Journal articles: 'Kwame Nkrumah'

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Cromwell, Adelaide M., and Douglas Kellner. "Kwame Nkrumah." International Journal of African Historical Studies 22, no. 1 (1989): 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219240.

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Morrison, Minion K. C. "The Kwame Nkrumah Legacy." National Review of Black Politics 1, no. 3 (July 2020): 347–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nrbp.2020.1.3.347.

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Kwame Nkrumah’s notion of Pan-Africanism remains the formulation that guides the aspiration and organizational expression for the unity of the African continent. This analysis provides an elaboration of Nkrumah’s model for unity and situates his role at the moment of decolonization in the context of transformational leadership theory. Discussion then turns to the two most significant efforts to implement the Pan-African model: the development of a continental organization—the Organization of African Unity and the African Union—and the decolonization of the Gold Coast, which led to the founding of the state of Ghana. While the implementation of Nkrumah’s grand vision has not been realized, the legacy of his construct provides an enduring foundation for the aspiration to continental unity. Similarly, that same unity is reflected in the political culture and identity for the territory of Ghana, a feature of government stability. That territorial stability has not become the foundation stone for continental unity that Nkrumah imagined, but it also has not detracted from the enduring aspiration for that broader unity. In this regard the analysis shows both the possibilities and limits of transformational leadership.

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Johnson, Erik. "Nkrumah and the Crowd: Mass Politics in Emergent Ghana." Journal for the History of Rhetoric 17, no. 1 (January 2014): 98–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jhistrhetoric.17.1.0098.

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ABSTRACT This article analyzes Kwame Nkrumah’s Ghana: The Autobiography of Kwame Nkrumah, which was published to coincide with Ghana’s independence on March 6, 1957. Whereas the political and social imagination of the Anglo-American world during the postwar years was riddled with anxieties concerning the masses, the crowd scenes of Nkrumah’s Ghana elaborate the characteristics of a political community centered on mass society. The article concludes by noting the possibility of a mass civic art culled from the rhetorical tradition of Ghana.

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Leman, Daryl, and June Milne. "Kwame Nkrumah: The Conakry Years." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 28, no. 2 (1994): 343. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485750.

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GRISCHOW, JEFF D. "KWAME NKRUMAH, DISABILITY, AND REHABILITATION IN GHANA, 1957–66." Journal of African History 52, no. 2 (July 2011): 179–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853711000260.

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ABSTRACTThis article examines a rehabilitation program for disabled Ghanaians developed by Kwame Nkrumah's government between 1961 and 1966. Arising at a time when Nkrumah was moving away from welfarism in favor of a ‘big push’ for industrialization, rehabilitation sought to integrate disabled citizens into the national economy as productive workers. Nkrumah's program was preceded by a colonial rehabilitation project during the 1940s for disabled African soldiers. The colonial initiative drew heavily on the British model of social orthopaedics, which equated citizenship with work. This philosophy resonated with Nkrumah's vision of national development based on full employment. Although its economic focus had troubling implications for citizenship and welfare, Nkrumah's rehabilitation program was unique among newly independent African states, and it arguably produced a positive legacy.

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BOAKYE, Peter, and Kwame Osei KWARTENG. "Education for Nation Building: The Vision of Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah for University Education in the Early Stages of Self-Government and Independence in Ghana." Abibisem: Journal of African Culture and Civilization 7 (December 5, 2018): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.47963/ajacc.v7i0.38.

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The Gold Coast was renamed Ghana by the political leadership on the attainment of Independence. But before 1957, Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah had become Prime Minister of the Gold Coast in 1952, and by this arrangement ruled alongside the British Colonial Governor. Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah set out to rebuild the new nation, and by doing so, Education, especially University Education, became a significant tool for the realization of such an objective. He, and the Convention People’s Party (CPP) Government saw education as “the keystone of people’s life and happiness.’’1 Thus, Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah wanted the University Colleges in the Gold Coast to train intellectuals capable of combining both theory and practice as well as use their energies to assist in the task of national reconstruction.2 This explains why Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah clearly spelt out the visions of University Education in Ghana. This paper, which is multi-sourced, uses archival documents, newspapers, interviews and scholarly secondary works such as articles, book chapters and books to examine the visions of Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah for University Education in the early stages of self-government and independence in Ghana. The paper particularly focuses on measures adopted by the first Prime Minister of Ghana such as establishment of an International Commission on University Education (ICUE), making the existing University Colleges independent, the rationale for setting up the University College of Cape Coast (UCCC), the Africanization of the University staff, establishment of the Institute of African Studies and the formation of the National Council for Higher Education to transform the University Colleges to reflect the needs and aspirations of Ghanaians. _________________________________________ 1 H. O. A. McWilliam, & M. A. Kwamena-Poh, The Development of Education in Ghana. (London: Longman Group Ltd., 1975), 83. 2 Samuel Obeng, Selected Speeches of Kwame Nkrumah, Vol. 1 (Accra: Aframs Publication Ltd., 1997), 74.

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Wesley, Patricia Jabbeh. "For Kwame Nkrumah, Stranger Woman, City." Transition: An International Review 98 (July 2008): 36–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/trs.2008.-.98.36.

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Dolphyne, Florence Abena. "African Perspectives on Programs for North American Students in Africa: The Experience of the University of Ghana–Legon." African Issues 28, no. 1-2 (2000): 28–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1548450500006818.

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The University of Ghana is the oldest of the five universities in Ghana. The others are Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, the University of Cape Coast, the University College of Education in Winneba, and the University of Development Studies in Tamale. The last two are only three years old and do not as yet have student exchange programs with North American universities. Kwame Nkrumah University and the University of Cape Coast do have student exchange programs with a few North American universities.

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BINEY, AMA. "THE DEVELOPMENT OF KWAME NKRUMAH'S POLITICAL THOUGHT IN EXILE, 1966–1972." Journal of African History 50, no. 1 (March 2009): 81–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853709004216.

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ABSTRACTThe focus of this article is an examination of the evolution of Nkrumah's political thought during the last years of his life. There is a discernible radicalization as Nkrumah's intellectual thought developed between 1966 and 1972. He had clearly abandoned the constitutional path to independence and begun to adopt revolutionary armed struggle as the only solution to Africa's myriad problems of capitalism, neo-colonialism and imperialism. The unfolding social and political struggles in Vietnam and Latin America and the unrest in America's black cities impacted profoundly on his thinking. The coup d'état which deposed Nkrumah on 24 February 1966 forced him into exile in neighbouring Guinea-Conakry. It therefore provides the political background against which Nkrumah's intellectual thinking unfolded.

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Gbadegesin, Olusegun. "Kwame Nkrumah and the Search for Uram." Ultimate Reality and Meaning 10, no. 1 (March 1987): 14–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/uram.10.1.14.

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Brempont, Nana Arhin, and Marika Sherwood. "Kwame Nkrumah: The Years Abroad, 1935-1947." International Journal of African Historical Studies 31, no. 2 (1998): 429. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221128.

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Ninsin, Kwame A., and Kofi Batsa. "The Spark: From Kwame Nkrumah to Limann." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 21, no. 2 (1987): 268. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/484380.

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Sherwood, Marika. "Kwame Nkrumah: The London years, 1945–47." Immigrants & Minorities 12, no. 3 (November 1993): 164–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02619288.1993.9974824.

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Getachew, Adom. "Kwame Nkrumah and the Quest for Independence." Dissent 66, no. 3 (2019): 33–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.2019.0050.

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Sherwood, Marika, and David Birmingham. "Kwame Nkrumah: The Father of African Nationalism." International Journal of African Historical Studies 32, no. 1 (1999): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220823.

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Williams, Joy. "Daisaku Ikeda’s Philosophy of Value Creating Global Citizenship Education and Africana Humanism." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies in Education 9, SI (July 16, 2020): 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.32674/jise.v9isi.1877.

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Daisaku Ikeda proclaimed that Africa would be the beacon of hope for the world in the twenty-first century. Contemporaneously, Kwame Nkrumah was excited about the potentially galvanizing role a united Africa might play on the world scene. Nkrumah envisioned the reawakening of an African personality, which would provide the foundational essence for the United States of Africa and accelerate African psychological, political, and economic decolonization. Nkrumah’s conceptualizations of unity mesh with Ikeda’s paradigms of global citizenship. This paper shows how Ikeda’s philosophy of value-creating education for global citizenship could amalgamate Africana educational models toward global citizenship as a unifying factor in Africa and the diaspora and as an instrument for making Africana Humanism the spirit of the 21st century.

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BOADI, Kwasi. "Denkyemmireku: A Usable Past for A New African State." Abibisem: Journal of African Culture and Civilization 7 (December 5, 2018): 168–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.47963/ajacc.v7i0.44.

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In Ghana – The Autobiography of Kwame Nkrumah (1971), Nkrumah recounts the deliberations within the United Gold Coast Convention on J. B. Danquah’s proposal for adopting the Akan art motif Funtummireku Denkyemmireku (Denkyemmireku, for short), the proverbial two-headed crocodile, as emblem for the emerging nation of Ghana. Dismissing it as a “hideous monstrosity” that symbolizes selfishness, it was never adopted. Yet, the art motif, a kind of jeremiad that says pity that poor crocodile, whose two heads cannot stop fighting over food, even though they share one stomach, is a recognition of the dialectic of nature as one of unity in diversity, the very essence of the hallowed African monistic thesis of matter. This paper posits that Denkyemmireku embodies a potent philosophical and ideological symbol capable of serving as a usable past for a much-needed reconstruction of a more legitimate African state. ______________________________ 1 Some aspects of this article have been previously published in the Journal of Black Studies by the author. See, Kwasi Boadi, “The Ontology of Kwame Nkrumah’s Consciencism and the Democratic Theory and Practice in Africa – A Diopian Perspective.” Journal of Black Studies, Volume 30, Number 4 / March 2000, 475–501.

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Magasu, Oliver, Jive Lubbungu, Lucy Kamboni, Exsaviour Sakala, and Beatrice Kapanda. "Implementation of Blended Learning in Higher Learning Institutions in Zambia: A Case of Kwame Nkrumah University." European Journal of Education and Pedagogy 3, no. 3 (June 15, 2022): 214–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejedu.2022.3.3.341.

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The study sought to establish the implementation of blended learning in Zambia, particularly, at Kwame Nkrumah University. This study employed a qualitative approach to generate data because it targeted for an in-depth indulgence into the issues under study on the implementation of blended learning at Kwame Nkrumah University. A descriptive research design was used. The target population were all students at Kwame Nkrumah University. The sample size was 36 participants. Inductive thematic analysis was used to analyse data because themes were strongly linked to data. The key findings were that participants understood the concept of blended learning as a combination of face to face interaction and online teaching. Some lecturers and students in some faculties were not willing to implement blended learning. The challenges were that because of big numbers of over 200 students in one class, it was not safe and possible to stick to the five golden rules of Covid-19. Some students were not able to access online services because of non-payment of the 50% threshold on tuition fees to access the services. Other challenges were that there was poor internet connectivity at the university, the e-learning tool (MOODLE) was limiting, the university did not have sufficient infrastructure to support blended learning and the Visually Impaired (VI) students were not able to access e-learning services. Based on the findings, the study recommends that the university invests heavily in ICT and infrastructure if blended learning was to be a success. Furthermore, the study recommends that students be oriented on e-learning tools. There is need in future to investigate how the Information Communication Technology (ICT) section at Kwame Nkrumah University was ready to implement blended learning.

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Nartey, Mark. "Kwame Nkrumah’s construction of ‘the African people’ via the Unite or Perish myth." Pragmatics and Society 13, no. 4 (November 4, 2022): 605–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ps.19023.nar.

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Abstract Employing Wodak’s discourse-historical approach, this paper examines how Ghana’s independence leader – Kwame Nkrumah – in his creation of the Unite or Perish myth constructed ‘the African people’ in a manner in sync with populist performance. It argues that Nkrumah’s discourse, in its focus on the formation of a Union Government of Africa as the only means of Africa’s peace, progress, security and survival in the post-independence era, can be characterized as a form of populist rhetoric that presupposes an antagonistic relationship between two homogeneous social groups. To this end, the paper analyzes three discursive strategies utilized by Nkrumah in promoting anti-establishment sentiments while celebrating or valorizing ‘the ordinary people’: nomination and predication of social actors and actions, the construction of a man of the people image and the exploitation of familiarity and historical memory. It concludes with a discussion on the implications of the study for political discourse analysis in terms of the interrelationship between political myth and populist performance.

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Nartey, Mark. "“We must unite now or perish!”." Journal of Language and Politics 18, no. 2 (April 18, 2019): 252–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.17051.nar.

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Abstract This paper presents a discourse-mythological analysis of the rhetoric of a pioneering Pan-African and Ghana’s independence leader, Kwame Nkrumah, drawing on Ruth Wodak’s discourse-historical approach to critical discourse analysis. The thesis of the paper is that Nkrumah’s discourse, in its focus on the emancipation and unification of Africa, can be characterized as mythic, a discursive exhortation of Africa to demonstrate to the world that it can better govern itself than the colonizers. In this vein, the paper analyzes four discursive strategies employed by Nkrumah in the creation and projection of his mythology: the introduction or creation of new discourse events, presupposition and implication, involvement (the use of indexicals) and lexical structuring and reiteration. This study is, therefore, presented as a case study of mythic discourse within the domain of politics.

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Yalley, Clarke Ebow, and Andrews Acquah. "Reflective examination of the educational philosophies of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana and Julius Nyerere of Tanzania: Intricacies for curriculum development in Africa." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 8, no. 7 (July 9, 2021): 119–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.87.10430.

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The central focus of this paper is to undertake a reflective examination of the educational philosophies of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana and Julius Nyerere of Tanzania and these educational philosophies intricacies for curriculum development in Africa. The educational philosophies of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah (Consciencism, Socialism, Africanism, Humanism, and Communism) as well as that of Julius Nyerere (Self-reliance and Liberation) were of importance to the distinct countries at the time yet, its relevance can still be felt and their foundational legacies within the educational front solidified and modified to meet current changes in education. African curriculum developers must not lose sight of the implications of these educational philosophies of these great Africanist scholars rather synchronize contemporary educational philosophies to meet the standards and vision of education of these two great Pan-Africanist.

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Nartey, Mark, and Aditi Bhatia. "Mythological heroism in the discourse of Kwame Nkrumah." World Englishes 39, no. 4 (May 22, 2020): 581–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/weng.12499.

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Ankomah, Kofi. "The Political Legacy of Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana." Science & Society 70, no. 3 (July 2006): 426–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/siso.70.3.426.

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Afari-Gyan, K. "Kwame Nkrumah, George Padmore and W.E.B. Du Bois." Contemporary Journal of African Studies 5, no. 2 (November 27, 2018): 87–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/contjas.v5i2.4.

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From 1945 Kwame Nkrumah (1909-1972) developed close relations first with George Padmore (1902-1959), a Trinidadian, and then with Dr. W.E.B. Du Bois (1868- 1963), an African-American who became a Ghanaian citizen soon before he died. As men of thought and action, they exerted great influence on the affairs of their day; and, through their writings, they continue to exert considerable influence on contemporary thinking in the black world. They all lie buried in Ghana. This essay seeks to explore the basis of their relationship.* Originally published in Research Review, Vol 7, Nos. 1 & 2, 1991

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Bretuo, A. "The Political And Social Thought of Kwame Nkrumah." African and Asian Studies 10, no. 2-3 (2011): 275–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921011x591216.

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Simonelli, Jeanne. "Commentary the Forged Relationship: Bill Roberts and the Gambia." Practicing Anthropology 27, no. 3 (July 1, 2005): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.27.3.633n8461w4x41481.

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A painting once hung in the ante-room of former President Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana. In it, Nkrumah fights with the last chains of colonialism. In the midst of storm and quaking earth, three tiny figures are fleeing, all white men. The first is a capatalist, carrying a briefcase; the second carries a bible; and the third holds a book, African Political Systems. He is the anthropologist, the last of the colonial oppressors.

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LAMBERT, KERI. "‘IT'S ALL WORK AND HAPPINESS ON THE FARMS’: AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT BETWEEN THE BLOCS IN NKRUMAH'S GHANA." Journal of African History 60, no. 01 (March 2019): 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853719000331.

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AbstractThis study assesses the agricultural sector under the government of Kwame Nkrumah as a dynamic Cold War front. After Ghana's independence in 1957, Nkrumah asserted that the new nation would guard its sovereignty from foreign influence, while recognizing that it needed foreign cooperation and investment. His government embarked upon a development program with an emphasis on diversifying Ghana's agriculture to decrease her dependence on cocoa. Meanwhile, both the United States and the Soviet Union sought to establish footholds in Ghana through agricultural aid, trade, and investments. In the first years of independence, the Ghanaian state encouraged smallholder farming and American investment. Later, in a sudden change of policy, the government established large-scale state farms along the socialist model. This article brings to light the ways that Ghanaians in rural areas engaged with and interpreted the increasingly interventionist agriculture projects and policies of Nkrumah's government.

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Mazrui, Ali A. "Pan-Africanism: From Poetry to Power." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 23, no. 1 (1995): 35–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700009033.

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We start with a fundamental duality in the paradigm of Pan-Africanism, the distinction between Pan-Africanism of liberation and Pan-Africanism of integration. Under both headings the name of Ghana's founder-president, Kwame Nkrumah, is immortalized.

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Paiva, Felipe. "Aprendendo a voar." Revista de História, no. 177 (December 17, 2018): 01–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2316-9141.rh.2018.138760.

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A característica mais marcante do político e ideólogo ganês Kwame Nkrumah (1909-1972) é seu pan-africanismo radical. O significante África tinha para ele o sentido de nação a ser construída e reconquistada. Este ímpeto pan-africano foi fruto de um amadurecimento visível em sua trajetória. Nela, o educador ganês James Aggrey (1875-1927) desempenhou papel fundamental. Por meio de uma crítica da obra de Nkrumah e dos discursos e escritos de Aggrey abordamos neste artigo a relação intelectual entre ambos.

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Telepneva, Natalia. "Saving Ghana's Revolution: The Demise of Kwame Nkrumah and the Evolution of Soviet Policy in Africa, 1966–1972." Journal of Cold War Studies 20, no. 4 (December 2018): 4–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00838.

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On 24 February 1966, Ghana's first president, Kwame Nkrumah, was overthrown in a coup d’état. The coup rekindled a debate within the Soviet bloc about the prospects of socialism in Africa and about the appropriateness of certain policies. Soviet officials concluded that they would have to focus on establishing close relations with the armies and internal security forces of African countries. This article explores how Nkrumah's loyalists in exile and their sympathizers in Ghana attempted to launch a leftwing counter-coup in Accra in 1968 and the involvement of Warsaw Pact countries—notably the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia—in those events. The article sheds new light on “Operation ALEX,” a botched attempt by the Czechoslovak intelligence service to support Nkrumah loyalists in their plans for a countercoup. The article reexamines the late 1960s as an important period for the militarization of the Cold War in Africa and highlights the crucial role that African politicians themselves played in this process.

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Cartwright, John, and David Rooney. "Kwame Nkrumah: The Political Kingdom of the Third World." International Journal of African Historical Studies 22, no. 3 (1989): 533. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220225.

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Berrett, A. M. "Kwame Nkrumah: the political kingdom in the Third World." International Affairs 66, no. 2 (April 1990): 430. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621461.

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Rathbone, Richard, Kwame Nkrumah, and June Milne. "Kwame Nkrumah: The Conakry Years: His Life and Letters." International Journal of African Historical Studies 24, no. 2 (1991): 471. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219836.

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BIRMINGHAM, DAVID. "Kwame Nkrumah: the Political Kingdom in the Third World." African Affairs 88, no. 353 (October 1989): 586–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098221.

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KILLINGRAY, DAVID. "Kwame Nkrumah: the Conakry years: his life and letters." African Affairs 91, no. 364 (July 1992): 482–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098539.

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Pereira, Analúcia Danilevicz, Camila Castro Kowalski, and Carla Márcia Pagliarini. "Libertação Nacional e Construção de uma Agenda Continental Africana: o protagonismo de Kwame Nrumah na formação da Organização da Unidade Africana." Conjuntura internacional 16, no. 2 (October 1, 2019): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5752/p.1809-6182.2019v16n2p25.

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Este artigo busca analisar o papel de articulação política de Kwame Nkrumah no desenvolvimento da ideia de unidade africana. Nossa hipótese é que sua iniciativa para criar espaços de concertação política e discussões do Pan-africanismo contribuiu para construir uma agenda continental africana. Utilizaremos análise histórica e pesquisa bibliográfica descritiva.

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Ani, E. I. "Critique of Nkrumah’s Philosophical Materialism." Thought and Practice 7, no. 1 (August 8, 2016): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/tp.v7i1.2.

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Kwame Nkrumah invokes the doctrine of emergentism in the hope of reconciling theism - a tenacious part of the African worldview - with materialism. However, in this article I seek to show that this reconciliation is not only ultimately unsuccessful, but is actually impossible. Towards this end, I identify weaknesses in what I call the six argumentative pillars of Nkrumah’s theory of emergentism (which he calls “philosophical materialism”), namely, his arguments regarding the origin of the cosmic material, the primary reality of matter, idealism, categorial convertibility, dialectic change, and the self-motion of matter. The article should provide not only alternative perspectives to Nkrumah’s metaphysics, but also highlight some broader metaphysical implications for both strong and weak emergentism. Key WordsPhilosophical materialism, consciencism, emergentism, cosmic material, categorial conversion, dialectical change, self motion of matter

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Rosbrook-Thompson, James, and Gary Armstrong. "FIELDS AND VISIONS." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 7, no. 2 (2010): 293–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x10000299.

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AbstractThe concept of the “African Personality” was celebrated by the continent's first post-colonial President, Kwame Nkrumah. Sweeping to power in Ghana's first general election in 1951, Nkrumah and his Convention People's Party—inspired by Marcus Garvey and W. E. B. Du Bois—espoused the doctrines of nationhood and self-reliance. The conceptual dimensions of Nkrumah's “African Personality” and the role he had in mind for Association Football (soccer) as an instrument of its expression are crucial points of this analysis. Here we attempt to locate Nkrumah's political ideal within the contemporary realities of the migration of young Ghanaian soccer talent, examining at the same time the socio-economic processes which act as “push” and “pull” mechanisms in the context of such migratory trends. While Nkrumah's “race-conscious,” pan-African forces have been utilized in the face of post-colonial identifications, soccer loyalties and objectives which are far more immediate and parochial in character continue to supersede those surrounding national or “racial” interests. Ghana's domestic game and national selection are riven by ethnic and regional hostilities while interlopers from Europe—some acting alone, others as emissaries for European soccer clubs—have laid down roots in Ghana, recognizing the nation as a breeding ground for talented, and comparatively cheap, young soccer talent. We argue that such inveterate ethno-regional rivalries, along with the conditions of neoliberal capitalism and its instrumental system of uneven geographical development, have provided entry points for the post-colonial forces so maligned by Nkrumah. Furthermore, we question the wisdom of notions of belonging based on bounded units such as “race” and attendant expressions of “race-consciousness.”

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Weigel, John Wesley. "Image Under Fire: West German Development Aid and the Ghana Press War, 1960–1966." Contemporary European History 31, no. 2 (December 13, 2021): 259–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777321000102.

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During the 1960s, development aid helped West Germany project a benign image while it discouraged diplomatic recognition of East Germany. In Ghana, however, this effort clashed with the Pan-Africanist aims of President Kwame Nkrumah. Four periodicals under his control attacked West Germany as neo-colonialist, militarist, racist, latently Nazi and a danger to world peace. West German officials resented this campaign and tried to make it stop, but none of their tactics, not even vague threats to aid, worked for long. The attacks ended with Nkrumah's overthrow in early 1966, but while they lasted, they demonstrated that a small state receiving aid could use the press to invert its asymmetric political relationship with the donor.

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Darby, Paul. "‘LET US RALLY AROUND THE FLAG’: FOOTBALL, NATION-BUILDING, AND PAN-AFRICANISM IN KWAME NKRUMAH'S GHANA." Journal of African History 54, no. 2 (July 2013): 221–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853713000236.

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AbstractThe nationalistic fervour that greeted Ghana's performances in the 2010 football World Cup in South Africa powerfully evoked memories of an earlier period in the history of the Ghanaian state that witnessed Kwame Nkrumah, the first president of independent Ghana, draw on the game as a rallying point for nation-building and pan-African unity. This article uncovers this history by analysing Nkrumah's overt politicisation of football in the late colonial and immediate postcolonial periods. This study not only makes a novel contribution to the growing historical and social scientific literature on what is arguably Africa's most pervasive popular cultural form but also deepens our understanding of one of the continent's most significant political figures.

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Stacey, Paul. "Rethinking the Making and Breaking of Traditional and Statutory Institutions in Post-Nkrumah Ghana." African Studies Review 59, no. 2 (August 30, 2016): 209–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2016.29.

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Abstract:This article examines a complex dispute over the jurisdictions of traditional and statutory institutions that traversed shifts in forms of government in Ghana for nearly a decade following the ousting of Kwame Nkrumah in February 1966. The analysis emphasizes underlying processes of continuity and seeks to add nuance to familiar conceptualizations that view this period in terms of state weakness, crisis, and rupture. The article explores, in particular, a powerful category of chieftaincy defined in opposition to state logics that have escaped empirical investigation. It therefore invites a rethinking of the notion that the post-Nkrumah era heralded a state-initiated revival of traditional institutions.

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SERRA, GERARDO, and FRANK GERITS. "THE POLITICS OF SOCIALIST EDUCATION IN GHANA: THE KWAME NKRUMAH IDEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE, 1961–6." Journal of African History 60, no. 3 (November 2019): 407–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002185371900032x.

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ABSTRACTThis article reconstructs the trajectory of the Kwame Nkrumah Ideological Institute (KNII) to shed light on the politics of socialist education in 1960s Ghana. On the basis of archival evidence, it explores the changing role of the institute in the making of Nkrumahism as public discourse and documents the evolving relationship between the universalism of Marxism-Leninism and the quest for more local political iconographies centred on Nkrumah's life and work. Secondly, the article analyses the individual motivations and experiences of a sample of foreign lecturers. The article suggests that ideological institutes offer insights into the processes by which official ideologies were created and disseminated, a foil through which to interrogate the usages and appropriation of social sciences education, and a window onto the multiple ways in which local and foreign agents negotiated their identities and political participation in African socialist experiments.

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Abrahams, Cecil A., and Manning Marable. "African & Caribbean Politics: From Kwame Nkrumah to Maurice Bishop." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 22, no. 2 (1988): 362. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485928.

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Mazov, Sergey Vasilyevich. "USSR and the 1966 Coup d’État in Ghana: Based on Materials from Russian Archives." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 3 (December 15, 2020): 619–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-3-619-633.

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The article investigates the role of Soviet experts and diplomats in conceiving the economic policy of the government of Kwame Nkrumah and in elaborating a seven-year development plan for Ghana (1963-1970). Drawing on extensive documents from Russian archives, the author proved that the USSR Ambassador to Ghana had recommended Soviet economic recipes to President Kwame Nkrumah, ignoring Ghanaian realities and opportunities, - the introduction of a planned economy, the nationalization of large enterprises and banks, the establishment of state control over the main industries, and the creation of collective farms in the countryside. K. Nkrumah believed that with the assistance of the Soviet Union, Ghana would be able to successfully repeat its experience of rapid industrialization. The attempts to implement an unfeasible program have brought the economy of Ghana to the brink of collapse. Soviet economic and financial aid turned out to be ineffective. Most joint ventures remained costly long-term constructions due to errors in planning and supply. The economic collapse and falling living standards of the population ensured the success of the military coup on February 24, 1966 to a large extent. The leadership of the USSR faced a difficult dilemma. In the name of publicly declared values, ideological principles of the Soviet foreign policy, the military-police junta that ousted K. Nkrumah should not be recognized. Pragmatic interests (repayment of loans, retaining profitable bilateral trade, the ability to complete the construction of joint facilities) required the maintaining of relations with the junta. The author found that the reaction of the Soviet Union to the military coup was not consistent. At first, it was decided not to recognize the reactionary, pro-Western regime and to help K. Nkrumah regain power by force of arms. A Soviet ship was sent to the shores of West Africa with a cargo of weapons for his supporters. Soon the ship was recalled, and full-scale relations with the new regime were restored. Pragmatism has become superior over ideology reflecting a change in the Soviet African policy after a series of setbacks there.

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Joseph, Tennyson S. D., and Maziki Thame. "The 21st Century and Challenges to the Nkrumah Independence Project." Contemporary Journal of African Studies 8, no. 1 & 2 (December 31, 2021): 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/contjas.v8i1.4.

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Ghana’s historical place in the experience of global decolonisation as being the first British controlled African nation to win formal independence, has given the ideas of Kwame Nkrumah a prominent place in efforts to understand the challenges and possibilities of the post-colonial independence project. One of Nkrumah’s main contributions was his exposure of the mechanics of neo-colonialism in compromising the formal statehood of newly independent states. Given the transformed world-economy and the hegemonic ideology of neo-liberalism which has unfolded several decades after Nkrumah’s earliest reflections, this paper seeks to assess his validity for present efforts at sustaining post-colonial development and sovereignty. The central claim of this paper is that whilst Nkrumah’s warnings against neo-colonialism remain valid, both the specific challenges which he identified as well as the corrective proposals which he offered, have been negated by the new tactics and ideological assumptions of neo-liberal capitalism. The paper offers a balance sheet type assessment of the ongoing relevance of Nkrumah’s ideas, with a view to identifying the new challenges confronting the independence of formerly colonised states, and to renewing his political project in the present. These questions are explored in the context of the twenty-first century English-speaking Caribbean.

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Akussah, Harry. "A Calender of Kwame Nkrumah papers in the Documentation Centre of the Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana, 1935-1948." African Research & Documentation 61 (1993): 12–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00018148.

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The potential of private papers as primary sources for research cannot be overemphasised. Unlike other archives, private papers can give researchers closer contact with their subjects since such papers frequently reflect natural human prejudices and emotions.The National Archives of Ghana (NAG), in accordance with article 5 of the Public Archives Ordinance No. 35 of 1955 in realising the immense value of private papers instituted a special programme in 1961 to systematically acquire and process papers relating to the Ghanaian president, Dr. Kwame Nkrumah from all over the world. This laudable effort succeeded in enriching the stock of the Archives with Nkrumah's papers acquired from both the USA and Britain. In addition to papers there are his books and other documentary materials, which constitute his entire personal library during the period of his studies abroad.

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Vitalis, Robert. "What Time Was It?" Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 40, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 621–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-8747592.

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Abstract In Worldmaking after Empire: The Rise and Fall of Self-Determination, University of Chicago political theorist Adom Getachew has written a revisionist account of decolonization as “worldmaking” to inspire those who follow trailblazers like Kwame Nkrumah in pursuit of what she calls an “anti-imperial future.” As with other such projects of “imagining,” as Ernest Renan once observed about nationalism, a certain forgetfulness and even historical error would appear essential.

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Wall, Benjamin, and Manning Marable. "African and Caribbean Politics: From Kwame Nkrumah to the Grenada Revolution." British Journal of Sociology 39, no. 2 (June 1988): 286. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/590785.

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Gifford, Paul, and E. O. Addo. "Kwame Nkrumah: A Case Study of Religion and Politics in Ghana." Journal of Religion in Africa 29, no. 4 (November 1999): 496. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1581775.

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Mueller, Susanne D., and A. B. Assensoh. "African Political Leadership: Jomo Kenyatta, Kwame Nkrumah, and Julius K. Nyerere." International Journal of African Historical Studies 33, no. 1 (2000): 235. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220329.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Kwame Nkrumah'

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