAKYE, Peter, and Kwame Osei KWARTENG. "Education for Nation Building: The Vision of Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah for University Education in the Early Stages of Self-Government and Independence in Ghana." Abibisem: Journal of African Culture and Civilization 7 (December 5, 2018): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.47963/ajacc.v7i0.38.

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The Gold Coast was renamed Ghana by the political leadership on the attainment of Independence. But before 1957, Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah had become Prime Minister of the Gold Coast in 1952, and by this arrangement ruled alongside the British Colonial Governor. Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah set out to rebuild the new nation, and by doing so, Education, especially University Education, became a significant tool for the realization of such an objective. He, and the Convention People’s Party (CPP) Government saw education as “the keystone of people’s life and happiness.’’1 Thus, Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah wanted the University Colleges in the Gold Coast to train intellectuals capable of combining both theory and practice as well as use their energies to assist in the task of national reconstruction.2 This explains why Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah clearly spelt out the visions of University Education in Ghana. This paper, which is multi-sourced, uses archival documents, newspapers, interviews and scholarly secondary works such as articles, book chapters and books to examine the visions of Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah for University Education in the early stages of self-government and independence in Ghana. The paper particularly focuses on measures adopted by the first Prime Minister of Ghana such as establishment of an International Commission on University Education (ICUE), making the existing University Colleges independent, the rationale for setting up the University College of Cape Coast (UCCC), the Africanization of the University staff, establishment of the Institute of African Studies and the formation of the National Council for Higher Education to transform the University Colleges to reflect the needs and aspirations of Ghanaians. _________________________________________ 1 H. O. A. McWilliam, & M. A. Kwamena-Poh, The Development of Education in Ghana. (London: Longman Group Ltd., 1975), 83. 2 Samuel Obeng, Selected Speeches of Kwame Nkrumah, Vol. 1 (Accra: Aframs Publication Ltd., 1997), 74.
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Wesley, Patricia Jabbeh. "For Kwame Nkrumah, Stranger Woman, City." Transition: An International Review 98 (July 2008): 36–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/trs.2008.-.98.36.

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Dolphyne, Florence Abena. "African Perspectives on Programs for North American Students in Africa: The Experience of the University of Ghana–Legon." African Issues 28, no. 1-2 (2000): 28–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1548450500006818.

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The University of Ghana is the oldest of the five universities in Ghana. The others are Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, the University of Cape Coast, the University College of Education in Winneba, and the University of Development Studies in Tamale. The last two are only three years old and do not as yet have student exchange programs with North American universities. Kwame Nkrumah University and the University of Cape Coast do have student exchange programs with a few North American universities.
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BINEY, AMA. "THE DEVELOPMENT OF KWAME NKRUMAH'S POLITICAL THOUGHT IN EXILE, 1966–1972." Journal of African History 50, no. 1 (March 2009): 81–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853709004216.

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ABSTRACTThe focus of this article is an examination of the evolution of Nkrumah's political thought during the last years of his life. There is a discernible radicalization as Nkrumah's intellectual thought developed between 1966 and 1972. He had clearly abandoned the constitutional path to independence and begun to adopt revolutionary armed struggle as the only solution to Africa's myriad problems of capitalism, neo-colonialism and imperialism. The unfolding social and political struggles in Vietnam and Latin America and the unrest in America's black cities impacted profoundly on his thinking. The coup d'état which deposed Nkrumah on 24 February 1966 forced him into exile in neighbouring Guinea-Conakry. It therefore provides the political background against which Nkrumah's intellectual thinking unfolded.
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Gbadegesin, Olusegun. "Kwame Nkrumah and the Search for Uram." Ultimate Reality and Meaning 10, no. 1 (March 1987): 14–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/uram.10.1.14.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Kwame Nkrumah"

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Biney, Ama Barbara. "Kwame Nkrumah : an intellectual biography." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2007. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/28819/.

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Kwame Nkrumah remains a towering figure in African history. Inspired by Mahatma Gandhi's non-violent campaign of civil disobedience to achieve political ends, he led present-day Ghana to independence in 1957. Nkrumah made Ghana a beacon of hope for not only Ghanaians but also people of African descent throughout the world. Perhaps no other African leader of the 1950s and 1960s personified the dreams, principles and aspirations of this era. At the centre of my analysis of Nkrumah's political, social and economic thought will be his own writings. I begin my re-examination of Nkrumah's life and thought by focusing on the political discourse and controversies surrounding him. The focus of Chapter 1 is his sojourn in America, where he pursued his academic studies. Chapter 2 examines his period of political activism in London between 1945 to 1947 under the ideological guidance of George Padmore. This prepared him for the leadership of the new political party he founded, the Convention People's Party, following his return to the Gold Coast in 1947. In Chapter 3,1 focus on Nkrumah's political performance, his relationship with the British colonial authorities in the period 1951 to 1957. Chapter 4 scrutinises his position on the federalist argument presented by his political enemy, the National Liberation Movement. Chapter 5 looks at politics in the post-independence period whilst Nkrumah's economic and cultural policies are the focus of Chapter 6. While in office, Nkrumah documented his thought in several publications, which will be examined in Chapter 7. His foreign policy aimed at furthering African unity will be critically assessed via the various institutional mechanisms he set up to achieve this objective in Chapter 8. After the coup, which deposed him in February 1966, Nkrumah continued to develop his political and economic convictions and this is the focus of Chapter 9. The final chapter considers Nkrumah's legacy in Ghana and on the wider Pan-African stage in contemporary Africa.
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Opoku, Mensah Eric. "The rhetoric of Kwame Nkrumah: analysis of his political speeches." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/9290.

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The study focuses on an examination of the political speeches of Kwame Nkrumah. The primary data of the study comprises audio-recorded and five volumes of selected published speeches of Nkrumah. Beyond these sources, the study explores the historical, political, and diplomatic circumstances which gave birth to Nkrumah's rhetorical inventions. In terms of the theoretical framework, the study applied three main correlative approaches: Aristotle (2007) on Levels of Proofs and Rhetorical Regimes, Perelman and Olbrechts-Tyteca (1969) on Argument and Lloyd Bitzer on Situation (1968).Six major speeches were chosen for the study. They were selected chronologically ranging from 1950 to 1964. They were analyzed, applying the vertical and horizontal rhetorical structures. The study sought to find out the rhetorical strategies and tools, which Nkrumah employed in his political speeches. The study revealed that as part of his logical strategy, Nkrumah regularly employed logical association. With this tool, Nkrumah associates two entities either positively or negatively for the purpose of achieving good or bad publicity for a giving entity. The finding demonstrates that Nkrumah employed negative association in his political speeches to tag his Ghanaian and Western political adversaries to engender negative image for them whilst he used positive association to enhance his ethos. The study also showed that Nkrumah employed the argument of inclusion of the part in the whole. This argument becomes central to the subject of Africa's unity as Nkrumah argues for continental unity in Addis Ababa. In this argument, the importance of Africa is brought to the fore whilst minimizing the focus on individual states. Thus, through his argumentation, Nkrumah deepens the continental discussion which seeks to project the debate on Africa's freedom. The study also demonstrated that Nkrumah repeatedly applies symbolism as a strategic means of establishing his ethos as well as creating solidarity with his audience. The study further established that Nkrumah employs the collective memory of his audience to create pathos in his address. Lastly, the study showed that Nkrumah repeatedly used his messages to address composite audiences both immediate and remote.
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Asante, Charles. "Ghana's Foreign Policy Post-Independence: A study of Kwame Nkrumah's Pan-Africanism." Thesis, Griffith University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/385870.

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This thesis employs the norm entrepreneurship approach to explore Ghana’s foreign policy during the post-independence era, with a particular focus on the country’s first President Kwame Nkrumah’s policy of Pan-Africanism. Pan-Africanism may be defined as the idea of protecting Africa’s selfdetermination, and promoting a sense of consciousness and group solidarity amongst people of African origin. This thesis critically examines Nkrumah’s leadership in the post-independence period, and the way in which his Pan-African ideal and legacy has continued to influence Ghana’s foreign policy engagement in the African region. In tracing the evolution of Ghana’s foreign policy under Nkrumah, two main cases are examined — Ghana’s peacekeeping engagement in the 1960–1964 Congo mission and the creation of a continental bloc, the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) in 1963. Norm entrepreneurship theory provides new insight into Nkrumah’s attempts to reinforce, articulate, and communicate his vision of Pan-Africanism. Buoyed by his success post-Ghana’s independence, Nkrumah continued to present himself as a crucial vehicle for protecting Africa’s political and economic independence. The concept of Pan-Africanism was vital in assisting Nkrumah articulate and champion Ghana’s path to achieve independence. It served to establish his leadership and his political networks. However, his devotion to the promotion of the Pan-African norm during his Presidency compromised his foreign policy choices and decisions; it was also paradoxical in view of the increasingly authoritarian leadership style he adopted in Ghana. This thesis presents the complexity of post-independence foreign policy decision making and the influence of the post-colonial narrative. Leaders such as Nkrumah considered themselves as the redeemers of Africa’s political and economic vulnerability from its colonial experiences. This thesis finds that, in contrast to the positive experience associated with his independence movement for Ghana, Nkrumah could not build the same kind of vision, engagement, and networks necessary for successful promotion of a Pan-African region. Despite Nkrumah’s own foreign policy failures in the Congo and OAU’s formation, as well as his sudden departure after a military coup, Nkrumah’s Pan-African vision is still promoted as an important foreign policy legacy by Ghana’s politicians, public servants, military, and academics. I argue that this legacy endures because the independent, post-colonial narrative matters as much as the promotion of geopolitical and material interests. The struggle for independence and the right to independent self-determination was not just a geopolitical fight; it was a deeply personal one in the case of Nkrumah and the Ghanaian population.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Govt & Int Relations
Griffith Business School
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Fuller, Harcourt. "Building a nation : symbolic nationalism during the Kwame Nkrumah era in the Gold Coast/Ghana." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2379/.

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"Many of my people cannot read or write. They've got to be shown that they are now really independent. And they can only be shown by signs. When they buy stamps they will see my picture - an African like themselves-and they will say "Aiee ... look here is our leader on the stamps, we are truly a free people" (Kwame Nkrumah, 'Why the Queen's head is coming off our coins,' Daily Sketch, 20th' June 1957,12). For almost two decades (1951 - 1966), Kwame Nkrumah was the major nationalist leader in the Gold Coast/Ghana and the living personification of the Ghanaian nation-state. In this thesis I analyse the dynamics of how Nkrumah attempted to construct a homogenous national identity for Ghana, the first country in Sub- Saharan Africa to gain independence from a European imperial power. His nation- building strategies encompassed the propagandistic use of political iconography, expressed through what I call "symbols of nationhood," including money, postage stamps, monuments, museums, dress, non-verbal maxims (Adinkra symbols), the national anthem, emblems, and both national and party flags. The premiership of the self-proclaimed Civitatis Ghaniensis Conditor - Founder of the State of Ghana -was also characterized by the 'cult of personality' where he branded the nation with his image by personalizing these public symbols of nationhood. Despite these efforts, much of his nation-building projects became quite contentious and contradictory within the country and with foreign nations. They were consistently countered by alternative historical narratives and competing symbolisms from the departing British colonial officials (from whom he inherited much of these symbolisms), as well as traditional leaders, opposition parties, the military, merchants and intellectuals in Ghana. Since the 1966 coup that toppled him, many of the symbols of nationhood that Nkrumah constructed have been debated, demolished, reconsidered and reengineered by successive governments to rewrite the Ghanaian historical narrative and the legacy of Nkrumah himself. The examination of symbols of nationhood has largely been neglected in the literature on anti-colonial nationalism. The thesis is based on archival research conducted in the Public Record Office, the British Museum, the British Library, the British Postal Museum and Archive, the National Archives of Ghana, the Ghana Post Archives, and the John F. Kennedy Presidential Library & Museum (USA).
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Yoda, Lalbila. "Les fondements du discours politique de Kwame Nkrumah à l'heure des indépendances en Afrique anglophone." Montpellier 3, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1988MON30022.

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La pensee politique de nkrumah est a placer dans le contexte colonial. Reaction a celui-ci, elle porte un jugement negatif sur toute entreprise coloniale parce qu'elle ne serait qu'une exploitation des peuples colonises. Pour pouvoir se developper pleinement, le colonise devrait se liberer du joug colonial. A cet effet nkrumah a concu le consciencisme philosophique, qui est une synthese des valeurs etrangeres, notamment islamiques et europeennes, qui ont influence l'afrique, et des valeurs africaines. Le consciencisme philosophique serait l'arme veritable pour la decolonisation. Mais le developpement ne peut se faire, aux yeux de nkrumah, sans l'unite nationale et continentale et sans l'adoption du socialisme scientifique. Celui-ci passe, d'abord, par la "democratie parlementaire" : la decision par le peuple de la forme de gouvernement qu'il desire par voie referendaire. Toute la theorie de nkrumah, profondement influencee par le marxisme leninisme et la revolution sovietique, reste inadaptee, meme si elle comporte des elements positifs tels que la justice sociale. L'actualite de sa pensee reside dans le fait que, les solutions qu'elle proposait aux problemes africains que l'on peut
Nkrumah's political thought has for setting the colonial context which it exposes. It passes a negative judgement on any colonial enterprise which is seen as a mere exploitation of the colonised people. In order to achieve full development a colonised people must get rid of colonial bondage first. According to nkrumah's philisophical consciencism, which is a synthesis between the foreign values (mainly islamic and european), which influenced africa, and the african ones, is the very weapon for decolonisation. Development, he further claims, can only be envisaged through national and continental unity under the guide of scientific socialism. The first step towards scientific socialism is the supremacy of the people through "parliamentary democracy" : a system based on a constitution approved by the entire people in a national referendum. Nkrumah's theory, strongly influenced by the marxist-leninist thought does not seem to suit the african realities despite some positive elements such as social justice. If his thought is still valid today in ghana as well as in the rest of africa it is because the problems he seeked to solve are still the lot of the continent
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van, der Valk Adrienne. "Black power, red limits : Kwame Nkrumah and American Cold War responses to Black empowerment struggles /." Connect to title online (Scholars' Bank), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/8690.

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Yoda, Lalbila. "Les Fondements du discours politique de Kwame Nkrumah à l'heure des indépendances en Afrique anglophone." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1989. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37619304z.

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Valk, Adrienne van der 1975. "Black Power, Red Limits: Kwame Nkrumah and American Cold War Responses to Black Empowerment Struggles." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/8690.

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ix, 90 p. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.
Scholars of American history have chronicled ways in which federal level response to the Civil Rights Movement in the United States was influenced by the ideological and strategic conflict between Western and Soviet Bloc countries. This thesis explores the hypothesis that the same Cold War dynamics shown to shape domestic policy toward black liberation were also influential in shaping foreign policy decisions regarding U.S. relations with recently decolonized African countries. To be more specific, the United States was under pressure to demonstrate an agenda of freedom and equality on the world stage, but its tolerance of independent black action was stringently limited when such action included sympathetic association with "radical" factions. The case of the Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations' relationship with the popular and highly visible leader Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana during the time of the Congo crisis is the primary case used in the exploration of this hypothesis.
Adviser: Joseph Lowndes
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Boyer, Antoine de. "Un laboratoire pour la Révolution africaine : le Ghana de Nkrumah et l'espace franco-africain (1945-1966)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA01H063.

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A la suite du Congrès panafricain de Manchester (octobre 1945), puis de son indépendance en mars 1957, le Ghana a été jusqu'en 1966 le centre de dynamiques transnationales trouvant leur origine dans la transformation sociale et politique de l'espace franco-africain. Considérant que l'indépendance du Ghana était liée à la libération totale du continent africain, Kwame Nkrumah a travaillé à construire la jeune nation africaine en tant que porte-drapeau du panafricanisme et embryon d'une union d'États africains indépendants et affranchis des cadres hérités de la période coloniale. C'est dans ce but qu'il a tissé un réseau d'alliances politiques et accueilli nombre de militants et intellectuels francophones qui ont contribué à nourrir une réflexion sur la transformation des empires, le panafricanisme, le néo-colonialisme, la lutte armée et la Révolution africaine. La construction d'un appareil de propagande à même de produire et de diffuser un imaginaire panafricain mobilisateur tant à l'intérieur qu'à l'extérieur du pays a été l'une des principales réalisations de l'époque. Dans le même temps, de grandes difficultés ont été rencontrées dans l'organisation politique des populations migrantes originaires de l’espace franco-africain et résidant au Ghana. Devenu un carrefour de la Révolution africaine, le Ghana a été progressivement amené à devenir un laboratoire où se discutaient et se construisaient une praxis et une idéologie reposant sur l'analyse des conditions politiques issues des indépendances africaines. La jeune nation a ainsi offert un lieu favorable à l'observation et l'étude du croisement des dynamiques qui ont traversé les anciens empires britannique et français
Following the Pan-African Congress in Manchester in October 1945 and then its independence in March 1957, until 1966, Ghana became the center of transnational dynamics, which had their roots in the social and political transformation of French Africa. Convinced that the independence of Ghana was linked to the total liberation of the African continent, Kwame Nkrumah worked towards building this young African nation as a standard bearer of Pan-Africanism and as the nucleus of a union of independent African States, which would be freed from the structures inherited from the colonial period. To this end, Ghana formed a number of political alliances, and provided shelter and work for many francophone militants and intellectuals who, in turn, contributed to the reflex ions on the transformation of empires, Pan-Africanism, neo-colonialism, armed struggle and the African Revolution. The establishment of a propaganda machine able to produce and to widen a Pan-African imagined community in order to mobilise inside as well as outside Ghana was one of the main realizations of the period. Meanwhile, there were great difficulties regarding the political organization of the migrant populations coming from French Africa and living in Ghana. As a crossroads of the African Revolution, Ghana was progressively pushed to become a testing ground where a praxis and an ideology based upon an analysis of the political conditions coming from the newly independent African states were being discussed and built. The young nation proved to be a place where the intersection of the dynamics, which crossed both the former French and British empires, can be observed and studied
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MEDEIROS, ANA CAROLINA CAVALCANTI DE. "RIGHT OF SELF-DETERMINATION IN THE WORK OF KWAME NKRUMAH IN THE DECADES OF 1940 AND 1960." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2017. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=32293@1.

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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
CONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
Esse trabalho visa compreender como a ideia de direito de autodeterminação foi mobilizada nas obras de Kwame Nkrumah, entre as décadas de 1940 e 1960. Considera-se que o autor fez uso de uma linguagem de direitos disponível ao longo do século XX e, ao priorizar a noção de direito de autodeterminação, conferiu a essa um sentido específico de crítica à colonização e reivindicação de independência para o continente africano. Problematiza-se os significados atribuídos por Nkrumah ao direito de autodeterminação a partir da consideração que essa linguagem de direitos estava em circulação e fora mobilizada por outros grupos pan-africanos e organizações internacionais como a ONU. Nesse sentido, também são analisados a Declaration to the Negro peoples of the World, as Resoluções Finais do Congresso de Manchester, as Resoluções Finais da Conferência de Bandung, a Declaração de Concessão de Independência para os países e povos Coloniais, o Pacto Internacional de Direitos Civis e Políticos e o Pacto Internacional de Direitos Econômicos, Sociais e Culturais.
This work seeks to understand how the idea of right of self-determination was mobilized in the works of Kwame Nkrumah, between the decades of 1940 and 1960. It is acknowledge that this author made use of a language of rights available through the twentieth century and prioritized the notion of self-determination to criticize the colonization and to claim independence for the African continent. The meanings attributed to the notion of self-determination by Nkrumah are discussed considering that this language of rights were in circulation and had been mobilized by other pan-African groups and international organizations such as UN. So, during this work, it is also analyzed the documents: Declaration to the Negro peoples of the World, Final Resolutions of Congress of Manchester, Final Communiqué of Afro-Asian Conference of Bandung, International Convention on civil and political rights, International Convention on economic, social and cultural rights.
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Books on the topic "Kwame Nkrumah"

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Kwame Nkrumah. Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1987.

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Kwame Nkrumah. New York: Chelsea House, 1987.

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Smertin, Yuri. Kwame Nkrumah. New York: International Publishers, 1987.

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Adeleke, Dapo. The legend: Kwame Nkrumah. Ikeja, Lagos, Nigeria: Lantern Books, 2008.

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Budu-Acquah, K. Kwame Nkrumah: The visionary. Accra, Ghana: Service and Method Agency, 1992.

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Maillu, David G. Kwame Nkrumah: Passionate pan-Africanist. Nairobi: Sasa Sema Publications, 2007.

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Kwame Nkrumah: Vision and tragedy. 2nd ed. Accra, Ghana: Sub-Saharan Publishers, 2007.

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Landmarks of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah. Accra, Ghana: D. Busumtwi-Sam, 2001.

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Rahman, Ahmad A. The Regime Change of Kwame Nkrumah. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230603486.

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Amissah, G. McLean. Picture story of Kwame Nkrumah and Ghana. Cape Coast: Germain Publications, 1993.

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Book chapters on the topic "Kwame Nkrumah"

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Smulewicz-Zucker, Gregory R. "Nkrumah, Kwame (1909–1972)." In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism, 1–8. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-91206-6_320-1.

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Smulewicz-Zucker, Gregory R. "Nkrumah, Kwame (1909–1972)." In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism, 2077–84. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-29901-9_320.

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Addo, Ebenezer Obiri. "Political Ethics of Kwame Nkrumah." In The Palgrave Handbook of African Social Ethics, 247–56. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-36490-8_15.

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Schwab, Peter. "Kwame Nkrumah: Ghana’s Nationalist Icon." In Designing West Africa, 99–115. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403978769_6.

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Fuller, Harcourt. "The Downfall of Kwame Nkrumah." In Building the Ghanaian Nation-State, 149–62. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137448583_9.

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Biney, Ama. "Nkrumah in Retrospect." In The Political and Social Thought of Kwame Nkrumah, 173–91. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230118645_11.

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Emiljanowicz, Paul. "From Karl Marx to Kwame Nkrumah." In Marxism and Decolonization in the 21st Century, 68–88. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003148302-5.

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Biney, Ama. "The Discourse on Nkrumah." In The Political and Social Thought of Kwame Nkrumah, 1–9. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230118645_1.

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Biney, Ama. "Nkrumah in Exile, 1966–1972." In The Political and Social Thought of Kwame Nkrumah, 155–72. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230118645_10.

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Tinker, Hugh. "Kwame Nkrumah: The Pursuit of Black Unity." In Men Who Overturned Empires, 181–207. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-09035-8_8.

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Conference papers on the topic "Kwame Nkrumah"

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Mileji, Pauline. "E-Learning amidst Covid-19 for the Visually Impaired Students at Kwame Nkrumah University – Kabwe, Zambia: Absolute or a Discriminatory Outlook." In Tenth Pan-Commonwealth Forum on Open Learning. Commonwealth of Learning, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56059/pcf10.1250.

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The main purpose of this study was to assess e-learning amidst Covid-19 for the visually impaired students at Kwame Nkrumah University. The population for the study involved a total number of thirty-five students from Kwame Nkrumah University who provided complete information regarding the survey. A physical and an online survey were conducted on different social platforms like student WhatsApp groups and Zoom from 10th May to 8 July 2021 to collect data. This research took a qualitative approach. Data was analysed using thematic analysis. Interview guide and unstructured questionnaires were used to collect data. The main findings were that during the quarantine period, around 5% of visually impaired learners were involved in e-learning. Most of the learners used android mobile for attending e-learning lessons. Further, the study revealed that students were facing various problems relating to failure to pay 50% of the fees as a condition to access online e-learning lectures, not having smart phones which have voice prompts or better still smart phones specifically for the visually impaired persons, poor internet connectivity and unfavorable study environment at home. Students from remote areas of Zambia and those with completely no gadgets were the most affected in terms of accessibility to the e-learning platform. As a result of the many challenges the visually impaired students are still facing during this period of e-learning amid covid19, this study recommends to Kwame Nkrumah University management to devise a flexible education system that will be inclusive in terms of accessibility and will enforce the skill for employability and productivity.
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Boateng, Maxwell Akwasi, Francis Kwabena Oduro-Gyimah, and Daniel Kuyoli Ngala. "Bivariate Copula Modeling of Electricity Load, Case Study of Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology." In 2019 International Conference on Computing, Computational Modelling and Applications (ICCMA). IEEE, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/iccma.2019.00010.

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Odame, Owiredu Emmanuel, and Atinuke O. Adebanji. "Reimagining online statistical education for accelerated teaching and learning; a perspective from West Africa." In IASE 2021 Satellite Conference: Statistics Education in the Era of Data Science. International Association for Statistical Education, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.52041/iase.cvino.

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Electronic learning (e-learning) swiftly became the essential mode of teaching during the COVID-19 pandemic. Higher Education Institutions had to immediately migrate all in-person classes online. This posed some learning challenges to a lot of students especially those residing in more remote locations with inadequate online learning devices and poor internet facilities This study documents the online learning experiences of some undergraduate Statistics and Actuarial Science students from Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, Ghana, during COVID-19 lockdown. The responses revealed that majority (42.2%) of the students’ preferred in-person learning, some preferred online (18.6%), and hybrid method (39%). Internet access was through MTN (60%), Vodafone (24%) and Airteltigo (14%). Multinomial logistic regression analysis was employed to identify determining factors for student preferred mode of teaching and results showed internet service provider, place of residence, gender and program of study as significant.
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