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Biney, Ama Barbara. "Kwame Nkrumah : an intellectual biography." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2007. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/28819/.
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Kwame Nkrumah remains a towering figure in African history. Inspired by Mahatma Gandhi's non-violent campaign of civil disobedience to achieve political ends, he led present-day Ghana to independence in 1957. Nkrumah made Ghana a beacon of hope for not only Ghanaians but also people of African descent throughout the world. Perhaps no other African leader of the 1950s and 1960s personified the dreams, principles and aspirations of this era. At the centre of my analysis of Nkrumah's political, social and economic thought will be his own writings. I begin my re-examination of Nkrumah's life and thought by focusing on the political discourse and controversies surrounding him. The focus of Chapter 1 is his sojourn in America, where he pursued his academic studies. Chapter 2 examines his period of political activism in London between 1945 to 1947 under the ideological guidance of George Padmore. This prepared him for the leadership of the new political party he founded, the Convention People's Party, following his return to the Gold Coast in 1947. In Chapter 3,1 focus on Nkrumah's political performance, his relationship with the British colonial authorities in the period 1951 to 1957. Chapter 4 scrutinises his position on the federalist argument presented by his political enemy, the National Liberation Movement. Chapter 5 looks at politics in the post-independence period whilst Nkrumah's economic and cultural policies are the focus of Chapter 6. While in office, Nkrumah documented his thought in several publications, which will be examined in Chapter 7. His foreign policy aimed at furthering African unity will be critically assessed via the various institutional mechanisms he set up to achieve this objective in Chapter 8. After the coup, which deposed him in February 1966, Nkrumah continued to develop his political and economic convictions and this is the focus of Chapter 9. The final chapter considers Nkrumah's legacy in Ghana and on the wider Pan-African stage in contemporary Africa.
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Opoku, Mensah Eric. "The rhetoric of Kwame Nkrumah: analysis of his political speeches." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/9290.
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Includes bibliographical references.The study focuses on an examination of the political speeches of Kwame Nkrumah. The primary data of the study comprises audio-recorded and five volumes of selected published speeches of Nkrumah. Beyond these sources, the study explores the historical, political, and diplomatic circumstances which gave birth to Nkrumah's rhetorical inventions. In terms of the theoretical framework, the study applied three main correlative approaches: Aristotle (2007) on Levels of Proofs and Rhetorical Regimes, Perelman and Olbrechts-Tyteca (1969) on Argument and Lloyd Bitzer on Situation (1968).Six major speeches were chosen for the study. They were selected chronologically ranging from 1950 to 1964. They were analyzed, applying the vertical and horizontal rhetorical structures. The study sought to find out the rhetorical strategies and tools, which Nkrumah employed in his political speeches. The study revealed that as part of his logical strategy, Nkrumah regularly employed logical association. With this tool, Nkrumah associates two entities either positively or negatively for the purpose of achieving good or bad publicity for a giving entity. The finding demonstrates that Nkrumah employed negative association in his political speeches to tag his Ghanaian and Western political adversaries to engender negative image for them whilst he used positive association to enhance his ethos. The study also showed that Nkrumah employed the argument of inclusion of the part in the whole. This argument becomes central to the subject of Africa's unity as Nkrumah argues for continental unity in Addis Ababa. In this argument, the importance of Africa is brought to the fore whilst minimizing the focus on individual states. Thus, through his argumentation, Nkrumah deepens the continental discussion which seeks to project the debate on Africa's freedom. The study also demonstrated that Nkrumah repeatedly applies symbolism as a strategic means of establishing his ethos as well as creating solidarity with his audience. The study further established that Nkrumah employs the collective memory of his audience to create pathos in his address. Lastly, the study showed that Nkrumah repeatedly used his messages to address composite audiences both immediate and remote.
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Asante, Charles. "Ghana's Foreign Policy Post-Independence: A study of Kwame Nkrumah's Pan-Africanism." Thesis, Griffith University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/385870.
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This thesis employs the norm entrepreneurship approach to explore Ghana’s foreign policy during the
post-independence era, with a particular focus on the country’s first President Kwame Nkrumah’s
policy of Pan-Africanism. Pan-Africanism may be defined as the idea of protecting Africa’s selfdetermination,
and promoting a sense of consciousness and group solidarity amongst people of African
origin. This thesis critically examines Nkrumah’s leadership in the post-independence period, and the
way in which his Pan-African ideal and legacy has continued to influence Ghana’s foreign policy
engagement in the African region.
In tracing the evolution of Ghana’s foreign policy under Nkrumah, two main cases are
examined — Ghana’s peacekeeping engagement in the 1960–1964 Congo mission and the creation of
a continental bloc, the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) in 1963. Norm entrepreneurship theory
provides new insight into Nkrumah’s attempts to reinforce, articulate, and communicate his vision of
Pan-Africanism. Buoyed by his success post-Ghana’s independence, Nkrumah continued to present
himself as a crucial vehicle for protecting Africa’s political and economic independence.
The concept of Pan-Africanism was vital in assisting Nkrumah articulate and champion
Ghana’s path to achieve independence. It served to establish his leadership and his political networks.
However, his devotion to the promotion of the Pan-African norm during his Presidency compromised
his foreign policy choices and decisions; it was also paradoxical in view of the increasingly authoritarian
leadership style he adopted in Ghana.
This thesis presents the complexity of post-independence foreign policy decision making and
the influence of the post-colonial narrative. Leaders such as Nkrumah considered themselves as the
redeemers of Africa’s political and economic vulnerability from its colonial experiences. This thesis
finds that, in contrast to the positive experience associated with his independence movement for Ghana,
Nkrumah could not build the same kind of vision, engagement, and networks necessary for successful
promotion of a Pan-African region. Despite Nkrumah’s own foreign policy failures in the Congo and
OAU’s formation, as well as his sudden departure after a military coup, Nkrumah’s Pan-African vision
is still promoted as an important foreign policy legacy by Ghana’s politicians, public servants, military,
and academics. I argue that this legacy endures because the independent, post-colonial narrative matters
as much as the promotion of geopolitical and material interests. The struggle for independence and the
right to independent self-determination was not just a geopolitical fight; it was a deeply personal one in the case of Nkrumah and the Ghanaian population.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Govt & Int Relations
Griffith Business School
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Fuller, Harcourt. "Building a nation : symbolic nationalism during the Kwame Nkrumah era in the Gold Coast/Ghana." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2379/.
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"Many of my people cannot read or write. They've got to be shown that they are now really independent. And they can only be shown by signs. When they buy stamps they will see my picture - an African like themselves-and they will say "Aiee ... look here is our leader on the stamps, we are truly a free people" (Kwame Nkrumah, 'Why the Queen's head is coming off our coins,' Daily Sketch, 20th' June 1957,12). For almost two decades (1951 - 1966), Kwame Nkrumah was the major nationalist leader in the Gold Coast/Ghana and the living personification of the Ghanaian nation-state. In this thesis I analyse the dynamics of how Nkrumah attempted to construct a homogenous national identity for Ghana, the first country in Sub- Saharan Africa to gain independence from a European imperial power. His nation- building strategies encompassed the propagandistic use of political iconography, expressed through what I call "symbols of nationhood," including money, postage stamps, monuments, museums, dress, non-verbal maxims (Adinkra symbols), the national anthem, emblems, and both national and party flags. The premiership of the self-proclaimed Civitatis Ghaniensis Conditor - Founder of the State of Ghana -was also characterized by the 'cult of personality' where he branded the nation with his image by personalizing these public symbols of nationhood. Despite these efforts, much of his nation-building projects became quite contentious and contradictory within the country and with foreign nations. They were consistently countered by alternative historical narratives and competing symbolisms from the departing British colonial officials (from whom he inherited much of these symbolisms), as well as traditional leaders, opposition parties, the military, merchants and intellectuals in Ghana. Since the 1966 coup that toppled him, many of the symbols of nationhood that Nkrumah constructed have been debated, demolished, reconsidered and reengineered by successive governments to rewrite the Ghanaian historical narrative and the legacy of Nkrumah himself. The examination of symbols of nationhood has largely been neglected in the literature on anti-colonial nationalism. The thesis is based on archival research conducted in the Public Record Office, the British Museum, the British Library, the British Postal Museum and Archive, the National Archives of Ghana, the Ghana Post Archives, and the John F. Kennedy Presidential Library & Museum (USA).
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Yoda, Lalbila. "Les fondements du discours politique de Kwame Nkrumah à l'heure des indépendances en Afrique anglophone." Montpellier 3, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1988MON30022.
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La pensee politique de nkrumah est a placer dans le contexte colonial. Reaction a celui-ci, elle porte un jugement negatif sur toute entreprise coloniale parce qu'elle ne serait qu'une exploitation des peuples colonises. Pour pouvoir se developper pleinement, le colonise devrait se liberer du joug colonial. A cet effet nkrumah a concu le consciencisme philosophique, qui est une synthese des valeurs etrangeres, notamment islamiques et europeennes, qui ont influence l'afrique, et des valeurs africaines. Le consciencisme philosophique serait l'arme veritable pour la decolonisation. Mais le developpement ne peut se faire, aux yeux de nkrumah, sans l'unite nationale et continentale et sans l'adoption du socialisme scientifique. Celui-ci passe, d'abord, par la "democratie parlementaire" : la decision par le peuple de la forme de gouvernement qu'il desire par voie referendaire. Toute la theorie de nkrumah, profondement influencee par le marxisme leninisme et la revolution sovietique, reste inadaptee, meme si elle comporte des elements positifs tels que la justice sociale. L'actualite de sa pensee reside dans le fait que, les solutions qu'elle proposait aux problemes africains que l'on peutNkrumah's political thought has for setting the colonial context which it exposes. It passes a negative judgement on any colonial enterprise which is seen as a mere exploitation of the colonised people. In order to achieve full development a colonised people must get rid of colonial bondage first. According to nkrumah's philisophical consciencism, which is a synthesis between the foreign values (mainly islamic and european), which influenced africa, and the african ones, is the very weapon for decolonisation. Development, he further claims, can only be envisaged through national and continental unity under the guide of scientific socialism. The first step towards scientific socialism is the supremacy of the people through "parliamentary democracy" : a system based on a constitution approved by the entire people in a national referendum. Nkrumah's theory, strongly influenced by the marxist-leninist thought does not seem to suit the african realities despite some positive elements such as social justice. If his thought is still valid today in ghana as well as in the rest of africa it is because the problems he seeked to solve are still the lot of the continent
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van, der Valk Adrienne. "Black power, red limits : Kwame Nkrumah and American Cold War responses to Black empowerment struggles /." Connect to title online (Scholars' Bank), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/8690.
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Yoda, Lalbila. "Les Fondements du discours politique de Kwame Nkrumah à l'heure des indépendances en Afrique anglophone." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1989. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37619304z.
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Valk, Adrienne van der 1975. "Black Power, Red Limits: Kwame Nkrumah and American Cold War Responses to Black Empowerment Struggles." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/8690.
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ix, 90 p. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.Scholars of American history have chronicled ways in which federal level response to the Civil Rights Movement in the United States was influenced by the ideological and strategic conflict between Western and Soviet Bloc countries. This thesis explores the hypothesis that the same Cold War dynamics shown to shape domestic policy toward black liberation were also influential in shaping foreign policy decisions regarding U.S. relations with recently decolonized African countries. To be more specific, the United States was under pressure to demonstrate an agenda of freedom and equality on the world stage, but its tolerance of independent black action was stringently limited when such action included sympathetic association with "radical" factions. The case of the Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations' relationship with the popular and highly visible leader Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana during the time of the Congo crisis is the primary case used in the exploration of this hypothesis.
Adviser: Joseph Lowndes
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Boyer, Antoine de. "Un laboratoire pour la Révolution africaine : le Ghana de Nkrumah et l'espace franco-africain (1945-1966)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA01H063.
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A la suite du Congrès panafricain de Manchester (octobre 1945), puis de son indépendance en mars 1957, le Ghana a été jusqu'en 1966 le centre de dynamiques transnationales trouvant leur origine dans la transformation sociale et politique de l'espace franco-africain. Considérant que l'indépendance du Ghana était liée à la libération totale du continent africain, Kwame Nkrumah a travaillé à construire la jeune nation africaine en tant que porte-drapeau du panafricanisme et embryon d'une union d'États africains indépendants et affranchis des cadres hérités de la période coloniale. C'est dans ce but qu'il a tissé un réseau d'alliances politiques et accueilli nombre de militants et intellectuels francophones qui ont contribué à nourrir une réflexion sur la transformation des empires, le panafricanisme, le néo-colonialisme, la lutte armée et la Révolution africaine. La construction d'un appareil de propagande à même de produire et de diffuser un imaginaire panafricain mobilisateur tant à l'intérieur qu'à l'extérieur du pays a été l'une des principales réalisations de l'époque. Dans le même temps, de grandes difficultés ont été rencontrées dans l'organisation politique des populations migrantes originaires de l’espace franco-africain et résidant au Ghana. Devenu un carrefour de la Révolution africaine, le Ghana a été progressivement amené à devenir un laboratoire où se discutaient et se construisaient une praxis et une idéologie reposant sur l'analyse des conditions politiques issues des indépendances africaines. La jeune nation a ainsi offert un lieu favorable à l'observation et l'étude du croisement des dynamiques qui ont traversé les anciens empires britannique et françaisFollowing the Pan-African Congress in Manchester in October 1945 and then its independence in March 1957, until 1966, Ghana became the center of transnational dynamics, which had their roots in the social and political transformation of French Africa. Convinced that the independence of Ghana was linked to the total liberation of the African continent, Kwame Nkrumah worked towards building this young African nation as a standard bearer of Pan-Africanism and as the nucleus of a union of independent African States, which would be freed from the structures inherited from the colonial period. To this end, Ghana formed a number of political alliances, and provided shelter and work for many francophone militants and intellectuals who, in turn, contributed to the reflex ions on the transformation of empires, Pan-Africanism, neo-colonialism, armed struggle and the African Revolution. The establishment of a propaganda machine able to produce and to widen a Pan-African imagined community in order to mobilise inside as well as outside Ghana was one of the main realizations of the period. Meanwhile, there were great difficulties regarding the political organization of the migrant populations coming from French Africa and living in Ghana. As a crossroads of the African Revolution, Ghana was progressively pushed to become a testing ground where a praxis and an ideology based upon an analysis of the political conditions coming from the newly independent African states were being discussed and built. The young nation proved to be a place where the intersection of the dynamics, which crossed both the former French and British empires, can be observed and studied
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MEDEIROS, ANA CAROLINA CAVALCANTI DE. "RIGHT OF SELF-DETERMINATION IN THE WORK OF KWAME NKRUMAH IN THE DECADES OF 1940 AND 1960." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2017. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=32293@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
Esse trabalho visa compreender como a ideia de direito de autodeterminação foi mobilizada nas obras de Kwame Nkrumah, entre as décadas de 1940 e 1960. Considera-se que o autor fez uso de uma linguagem de direitos disponível ao longo do século XX e, ao priorizar a noção de direito de autodeterminação, conferiu a essa um sentido específico de crítica à colonização e reivindicação de independência para o continente africano. Problematiza-se os significados atribuídos por Nkrumah ao direito de autodeterminação a partir da consideração que essa linguagem de direitos estava em circulação e fora mobilizada por outros grupos pan-africanos e organizações internacionais como a ONU. Nesse sentido, também são analisados a Declaration to the Negro peoples of the World, as Resoluções Finais do Congresso de Manchester, as Resoluções Finais da Conferência de Bandung, a Declaração de Concessão de Independência para os países e povos Coloniais, o Pacto Internacional de Direitos Civis e Políticos e o Pacto Internacional de Direitos Econômicos, Sociais e Culturais.
This work seeks to understand how the idea of right of self-determination was mobilized in the works of Kwame Nkrumah, between the decades of 1940 and 1960. It is acknowledge that this author made use of a language of rights available through the twentieth century and prioritized the notion of self-determination to criticize the colonization and to claim independence for the African continent. The meanings attributed to the notion of self-determination by Nkrumah are discussed considering that this language of rights were in circulation and had been mobilized by other pan-African groups and international organizations such as UN. So, during this work, it is also analyzed the documents: Declaration to the Negro peoples of the World, Final Resolutions of Congress of Manchester, Final Communiqué of Afro-Asian Conference of Bandung, International Convention on civil and political rights, International Convention on economic, social and cultural rights.
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Häussler, Karl-Peter. "Leadership in Africa: A hermeneutic dialogue with Kwame Nkrumah and Julius Nyerere on equality and human development." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/27337.
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This study deals with leadership and 'humanness' and compares the perceptions of human equality of two outstanding African leaders, 'fathers of their nations', Kwame Nkrumah, first president of Ghana, and Julius Nyerere, first president of Tanganyika, later Tanzania. Leadership is a key issue for political, economic and social development in Africa and worldwide. This is especially true in times of financial and economic globalisation that affects people in poor African countries significantly. Half a century after the independence of most countries on the continent, poverty is the daily experience of the majority of Africa's people. Public criticism about the present political leadership and their 'delivery' of goods and services to the people is widespread and profound. This problem prompted me to study the leadership experiences of Nkrumah and Nyerere. The overall goal of this research is to better understand Nkrumah and Nyerere as leaders in Africa. Therefore, my study has two research questions: what are their perceptions on equality and human development - and what is their historical and contemporary relevance, in times of human rights violations and increasing inequalities. The methodological choice is critical hermeneutics (Gadamer 1990, 2013; Ricoeur 1991b; Habermas 1992b, 1996), which allows a multi-cultural historical and contemporary dialogue with Nkrumah and Nyerere through their text. Hermeneutics also has relevance in Africa (Oruka 1990; Serequeberhan 1994; Mbembe 2001). I name my method the "triple jump" (Häussler 2009a). The study is a combination of a quantitative and a qualitative method with a hermeneutic conversation. The core-keywords of the dialogues are colonialism, unity, socialism, equality, freedom and development. There are three significant findings that contribute new knowledge to our understanding of Nkrumah and Nyerere as leaders. First, that using the hermeneutic dialogue (my "triple jump") as a holistic and practical model enables a 'better' understanding of Nkrumah and Nyerere. Second, interpreting their perceptions on human equality reveals that both leaders prioritise education as a critical part of human development and achieving equality in society. It also unveils differences in their focus: Nkrumah on de-colonisation and African unity; Nyerere on social and economic self-reliance, and equal rights. Thirdly, the study reveals tensions between their discourses on equality and freedom and their personal capacity to deal with power, opposition, human rights and idealism. My study concludes with recommendations for the development of ethical leadership and for personal support for leaders in office.
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Laronce, Cécile. "L'influence de Nkrumah dans la politique étrangère américaine : les États-Unis découvrent l'Afrique, 1945-1966." Paris 1, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA010549.
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En 1957, au moment où s'amorce le grand mouvement d'indépendance en Afrique subsaharienne, l’Afrique demeure une entité mystérieuse pour le gouvernement américain. Pourtant un intérêt profond pour ce continent existe déjà dans différents milieux américains. Cet intérêt coexiste avec la présence de leaders nationalistes africains venus faire leurs études aux États-Unis dans les années 1930. C'est le cas de Kwame Nkrumah, né en 1909 en gold coast, une colonie britannique d’Afrique de l'ouest. Nkrumah parfait sa formation dans les universités américaines, prend une place importante dans le mouvement de libération africaine, et devient ainsi une figure politique de premier ordre lors de son retour en gold coast en 1947. Grace à son expérience, Nkrumah conduit son pays à l'indépendance le 6 mars 1957. A cette date, le Ghana, ancienne gold coast, inaugure le grand mouvement d'indépendance en Afrique subsaharienne. En s'intéressant à l'émergence du nouvel état africain, les officiels américains prennent conscience de l'existence d'un lien entre l'Amérique et l’Afrique. À partir de ces constatations, républicains et démocrates mettent tour à tour en œuvre une stratégie d'approche à l'égard du continent africain, d'autant plus motivée par la course aux alliances que nécessité la guerre froide. Mais très vite, le gouvernement américain est partage entre le fait de ménager les alliés européens dans la lutte contre le communisme, et le désir de nouer des alliances au-delà de l’Europe, étant donné la participation de nouveaux états à l’ONU. Finalement quelle que soit l'administration au pouvoir, l'approche du continent africain par les américains reste marquée par l'incertitude. Son aboutissement parfois dramatique concourt néanmoins à la reconnaissance de liens légitimes entre l'Amériques et l’Afrique subsaharienneWhen independence reached sub-saharan Africa in 1957, this continent was still a mysterious entity for the american government. A fiew american missionary bodies and scholars had been interested in africa since the united states began. Since the 1930s, a small number of African scholars have migrated to the united states. One of them was kwame nkrumah. He was born in 1909 in gold coast, a british colony. Nkrumah got degrees from american universities, gained positions in the African liberation movement and assumed positions of leadership in his country on his return. The emergence in march 1957 of the new african state called ghana -the former gold coast- stimulated interest in numerous american officials and acquainted them with new problems and new countries spurred on by Afro-Americans. As a result, republicans and democrats found themselves increasingly committed to supporting african independence. But the united states was handicapped to some degree by the european suspicion about american involvement in new african states. The american government must proceed cautiously in africa seeking to dispel suspicion that it may be planning to establish spheres of influence and new monopolies and must seek to resolve the conflict between its desire to foster self-determination and self-government and that of maintaining its close relations with the nations that have joined it in the western european defense arrangements. For the american administration the emergence of africa remains a source of hope, skepticism, defeat and success sometimes. This significant development encouraged the beginning of solid relations between the United States and Africa
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Yapi, Akué Julien. "Simon Bolivar, Kwane Nkrumah et la problématique contemporaine de l'unité continentale des pays latino-américains et africains." Limoges, 2009. http://aurore.unilim.fr/theses/nxfile/default/9b38fcbf-0f13-4904-b249-c20f0ea67d66/blobholder:0/2009LIMO2002.pdf.
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L'idée d'Unité comme projet particulier s'intégrant dans un projet global qui est aujourd'hui l'alter-monde fascine les Latino-américains et les Africains au point de susciter des rassemblements qui occultent les différences et les différends. Si la relance de l'idée via la création d'organismes d'intégration à caractères économiques ou politiques est la preuve que l'unité est un rêve partagé, une question s'impose et se pose : pourquoi un projet porteur du destin continental a-t-il du mal à se matérialiser ? Au-delà des réponses coutumières, il est convenu dans cette thèse de prendre une mesure des expériences passées notamment celles que Simon Bolivar et Kwame Nkrumah ont tenté de réaliser au cours de la longue lutte de libération et de création des Etats-nations, de celles qui se sont présentées après eux et de celles qui se présentent aujourd'hui. L'analyse de ces expériences nous a permis de voir que la réalisation de l'unité s'est heurtée et continue de se heurter à des facteurs internes et externes à l'Amérique latine et à l'Afrique. Par exemple, l'attachement des Etats à leur souveraineté, le jeu des grandes puissances et surtout, l'échec du choix d'un modèle d'Etat unitaire. Ni le modèle européen, ni le modèle américain n'ont fourni de réponse idéale, les réalités de l'Amérique latine et de l'Afrique étant toutes autres. Cependant, face au défi majeur qu'est la mondialisation, Latino-américains et Africains continuent de rechercher un dénominateur commun qui leur permettrait de se constituer en une entité forte, capable de s'intégrer dans le monde en véritable partenaire du concert des nations.
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Gueye, Marie. "Kwame N'Krumah : le "Gold Coast Convention People's Party" et les rapports avec la Grande-Bretagne. Étude d'une pensée et d'une action." Paris 4, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987PA040423.
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La rencontre entre Nkrumah et la Grande-Bretagne se fit à travers la colonisation britannique en Côte de l'or, son pays d'origine. Après des années d'étude aux États-Unis et en Grande-Bretagne il retourne chez lui en 1947 pour combattre la puissance britannique. En 1949 il fonde le Parti de la convention du peuple, et réclame l'autogestion à la Grande-Bretagne. Après trois années de conflit, il fut nommé "chef des affaires du gouvernement" par l'administration coloniale : ce fut le début de la collaboration entre l'administration britannique et Nkrumah pour diriger le pays. En 1957, la Côte de l'or est proclamée indépendante et baptisée Ghana, mais reste un dominion britannique. En 1961, Nkrumah change de constitution, le Ghana devient une république socialiste, et rejette la politique africaine de la Grande-Bretagne. En 1965, c'est la rupture entre les deux pays ; en 1966, Nkrumah est destitué par des militaires ghanéens ; mais il continue à combattre la Grande-Bretagne à travers ses écritsThe idea of the movement of independence has to be understood in relation to the contact with the British Empire. The first conflict between Nkrumah and Great Britain began in 1947, after his studies when he returned from United States and Britain. In 1945 he launched the Gold Coast convention people's party. After three years of conflict with the British Empire, he was nominated "leader of government business". Then it was the years of compromise with the British Empire. In 1957 the Gold Coast became independent, and called Ghana, a dominion within the commonwealth. In 1961, Nkrumah changes the constitution, and proclames Ghana a socialist republic. From then, up to 1965, he rejects British policy in Africa, as being a capitalist one. In 1966, he was overthrown by the army, but keeps on fighting British power through his works
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White, Esther. "Scholarly communication guidance as a core service of an academic library to doctoral students: A case study of Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology." University of the Western Cape, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6650.
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Philosophiae Doctor - PhDThis study investigated scholarly communication guidance as a core service by the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST), Kumasi, Ghana, academic library to doctoral students, research and scholarly communication needs and skills of doctoral students and effective dissemination of research findings by doctoral students for national development. The study also explored the adoption of a research portal as part of the academic library website for scholarly communication guidance to doctoral students. A case study research design with KNUST as research site, with a mixed method approach was used. Semi-structured interviews, questionnaires, documentary analysis and a bibliometric survey of an institutional repository were employed as data gathering tools. A scholarly communication guidance model based on Costa’s proposed adaption of Garvey and Griffin’s models of scholarly communication, Wilson’s information behaviour model and Bjôrk’s scholarly communication lifecycle model was developed to frame the study.
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Tettey, Lebene Adzo. "L’enseignement et l’apprentissage du Français Langue Etrangère (FLE) / Français sur Objectifs Spécifiques (FOS) à Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST), Ghana : hier, aujourd’hui et demain." Besançon, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009BESA1013.
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Ce travail, qui se veut une contribution à l’amélioration de l’enseignement du français à KNUST, examine l’état actuel des choses dans le département de français de cette université. Il présente tout d’abord l’enseignement et l’apprentissage du FLE dans le système scolaire ghanéen, et à KNUST en particulier. Les repères théoriques concernent la didactique du FLE élaborée par des chercheurs comme Cuq et Gruca, Moirand, Porcher et Tagliante, ainsi que celle du FOS, conçue par des chercheurs tels que Mangiante et Parpette, Challe, Lehmann, Richterich et Roulet. Puis ce travail privilégie une approche communicative avec une perspective actionnelle. Les enquêtes menées auprès des enseignants et des étudiants de KNUST ont servi de point de départ pour étudier les problèmes existants qui empêchent l’enseignement et l’apprentissage du FLE à KNUST d’être aussi efficaces qu’on le souhaiterait. Enfin, ce travail propose une série d’activités comme exemples de ce qui pourrait se faire dans le cadre du FOS à KNUST. Il ressort de cette étude qu’une concentration des efforts en direction du FOS est plus que jamais nécessaire en vue de répondre aux besoins langagiers et aux objectifs des étudiants de françaisThis study which aims at contributing towards the improvement of the teaching and learning of French in KNUST, examines the actual state of affairs in the Department of French of this university. First and foremost, it presents the teaching and learning of French in the Ghanaian school system and in KNUST in particular. The theoretical framework focuses on the didactics of FFL as elaborated by researchers like Cuq and Gruca, Moirand, Porcher and Tagliante as well as on that of FSP as elaborated by researchers like Mangiante and Parpette, Challe, Lehmann, Richterich and Roulet. Then, the study opts for a blend of the communicative and task-based approaches to teaching. Field study carried out among lecturers and students of KNUST served as a basis for studying the existing problems that hinder the effective teaching and learning of French in KNUST. Finally, the study proposes a series of activities as examples of what could be done within FSP in KNUST. This study reveals the necessity of placing emphasis on the teaching of French for specific purposes so as to meet the language needs and objectives of students of French
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Grimm, Kevin E. "Symbol of Modernity: Ghana, African Americans, and the Eisenhower Administration." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1334240469.
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Reed, Milan. "The Human Color: Rooting Black Ideology in Human Rights, a Historical Analysis of a Political Identity." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/103.
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In the 20th century the relationship between African-Americans and Africa grew into a prominent subject in the lives and perspectives of people who claim Africanheritage because almost every facet of American life distinguished people based on skin color. The prevailing discourse of the day said that the way a person looked was deeply to who they were.1 People with dark skin were associated with Africa, and the notion of this connection has survived to this day. Scholars such as Molefi Kete Asante point to cultural retentions as evidence of the enduring connection between African-Americans and Africa, while any person could look to the shade of their skin as an indication of their African origins. In either case, something seems to always hearken back to Africa. However, in this modern world there is a gap between Africans and African Americans: African-Americans have achieved some great milestones in terms of liberty and equality, while many people living on the African continent still suffer poverty, political disenfranchisement, and precluded liberties. African-Americans have made great strides in dealing with these problems at home, but it is clear that they are on the whole better off than their African counterparts. The lectures and writings of W.E.B. Dubois, Malcolm X, and Kwame Nkrumah reveal that the linkages between African-Americans and Africans are political in nature and therefore do not rest solely on connections of culture or color, but on the shared struggle to achieve the unalienable rights guaranteed to all people.
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Lawson, Autumn Anne. "Kwame Nkrumah’s quest for Pan Africanism: from independence leader to deposed despot." Thesis, Wichita State University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10057/3731.
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On February 12, 1951, Francis Nwia-Kofi “Kwame” Nkrumah walked out of James Fort
Prison to become the first Prime Minister of the Gold Coast. After a landslide election, Nkrumah
and his Convention People’s Party (CPP) sought to end British imperial rule in the Gold Coast
and create a socialist Pan African union on the continent. In six years the highly educated and
charismatic Nkrumah gained independence for the Gold Coast, which he promptly renamed
Ghana, on March 6, 1957. Both Nkrumah and Ghana entered independence with a great deal of
potential and possibility for success. However, Nkrumah’s desire for a United States of Africa
became an obsession that prevented the leader from attending to Ghana’s crucial economic and
development needs. As national opposition to Nkrumah’s leadership rose, he responded with
oppressive laws and increased centralized authority over the people who came to view Nkrumah
more as an egotistical dictator than a savior.
The majority of the literature surrounding the biography and legacy of Kwame Nkrumah
focuses on the leader’s shortcomings in an attempt to negate Nkrumah’s early accomplishments.
This work explores Nkrumah’s legacy from a middle ground perspective by examining how
Nkrumah successfully introduced Pan Africanism to Ghana and fought for the potential of
African unity. The composition also demonstrates how Nkrumah’s intoxication with his own
image and clear decline into dictatorship shattered his dreams of a United States of Africa.Thesis (M.A.)--Wichita State University, College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, Dept. of History.
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Ankle, Garnett L. "Garvey's Pan-Africanism : its impact on Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana and Michael Manley of Jamaica /." 2006. http://www.consuls.org/record=b2838605.
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Thesis (M.A.) -- Central Connecticut State University, 2006.Thesis advisor: C. Charles Mate-Kole. "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science in International Studies" Includes bibliographical references (leaves 113-117). Also available via the World Wide Web.
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Metzmeier, Kurt X. "John F. Kennedy, Ghana and the Volta River Project a study in American foreign policy towards neutralist Africa /." 1989. http://etd.louisville.edu/data/UofL0114t1989.pdf.
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Gudeta, Selamawit Tadesse. "Political unification before economic integration : a critical analysis of Kwame Nkrumah's arguments on the United States of Africa." Diss., 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/24525.
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Kwame Nkrumah was the first African leader to pursue the idea of Africa’s continent-wide
unity with fervour. Many thought that African unity will only be the pooling of poverty and
that Nkrumah’s dream was impossible. Nkrumah was known for his philosophy "Seek ye
first the political kingdom and all things shall be added unto it". He thought that political
unity should precede economic unity, which would naturally follow. Even though the newly
independent African states agreed on the necessity of unity, his philosophy was not
welcomed when the Organisation of African Unity was established in Addis Ababa
(Ethiopia) in 1963. Rather, delegates opted for incremental political integration leading to
economic integration –an aspiration that Africa is still struggling to bring to fruition. This
study demonstrates that Nkrumah’s idea of political unity before economic integration was
and still is valid for Africa’s continent-wide unity. To this end, the study will use textual
sources and use diachronic and integrative approaches as analytical tools.Political Sciences
M.A. (International Politics)