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Stecher, Guzmán Antonio. "Los Retos del multiculturalismo. Reflexiones sobre el pensamiento de Will Kymlicka." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2004. http://www.repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/108798.
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Tesis para optar al grado de Magister en Filosofía mención en Axiología y Filosofía Política.El objetivo de esta Tesis es presentar y discutir la teoría liberal de los derechos de las minorías elaborada por el filósofo político canadiense Will Kymlicka. Dicha teoría propone un modelo de ciudadanía multicultural que establece un conjunto de „derechos diferenciados en función de grupo‟ para los miembros de las minorías culturales.
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Heise, David. "Autonomy or toleration? Rawls and Kymlicka on the liberal response to pluralism /." Available to subscribers only, 2006. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1240700401&sid=2&Fmt=2&clientId=1509&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Pigeon, Louis-Etienne. "Multiculturalisme et politique. Une analyse critique de la théorie de Will Kymlicka." Thesis, Université Laval, 2007. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2007/25042/25042.pdf.
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Pigeon, Louis-Étienne. "Multiculturalisme et politique : une analyse critique de la théorie de Will Kymlicka." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/19571.
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Haist, Allana. "Securing Diversity." Doctoral thesis, Universitätsbibliothek Chemnitz, 2013. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:ch1-qucosa-130148.
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Will Kymlicka’s seminal work on Multicultural Citizenship has done much to advance the case for minority rights worldwide. Agreeing with communitarians that culture is important, yet unwilling to relinquish liberal equality and fairness, Kymlicka builds on John Rawls’s monumental Theory of Justice to show group rights are not only accord with liberalism, but are its true fulfilment. Yet, while Kymlicka’s theory has received accolades for elegantly tying liberalism and culturalism together theoretically, it has been met with equal scepticism over the tenability of its praxis. In this book, I argue that much of the criticism wielded against Kymlicka’s theory results from his crucial reliance on the definition of societal cultures and the contradictions embedded therein. This is further compounded by the tendency of Kymlicka to neglect his commitment to dynamic culture and liberalism in favour of a monolithic treatment of culture, leading us down the path to illiberal conclusions. I suggest that for Kymlicka’s theory of “Multicultural Citizenship” to embrace a truly vibrant multiculturalism, the theory must overcome its internal contradictions and reaffirm its commitment to a multi-layered and recursive approach to group rights. I shall review the strengths and weaknesses of Kymlicka’s theory set against contemporary debates on the topics of nationalism and minority rights and will suggest how the theory can reduce its inner tensions to embolden its critical support for multiculturalism in Canada and worldwide.
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Ducasse, Pierre Lucas. "La neutralité de l'État face à la structure culturelle dans le révisionnisme libéral de Will Kymlicka." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0004/MQ33625.pdf.
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Camati, Odair. "Multiculturalismo e o problema da universalidade: uma análise das teorias de Charles Taylor e Will Kymlicka." Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos, 2018. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/7056.
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Neste trabalho sustentamos a tese de que o encontro entre as teorias de Charles Taylor e Will Kymlicka oferece boas perspectivas para o estabelecimento de um projeto multicultural em sociedades liberais e democráticas, mas possui limites quando da tentativa de universalização desse mesmo projeto. As dificuldades quanto à universalização se apresentam de formas distintas nos autores referidos. Para o liberal Kymlicka, os valores tradicionais do liberalismo são suficientes para o reconhecimento de todas as diferentes manifestações culturais. Com isso a universalidade estaria pré-concebida, o que, segundo nosso entendimento, impediria um diálogo construtivo com aqueles que não comungam os mesmos valores. Taylor, por sua vez, propõe um modelo de razão prática com raízes hermenêuticas que ofereceria elementos para o estabelecimento de juízos de valor com validade para todas as comunidades humanas que se colocassem em processo de compreensão mútua. As limitações residem na dificuldade para estabelecer condições mínimas para que esse processo se desenvolva sem distorções. Para chegar a esse momento, faremos antes uma retomada dos principais elementos envoltos nas discussões multiculturais no sentido de provar a necessidade de debater tal temática. Na sequência, apresentaremos criticamente os fundamentos conceituais desenvolvidos pelos filósofos canadenses em suas teorias do multiculturalismo. Basicamente, a autonomia é o conceito central em Kymlicka e o reconhecimento ocupa o mesmo espaço em Taylor. Por fim, a partir de um liberalismo brando, da não possibilidade de total neutralidade estatal e da valorização do contexto de escolha, propomos que existem elementos suficientes para desenvolver um projeto multicultural em sociedades liberais e democráticas. O que não significa, necessariamente, que temos elementos para um projeto multicultural com validade universal
In this work, I support the thesis that even though the encounter between Charles Taylor’s and Will Kymlicka’s theories offers good prospects for the establishment of a multicultural project in liberal and democratic societies, it has some limits when we try to universalize it. The difficulties regarding universalization are presented in different ways by the aforementioned authors. On the one hand, Kymlicka’s liberalism holds that the traditional values of liberalism are sufficient for the recognition of all different cultural manifestations. On this view, the universality would be preconceived, which, according to our understanding, would preclude a constructive dialogue with those who do not share the same values. On the other hand, Taylor proposes a model of practical reason with hermeneutical roots that would provide elements for the establishment of value judgments valid for all human communities that put themselves in a process of mutual understanding. The limitations of this model lie in the difficulty of establishing minimum conditions for this process to be developed without distortions. To get this point, we shall first take up the main elements involved in multicultural discussions in order to prove the need to discuss such issues. After that, we shall critically expose the conceptual foundations developed by both Canadian philosophers in their theories of multiculturalism. Basically, while autonomy is Kymlicka’s core concept, recognition is Taylor’s one. Finally, from a soft liberalism, which claims the lack of state neutrality and the valorization of the context of choice, we propose that the encounter between the two theories has enough elements to develop a multicultural project in societies that are both liberal and democratic. Yet this does not necessarily mean that we have elements for a multicultural project with universal validity.
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Soto, Carvajal Rossanna. "DEMOCRACIA Y RECONOCIMIENTO: Reflexiones sobre multiculturalidad en la democracia chilena desde los postulados de Taylor y Kymlicka." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2008. http://repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/109726.
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Adscribiendo a la necesidad de reflexionar sobre multiculturalidad en la democracia chilena, es que se considera necesario guiar este pensamiento escrito y preguntarse por ¿Cuáles son los factores relevantes que intervienen en la falta de reconocimiento de los Pueblos Indígenas como sujetos de derechos colectivos en nuestro país y qué tipo de inclusión proponen la democracia liberal inspirada en la economía de mercado? Considerando para la anterior cuestión, que la más alta motivación para los movimientos y reivindicaciones indígenas es el reconocimiento, que se sitúa históricamente en “dos grandes dimensiones: una socio-económica producto de la exclusión y el empobrecimiento de estos pueblo y una étnica, donde se exige el respeto a la identidad, a su lengua y su cosmovisión, y que con la emergencia del movimiento indígena latinoamericano se incorpora una tercera que es el “reconocimiento como pueblo-nación” ; es que se instala en el escenario político la exigencia de derechos colectivos para estos grupos. El Estado chileno ha tenido enormes dificultades para desarrollar las acciones destinadas a la resolución de estos conflictos; creemos que estas dificultades no siempre han sido producto de las malas relaciones, ni tampoco de los desacuerdos entre los poderes del Estado, sino fundamentalmente por los intereses que el Estado antepone a la política indígena, esto es, la política económica y la mantención los consensos, acorde con las estrategias de desarrollo que ha elegido y que se alejan de los principios éticos que debieran fundamentar la democracia.
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Khan, Mohammad O. "Secular Foundations of Liberal Multiculturalism." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2011. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/philosophy_theses/100.
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In pursuit of a just political order, Will Kymlicka has defended a liberal conception of multiculturalism. The persuasive appeal of his argument, like that of secular-liberalism more generally, is due to presenting liberalism as a neutral and universal political project. Utilizing Charles Taylor’s genealogy of ‘exclusive humanism’ in A Secular Age, this thesis attempts to re-read Kymlicka in order to make certain theological commitments in his work explicit. Here I argue that Kymlicka, in order to make his conception of multiculturalism plausible, relies on a theologically-thick and controversial humanism operating under secular conditions of belief. By committing himself to a particular conception of the human and specific conditions of belief, Kymlicka’s liberal multiculturalism is rendered provincially incoherent because it fails to treat in a neutral manner certain theological commitments.
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Silva, Larissa Tenfen. "Limites e possibilidades de ressignificação da categoria cidadania a partir do multiculturalismo de Wil Kymlicka, Charles Taylor e Jurgen Habermas." Florianópolis, SC, 2005. http://repositorio.ufsc.br/handle/123456789/103022.
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Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Ciências Jurídicas. Programa de Pos-Graduação em Direito.Made available in DSpace on 2013-07-16T02:41:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0
A presente pesquisa tem por fim verificar de que forma os modelos multiculturais propostos por Kymlicka, Taylor e Habermas vêm ressignificar o conceito tradicional liberal de cidadania para que este possa estar apto à resolução dos conflitos provenientes da diversidade cultural existentes nos Estados democráticos nacionais. Neste sentido, procura-se estudar a categoria cidadania, bem como examinar as principais demandas e desafios impostos à mesma pelo multiculturalismo, para, por fim, analisar três propostas de cidadania multicultural. Dessa forma, no primeiro capítulo, busca-se examinar os fundamentos pré-modernos e modernos que influenciam na caracterização de uma cidadania de caráter nacional, homogêneo e excludente, que se revestiu sob a forma de cidadania liberal nacional. No segundo capítulo, procura-se estabelecer uma contextualização sobre o multiculturalismo, apontando os principais fatos históricos e atuais que o constituem enquanto um fato social, bem como as principais características, demandas e desafios que o cercam enquanto visto como uma teoria normativa, ressaltando, nesta direção, sua relação com as questões da diversidade cultural e das políticas de reconhecimento. Por fim, no terceiro capítulo, parte-se para a análise de três propostas alternativas à concepção tradicional liberal de cidadania, tais como expostas por Will Kymlicka, Charles Taylor e Jurgen Habermas, para então se pensar a questão da ressignificação da cidadania. Nesse sentido, percebe-se que estas propostas não rompem com o marco liberal, mas apenas o ampliam. Entretanto, apesar desta constatação, verifica-se que as propostas designadas acima trazem vários desafios à concepção tradicional de cidadania, pugnando por uma ampliação de seu conceito, visando à inclusão das demandas provenientes da diversidade cultural, o que ocorre prioritariamente em termos político-normativo.
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Novotný, Ondřej. "Kritika liberálního multikulturalismu." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-206427.
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The content of the diploma thesis entails proving of compatibility between liberal variant of multiculturalism and liberalism. Critique by Brian Barry this compatibility denies and understands liberal multiculturalism, which it personifies in Will Kymlicka, as illiberal. This critical view is related to the liberal-communitarian debate, through which are interpreted Brian Barrys critique as well as new conceptual elements in Will Kymlickas liberal multiculturalism that make it an update of modern liberalism. The thesis legitimizes this update, as well as firm attachment between liberal multiculturalism and liberalism through interpretation of Kymlickas postulates that is based on Rawls theory of justice and through establishing connection between those postulates and the wider postulates of liberalism.
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Stojanovic, Nenad. "The idea of a Swiss nation : a critique of Will Kymlicka's account of multination states." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33316.
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One of the most influential authors of the past decade who has tried to assess a theoretical model of defense of 'cultural rights' from a liberal prospective is Will Kymlicka. Kymlicka appears even to believe that his model of multiculturalism represents the only systematic account of minority rights that is yet available within liberal theory. He assumes that other liberal thinkers---e.g. Raz, Taylor, Habermas---'have sketched some concepts or principles which they think should govern liberal approaches to ethnocultural demands' but their views constitute, at the end of the day, 'more outlines than systematic theories' (Kymlicka 1997: 86, n. 1). This essay stems from my critical reading of Kymlicka's theory.It is not my intention here to provide an alternative model of dealing with 'cultural differences'. My aims are much more modest. First, I want to provide a critical assessment of Kymlicka's theory by pointing out some of its conceptual ambiguities. Second, I want to discuss the case of Switzerland by defending the thesis that it does not constitute a multinational state. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
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Larsson, Fredrik. "The Muslim Elite’s Perceptions of Representation in Village Panchayats (councils) Towards Local Urban Authorities : An Explorative and Descriptive Case Study of the Muslim Elite’s Perceptions of Representation in Three Villages Towards the Local City Authorities of Lucknow Chinhat (چنهٹ) Block, Uttar Pradesh, India." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-297855.
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Lohilahti, Satu. "Minoriteters Rättigheter : En minoritetspolitisk studie med sverigefinnarna i fokus." Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-1110.
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Over the last few decades, the Swedish society has become more and more multicultural, which has resulted in the fact that the differences between different ethnic groups have become more and more noticed and debated. Studies have shown that persons belonging to minority groups are often wronged by majority decisions, which leaves the minorities in a disadvantageous position in relation to the majority. The scientific problem is how a state should compensate different minority groups for their disadvantaged position in order to be able to guarantee justice and equality for all individuals of the state.
The aim of this thesis is to examine the Swedish government’s attitude towards minority rights, and to analyse whether this coincides with Will Kymlicka’s normative minority rights theory. The research questions are:
• How should the majority society treat minorities according to Kymlicka?
• Which is Swedish minority policy’s stance on minority rights?
The methods used in this thesis include a qualitative text analysis and a field investigation among Finnish-speaking people living in Borlänge.
The conclusion of this essay is that the Swedish government in all likelihood has a positive attitude towards minority rights, since it has assigned group differentiated rights to the national minorities in Sweden. Furthermore, the Swedish government’s view on minority rights coincides to a great extent with Will Kymlicka’s normative theory.
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Wouekam, Kuitche Hermann. "Le nouveau républicanisme: théorie de la non-domination, égalité et différences." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/35290.
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Comment résoudre le problème politique de la coexistence des citoyens ? La question est d’actualité, mais elle ne se prête guère à une réponse simple. Face aux transformations modernes de l’identité démocratique, se pose toujours à la philosophie politique la question de savoir comment, dans une société « bien ordonnée » vivante, prendre en compte et en charge la diversité, c’est-à-dire la différence, sans pour autant nuire à l’idéal du respect des droits individuels. Deux modèles de gouvernement du fait diversitaire et des modes de vie sont examinés pour tenter d’y répondre : celui du multiculturalisme libéral, celui du républicanisme. Peuvent-ils s’articuler et à quelles conditions ? Peuvent-ils se suffire à eux-mêmes ?
Le but de ce travail, ni anti-multiculturaliste ni anti-républicain, consiste à analyser par le biais de la philosophie néo-républicaine, qui révèle, à nos yeux, une « philosophie politique originale », la cohérence et la logique des arguments soutenus par les différents penseurs de ces modèles. Ainsi nous employons-nous à développer une position intermédiaire et synthétique qui remet en cause les points de vue opposés l’un à l’autre, soulignant les écueils de chacun. Nous démontrons que le potentiel conceptuel du néo-républicanisme permet à la philosophie politique de dépasser en conciliant, dans un point d’ancrage unique exprimant un même idéal : celui de non-domination dans la relation à l’Autre et aux institutions de gouvernement, la normativité collective du multiculturalisme et les impératifs centraux d’égalité et de liberté individuelle comme autonomie rationnelle du républicanisme.
Selon nous, les valeurs fondamentales que s’efforcent de promouvoir les sociétés modernes multiculturalistes ne peuvent strictement être réductibles à leurs manières respectives d’aborder les processus d’affirmation identitaire. Mais elles devraient irrémédiablement, pour être admises par tous, revêtir le sceau de l’universel et être traductibles dans une valeur humaine d’importance que nous avons de bonnes raisons d’adopter, malgré nos différences : l’idiome de non-domination, idéal transculturel et transcontextuel qui transcende les particularismes, gage de stabilité et d’union sociales.
Parce qu’elle déculturalise les traits d’appartenance pour une conception résolument universaliste de la liberté humaine, la théorie de la non-domination ménage un avenir commun pour tous les citoyens, quels que soient leurs appartenances et traits culturels, et assure à chacun les mêmes chances de liberté et d’égalité ; elle permet à chacun d’être considéré comme un « être moral » d’égale valeur et d’accéder au rang de personne libre. C’est pourquoi nous défendons l’idée-force que les individus porteurs d’identités multiples ne peuvent bénéficier d’une véritable autonomie-indépendance, dans le contexte des sociétés modernes et marchandes, au pluralisme marqué, que s’ils sont immunisés contre le pouvoir ou jugement arbitraire d’autres personnes, et jouissent d’un statut égal. Comment alors assurer cette égalité ?
C’est tout l’enjeu de cette thèse, qui examine la philosophie multiculturaliste du « droit à la différence » et ses implications à la lumière du républicanisme de la non-domination.
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Jansson, Ida. "Åland och ramkonventionen om skydd för nationella minoriteter." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-254939.
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Åland har ett av världens mest omfattande nationalitetsskydd, men med snart hundra år på nacken är det inte alltid det går ihop med nyare konventioner om mänskliga rättigheter. Denna uppsats undersöker hur det åländska nationalitetsskyddet har kommenterats av Europarådets rådgivande kommitté i deras arbete med att övervaka implementeringen av ramkonventionen om skydd för nationella minoriteter. Dessa kommentarer och den åländska utvecklingen granskas i förhållande till Will Kymlickas teori om minoritetsnationalism, vilken framför att nationella minoriteter, liksom majoritetsbefolkningar, kan frångå en främlingsfientlig och exkluderande nationalism baserad på etnicitet och anta en inkluderande medborgerlig nationalism som är öppen och välkomnande gentemot invandring. För att detta ska ske menar Kymlicka att minoriteten behöver ett visst inflytande över immigrationsflöden och integrationsbestämmelser, där framför allt de senare utgör en viktig del av det åländska nationalitetsskyddet. Med hjälp av idéanalys har den åländska nationalismen analyserats, och resultaten visar att den har gått från att ha etniska inslag till att anta tydligt medborgerliga drag. Den åländska behörigheten gällande immigration och integration samt den rådgivande kommitténs övervakning har även kartlagts, vilket visar att kommittén hittills har kommit både med förslag som vid förverkligande skulle stärka det åländska nationalitetsskyddet och sådana som skulle försvaga det.The Åland Islands enjoy one of the world’s most extensive systems of cultural and linguistic safeguards. It was, however, created almost one hundred years ago, which often makes its compliance with more recent human rights treaties complicated. This thesis examines how the Advisory Committee of the European Council has commented on the cultural and linguistic safeguards of the Åland Islands in its monitoring work regarding the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities. These comments and the Ålandic developments are analysed in relation to Will Kymlicka’s theory on minority nationalism, which states that national minorities, like majority populations, can leave a xenophobic and exclusionary nationalism based on ethnicity and adapt an inclusive civic nationalism that is open and welcoming towards immigration. Kymlicka argues that this requires that the minority exercise some control over the volume of immigration and over the terms of integration, where particularly the latter form an integral part of Åland’s cultural and linguistic safeguards. Ålandic nationalism has been analysed using an analysis of ideas, and the results show that it has gone from having ethnic features to showing clear civic characteristics. The competences of the Åland Islands in the areas of immigration and integration and the monitoring of the Advisory Committee have also been examined, which shows that the Committee so far has brought forward proposals that would strengthen the Ålandic safeguards as well as proposals that would weaken them.
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Haggrot, Marcus Carlsen. "Nomads in the liberal state : liberal approaches to the problem of Roma and traveller itinerancy." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:dc6e022b-3f39-44d4-ad44-8a6362a2b0c4.
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May the state, from a liberal point of view, operate laws and institutions that impede the mobile lifestyle of nomadic Roma and Travellers, or should the state take steps to accommodate their nomadic way of life? This is the essence of the problem of Roma and Traveller itinerancy and the question that is at the heart of this three-partite dissertation. The first part of the dissertation looks at public policy in France and the United Kingdom and describes the six public policy problems that constitute the problem of Roma and Traveller itinerancy. These problems concern the education of children, the French travel permits system, the legal conditions for voter registration and for GP registration, the housing benefits system, and the public provision of halting sites. The second part looks at liberal political theory. It suggests that contemporary liberalism divides into two strands that take different views on the entitlements of cultural and religious minorities, and it provides a detailed outline of the prime articulations of each approach, namely the multiculturalist liberalism of Kymlicka and the classic neutrality liberalism of Barry. The third part investigates what the two said liberalisms imply for the six policy problems from part 1. These analyses suggest that the two liberalisms have slightly diverging implications for the halting sites problem, the housing benefits problem and the problem of GP registration. They suggest furthermore that the two accounts converge on the question of voter registration and agree that the voter registration system must accommodate nomads, and may not make the possession of a fixed residence an absolute condition for voter registration. And the analyses suggest finally that the two liberalisms also converge over the education question and the travel permits question, but here support polices that are potentially inimical to Roma and Traveller itinerancy. The broader implications of these findings are that liberalism is potentially, but not necessarily and not intrinsically, inimical to Roma and Traveller nomadism, and that the disagreement between classic neutrality liberalism and multiculturalist liberalism is weak insofar as public policy is concerned.
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Dilhac, Marc-Antoine. "Fondements d'une théorie democratique de la tolérance." Paris 1, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA010713.
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Dans Ie monde moralement fragmente de la démocratie contemporaine, la tolérance réalise I'idéal d'un monde politique commun par-delà la différence, ou plut6t dans la différence. Ce monde commun rend possible Ie développement du dissensus et de la conflictualité idéologique. Qu'elle soit comprise comme acception a contrecoeur de la différence ou comme reconnaissance du droit de participer à I'élaboration , d'une culture politique commune, la tolérance accomplit I’œuvre d'inclusion qui définit la démocratie authentique. Cet idéal d'inclusion est lie à I'exigence de justification propre aux démocraties libérales dans lesquels les citoyens participent a I'élaboration des normes publiques et a leur interprétation. La tolérance implique alors que toute régie d'exclusion qui ne pourrait pas être justifiée, en des termes acceptables, par la délibération publique, soit rejetée. C'est dans la théorie politique de John Rawls que se manifeste Ie plus clairement cet idéal.
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Morar, Cristina. "Reconnaissance des minorités nationales et reconfiguration démocratique : les cas de l'Espagne et de l'Europe centrale et orientale." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/18530.
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Öberg, Elin. "Zoopolis, vilda djurs suveränitet och predationsproblemet." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Filosofiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-356774.
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Författarna av Zoopolis – A Political Theory of Animal Rights, Sue Donaldson och Will Kymlicka, anser att djurrättsrörelsen idag har stagnerat till följd av den bristfälliga utformningen av traditionell djurrättsteori. Även om vissa framgångar har uppnåtts så är avsaknaden av offentlig opinion och verkliga politiska förändringar ett avgörande problem för djurrättsrörelsen. De anser att djurrättsteorin har misslyckats med att identifiera de mest allvarliga etiska utmaningarna när det gäller våra relationer till icke-mänskliga djur. Donaldsons och Kymlickas avsikt med Zoopolis är att vidareutveckla och utvidga traditionell djurrättsteori genom att utforma ett nytt ramverk som ska kunna svara på de utmaningar som vi står inför när det gäller icke-mänskliga djurs välfärd. Genom att utgå från modern politisk teori så delar författarna in icke-mänskliga djur, härefter refererade till som ”djur” för enkelhetens skull, i tre övergripande kategorier. Dessa är baserade på djurens relationella förhållande till människor, grundat på geografiska och historiska faktorer som har påverkat hur olika grupper av människor och djur samverkar. De visar hur de olika grupperna ger upphov till olika moraliska förpliktelser och ger sedan förslag på vilken politisk status vi bör ge respektive grupp och vad denna status kan komma att betyda för oss människor och vårt politiska system. De tre kategorierna är: domesticerade djur, liminala djur (sådana djur som delar livsmiljö med människan men som lever oberoende av dessa, till exempel duvor och råttor) och vilda djur. Den sista gruppen, vilda djur, är sådana djur som flyr mänsklig kontakt och som lever utanför människans bosättningar. Dessa kan själva tillfredsställa sina behov av föda, skydd, och social struktur, de skyr människans bosättningar och upprätthåller en oberoende existens. Denna uppsats kommer att fokusera på denna kategori samt Donaldsons och Kymlickas förslag om hur vi bör förhålla oss till denna grupp. Deras förslag är att vi bör anta en generell princip om icke-ingripande för att måna om vilda djurs välfärd och att vi bäst gör detta genom att utvidga suveränitetsbegreppet och erkänna vilda djur suveränitet. Jag kommer att undersöka Donaldsons och Kymlickas suveränitetsmodell i ljuset av kritik som har formulerats av Andrée-Anne Cormier och Mauro Rossis i deras artikel ”The Problem of Predation in Zoopolis”. De anser också att vi bör följa en generell princip för icke-ingripande när det gäller vilda djur, men att denna inte kan legitimeras med hjälp av en suveränitetsmodell. De anser att Donaldsons och Kymlickas teori faller offer för vad de kallar predationsproblemet. De menar att fenomenet predation, alltså företeelsen att rovdjur måste döda andra djur för att överleva, visar att vilda djur inte har tillräcklig kompetens för att inneha suveränitet. På grund av avsaknaden av denna kompetens så kan inte en suveränitetsmodell användas som belägg för en generell princip om icke-ingripande i vilda djurs livsmiljö. Jag vill undersöka om predationsproblemet utgör ett allvarligt problem för Donaldson och Kymlickas teori om en suveränitetsmodell för vilda djur och huruvida dessa skulle kunna svara på kritiken. Detta leder oss fram till frågeställningen: Är Cormiers och Rossis kritik, att vilda djur inte kan utgöra suveräna samhällen på grund av avsaknad av kompetens, mot Donaldsons och Kymlickas teori om vilda djurs suveränitet, övertygande? Min tes är att kritiken är övertygande. Donaldson och Kymlicka verkar inte kunna svara på kritiken på ett tillfredställande sätt och samtidigt vara konsekventa mot sin teori. Det verkar som att de bedömer människan och djur olika, trots att deras teori gör anspråk på att inte göra detta.
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Jacobson, Martin. "Self-ownership and the Foundations of Libertarianism : Applying Kymlicka’s Arguments on Geolibertarianism." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-312921.
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Maicher, Sascha G. B. "Culture and autonomy, a critique of will kymlicka's defense of group-differentiated rights." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq22359.pdf.
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Enström, Nette. "Liberal likabehandling och kulturella grupprättigheter ur genusperspektiv : En feministisk analys av två politiska strategier." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-351196.
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Haist, Allana [Verfasser], Alfons [Akademischer Betreuer] Söllner, Alfons [Gutachter] Söllner, and Ulrike [Gutachter] Brummert. "Securing Diversity : A Review of Will Kymlicka’s Multicultural Citizenship / Allana Haist ; Gutachter: Alfons Söllner, Ulrike Brummert ; Betreuer: Alfons Söllner." Chemnitz : Universitätsbibliothek Chemnitz, 2013. http://d-nb.info/123057705X/34.
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Björk, Josefin. "Vems mänskliga rättigheter? – En kvantitativ innehållsanalys och en tematisk narrativanalys av den offentliga debatten omkring manlig icke-medicinsk omskärelse." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23972.
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Uppsatsen syftar till att undersöka på vilket sätt mänskliga rättigheter används som narrativ i den offentliga debatten om manlig icke-medicinsk omskärelse. Den utvalda empirin är debattinlägg publicerade av den svenska dagstidningen Dagens Nyheter och den danska dagstidningen Politiken. Uppsatsens teoretiska utgångspunkt är diskussionen om individuella och grupprelaterade rättigheter. Utifrån den har en matris skapats som fungerar som verktyg i den första av uppsatsens två analysdelar, en kvantitativ innehållsanalys. Efter den kvantitativa innehållsanalysen kommer en tematisk narrativanalys att genomföras, delvis baserat på de resultat som framkom genom innehållsanalysen. Det överordnade resultatet av undersökningen som uppsatsen presenterar är att det förekommer två slags metanarrativ i debatten om manlig icke-medicinsk omskärelse. Ett mer individorienterande metanarrativ och ett mer grupporienterat metanarrativ.The thesis aim is to evaluate in what way human rights are used as a narrative in the public debate concerning non-medical male circumcision. The Swedish newspaper Dagens Nyheter and the Danish newspaper Politiken was chosen as research subject. The theoretical base, which is this thesis ground, is the discussion between individual and group-related rights. To be able to go through with the research, a model for decoding of the articles concerning the debate was created. This model was then used in the content analysis made in this thesis, which results where used in a further analysis, a thematic narrative analysis. The overall result of the thesis was the discovering of two metanarratives which where represented in the debate about non-medical male circumcision. The two metanarratives where one more individualorientedand the other one more group-oriented.
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Holm, Klas. "Integrationspolitikens utmaningar på kommunal nivå : En studie om immigranter i Sjöbo och Åstorp." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-376957.
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Invandringen till Sverige har ökat de senaste åren och i samband med flyktingkrisen 2015 steg antalet nyanlända dramatiskt. Denna utveckling har orsakat debatt om immigranters rättigheter och krav för integration som staten bör ställa för att utveckla integrationen av immigranter i det svenska samhället. Studier av hur integration fungerar på kommunal nivå har endast gjorts i begränsad omfattning. I och med det faktum att det finns en stark politisk självständighet på kommunal nivå i Sverige, samt att det råder en polarisering mellan politiker är det intressant att studera skillnader i målsättningar och förutsättningar för integration mellan kommuner. Uppsatsen behandlar därför frågan om vilka förutsättningarna är för integration av immigranter. Detta görs genom att studera de två skånska kommunerna Åstorp och Sjöbo som har liknande storlek och geografiskt läge men olika politiska styren. Intervjuer görs med politiker från dessa kommuner och uppsatsen redogör för skillnaderna i integrationspolitiska målsättningar. En kvantitativ analys görs även med hjälp av en enkät som besvarats av immigranter i de två kommunerna. Analysen visar att kommuntillhörighet spelar en viss roll för hur immigranterna upplever mottagandet av deras kultur samt social integration med svenskar. Därutöver visar resultaten att immigranters ursprung, kön, tid i Sverige, uppfattning om religionens betydelse samt upplevda krav på anpassning, förknippas på olika sätt med tillfredställande av deras anspråk för integration, såsom hur de upplever kulturellt mottagande, autonomi, inkludering i olika avseenden samt religiösa rättigheter. En slutsats är att förutsättningarna för integration är starkt förknippade med dessa egenskaper, men att de är relaterade till immigranternas anspråk om rättigheter på olika sätt. Integrationspolitiska åtgärder bör lämpligen ta hänsyn till hur de olika egenskaperna hos immigranterna är relaterade till tillfredställandet av deras anspråk för att därigenom stärka integrationsprocessen.
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Sandford, Christie. "Kymlicka and the aboriginal right." Thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/5662.
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This thesis is concerned with two central questions. The first is theoretical and asks,
"Can a direct appeal be made to the foundational principles of liberalism to support
collective rights?" The second question is practical and asks: "Would such a defense
serve the interests of contemporary Canadian Aboriginal claims to special
constitutionally recognized collective rights known as the Aboriginal Right?" I utilize
Will Kymlicka's defense of minority rights as the theoretical framework in assessing this
first question and in assessing the latter, I refer to various reported Aboriginal
conceptions of the so-called Aboriginal Right which have been formalized by Aboriginal
people themselves through constitutional addresses, Royal Commission hearings,
discussion papers and legal claims.
Part I of the thesis involves an enquiry into the nature of the revisions that Kymlicka
proposes to make to liberal theory, and asks whether, in making such changes, he is able
to retain identification with the so-called "modern" liberals, with whom Kymlicka
identifies himself, and consistently defend the kind of group minority rights of the sort
actually being claimed in Canadian society today. I conclude that Kymlicka argument
fails in two respects: it fails to do the work required of it by modern liberals and it
ultimately fails to do the work required by the standards of Kymlicka own theory.
In Part II, I argue that even if it were theoretically possible to protect the good of culture
in the way that Kymlicka hopes, such a defense of collective rights fails in the most
important respect: that is, it cannot do the work required of it by the Aboriginal people
for whom it was designed.
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Collin, Annie-Ève. "Le libéralisme multiculturel de Will Kymlicka en perspective." Thèse, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/7537.
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Moreira, Maria da Conceição de Almeida. "Will Kymlicka e David Miller: multiculturalismo, nacionalismo e secessão." Master's thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1822/5714.
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Dissertação Mestrado em FilosofiaEste trabalho analisa as teorias de Will Kymlicka e David Miller sobre multiculturalismo, nacionalismo e secessão. Kymlicka defende que a aceitação dos direitos liberais é compatível com o reconhecimento de um estatuto especial das minorias culturais. Miller, por sua vez, é comunitarista; contudo, aproxima-se de certo tipo de liberalismo, já que, segundo a sua perspectiva, a nação é a comunidade central na vida do indivíduo, mas deve respeitar os direitos humanos. Kymlicka propõe o desenvolvimento de políticas multiculturalistas, para garantir a integração dos imigrantes e propõe o fomento de políticas de construção da nação pelas minorias nacionais; a relação entre os direitos destas minorias e as políticas de construção da nação é dialéctica. O federalismo multinacional assimétrico é o mecanismo mais adequado para reconhecer os direitos de autogoverno das minorias nacionais, pois permite o surgimento de uma cidadania diferenciada e contribui para a redução dos conflitos sociais. Para Miller, a identidade nacional é constitutiva da identidade pessoal; partilhá-la impõe obrigações especiais mútuas e gera uma aspiração à autodeterminação; o ideal seria Estado e nação coincidirem, o que é raro; portanto, nas sociedades contemporâneas é dever do Estado equilibrar o respeito pelas identidades de grupo com o respeito pela identidade nacional, criando uma cidadania comum e limitada, que é condição indispensável para impedir a fragmentação. Esta concepção de cidadania corresponde, segundo Miller, ao ideal da cidadania republicana e é a mais adequada a uma democracia deliberativa. Ambos os autores manifestam consciência de que as suas teorias políticas implicam a possibilidade de algumas minorias se tornarem secessionistas. Miller reconhece o direito à secessão e define critérios para determinar a sua legitimidade: o princípio da nacionalidade, o princípio da justiça distributiva e a viabilidade dos Estados envolvidos na secessão. Kymlicka, por sua vez, constata que existem movimentos secessionistas e considera que as federações multinacionais são a melhor forma de evitar a fragmentação dos Estados, embora não consigam, nem devam, eliminar os movimentos secessionistas.
This work analyses Will Kymlicka’s and David Miller’s theories on multiculturalism, nationalism and secession. Kymlicka argues that acceptance of liberal rights is compatible with the recognition of a special status for cultural minorities. Miller is a communitarian; however, he is close to a certain type of liberalism, because on his perspective, the nation is the central community in the individual’s life, but it should respected human rights. Kymlicka proposes the development of multicultural policies, in order to guarantee the integration of immigrants and proposes the encouragement of nation-building policies by national minorities; the connection between the rights of these minorities and nation-building policies is dialectic. Asymmetrical multinational federalism is the most suitable mechanism to recognise self-government rights for national minorities, as it allows the rise of a differentiated citizenship and helps to reduce social conflicts. For Miller, national identity is a constituent of personal identity; sharing it imposes certain specific mutual obligations and creates a longing for self-determination; the ideal would be for state and nation to coincide, which is rare; thus, in contemporary societies it is a duty of the state to balance respect for group identities with respect for national identity, creating a common and bounded citizenship, which is a necessary condition for preventing fragmentation. According to Miller, this concept of citizenship corresponds to the ideal of republican citizenship and it is the most suitable for a deliberative democracy. Both authors are aware that their political theories could lead some minorities to favour secession. Miller acknowledges the right to secession and defines criteria to determine its legitimacy: the principle of nationality, the principle of distributive justice and the viability of states involved in secession. For his part, Kymlicka recognises that secessionist movements exist and believes that multinational federations are the best way to avoid fragmentation of states, although they are not able to, nor should they, eliminate secessionist movements.
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Shen, Yi-Wen, and 沈怡彣. "Will Kymlicka on the Problem of Minoirty Right：the Typology and Criterion." Thesis, 2010. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/32795701668304988523.
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Pigeon, Louis-Étienne. "Multiculturalisme et politique : une analyse critique de la théorie de Will Kymlicka /." 2007. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2007/25042/25042.pdf.
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Wu, Li-Chiang, and 吳立強. "Culture and citizen-a comparative study of Michael Walzer and Will Kymlicka." Thesis, 2007. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/8rxugz.
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碩士國立中山大學
政治學研究所
95
The purpose of this thesis is to offer a comparative study of Michael Walzer and Will Kymlicka’s theories on citizenship. By comparing their different perspectives on conception of person and political equality, I demonstrate that due to their differing views on the significance of culture, they, as a result, have divergent theories of citizenship. Looking from a liberal multiculturalist perspective, Kymlicka defends the centrality of personal autonomy and sees cultures as important references that allow persons to choose their respective ideal ways of life. Walzer, on the other hand, faults liberalism for its hyper-individualist assumptions and misunderstanding of the significance of culture to human agency. Walzer insists that culture is not a resource/object for humans to appropriate but a constitutive part of human self-understanding that cannot be disregarded in human actions. These two distinct ideals of citizenship, I maintain, can therefore be seen as a continuation of the liberal-communitarian debate in the 1980s.
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CHANG, PEI-LUN, and 張培倫. "Moral Justification for Group-Differentiated Rights－The Possibility of Will Kymlicka''s Liberal Multiculturalism." Thesis, 2002. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/22630723755758619260.
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博士國立臺灣大學
哲學研究所
90
Facing the challenge from multiculturalism, especially the politics of difference and the politics recognition, Will Kymlicka attempts to reinterpret the implications of liberal principles to accommodate ethnocultural diversities. He argues that the exercise of individual autonomy presupposes a cultural context or structure one belonging to, therefore one’s culture or cultural membership can be recognized as one of primary goods in Rawlsian liberal scheme. And if one’s culture or cultural membership is unprivileged in social practice, in order to protect one’s access to his cultural context, a liberal society ought to provide certain necessary public measures, ie. group-differentiated rights, as possible. This dissertation summarizes the argument of Kymlicka’s liberal multiculturalism and the criticisms of his theory. The following three issues are discussed: firstly, the definition of his culture or cultural membership suffers from the fallacy of simplism in some cases, though his definition is useful in most cases. Secondly, his theory maybe face some problems in applying the principle of equality to ethnocultural issues. Shortly speaking, in practice level, his design of group-differentiated should be regulated by more concrete principles when there is conflict with other primary good, in logical level, his theory faces the the redistribution-recognition dilemma. Finally, whether group-differentiated rights in Kymlicka’s theory could provide sufficient protection for cultural survival, and whether group-differentiated rights could provide the most possible space for illiberal minorities who don’t cherish Kymlicka’s definition of individual autonomy. The above issues are discussed by turns, and some complements or even revisions are developed if necessary.
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Caver, Christopher Martin. "How Wide the We? A Study of Canadian Multiculturalism and American Cosmopolitanism." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1974/1422.
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This paper looks at liberal multiculturalism through the lens of its cosmopolitan critics. In particular I examine the arguments of four theorists who issue a variety challenges to the concept of state-sanctioned minority rights. The first two of these theorists, K. Anthony Appiah and David Hollinger, offer cosmopolitan challenges to multiculturalist views on identity (Appiah) and historical critiques of the effects of racial and ethnic political claims-making (Hollinger). My analysis attempts to show how these views are indicative of distinctly a American emphasis on race and immigration which inhibits them from a better appreciation of the Canadian experience with national minorities, one of liberal multiculturalism's main concerns. The third theorist, Patchen Markell, presents a theory of incomplete individual agency the acknowledgment of which he argues is necessary for an adequate political theory yet remains unappreciated by proponents of recognition. I attempt to show that while his concept is useful, it is simply misplaced to the arguments he wishes to criticize. The fourth theorist whose work I examine is Seyla Benhabib. She presents a more substantial account of what cosmopolitan minority claims might look like, relying on a postnational view of world affairs which eschews the state-centric approach of liberal multiculturalism. I largely reject her criticisms, but I argue that this postnational vision is one that could have implications for liberal multiculturalism. I finally offer a modest account of what these implications might be and where the terrain of this multiculturalist-cosmopolitan debate may be headed.Thesis (Master, Philosophy) -- Queen's University, 2008-09-12 17:41:13.204
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Pashby, Karen L. "Citizenship and diversity in the global imperative : what does global citizenship education mean for multiculturalism? /." 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:MR19751.
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Thesis (M.Ed.)--York University, 2006. Graduate Programme in Education.Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 176-184). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:MR19751
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李謀榮. "公民權理論之研究─以Kymlicka理論為中心." Thesis, 2002. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/49161966838260864406.
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Sigouin, Élizabeth. "Les mécanismes de protection de la jeunesse autochtone au regard de la théorie libérale de Will Kymlicka." Thèse, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/2411.
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Face au retrait massif d'enfants autochtones de leur communauté, les autochtones
revendiquent plus de contrôle sur les questions de protection de la jeunesse. Ces revendications
s'inscrivent dans leur lutte pour l'autonomie gouvernementale. À l'occasion notre recherche, nous
avons cherché à savoir comment, dans le domaine de la protection de la jeunesse, ce droit collectif
à l'autonomie gouvernementale peut s'articuler aux droits individuels de l'enfant. La théorie
libérale de Will Kymlicka qui concilie droits individuels et droits collectifs constitue le cadre
théorique de notre étude.
Nous avons analysé quatre types d'aménagements institutionnels ayant tous pour objet de
donner plus de contrôle aux autochtones en matière de protection de la jeunesse: 1) la délégation
aux autochtones du pouvoir d'administrer les lois provinciales sur la protection de la jeunesse
(modèle dit «d'autorité déléguée »); 2) la création de normes autochtones de protection de la
jeunesse fondée sur une autorité déléguée par le parlement fédéral (modèle développé par la
bande Spallumcheen); 3) l'exercice d'une autonomie gouvernementale autochtone limitée à
l'intérieur des réserves et l'application de normes fédérales uniformes à l'extérieur des réserves
(modèle développé aux Etats-Unis) et 3) la reconnaissance formelle du droit à l'autonomie
gouvernementale (modèle développé par la nation Nisga'a). Nous avons tenté d'identifier le
modèle se rapprochant le plus de l'idéal type kymlickien.
Notre recherche nous a permis de conclure que le modèle développé par la Nation Nisga'a
permet une conciliation optimale des droits individuels et des droits collectifs telle que cette
conciliation est entendue selon la théorie de Kymlicka. Parallèlement à cette conclusion
principale, notre étude nous a permis de souligner certaines failles d'une approche kymlickienne :
1) la théorie de nature générale de Kymlicka n'apporte pas de réponse à la question du titulaire du
droit à l'autonomie gouvernementale et 2) une approche mettant exclusivement l'accent sur des
réformes institutionnelles (comme celle de Kymlicka) n'est pas suffisante pour régler des
problèmes aussi complexes que celui de la protection de lajeunesse autochtone.
Dans la première partie de notre mémoire, nous avons exposé le contexte historique et
théorique propre à notre sujet d'étude. L'évolution historique des politiques canadiennes de
protection de la jeunesse autochtone et les droits individuels et collectifs en jeu y sont présentés.
Dans la deuxième partie, nous avons exposé la théorie de Kymlicka que nous avons appliqué par
la suite aux quatre modèles de protection de la jeunesse autochtone analysés.With the massive extraction of native children from their communities, aboriginals are claiming more control over youth protection issues. These claims are part of a greater struggle for governmental autonomy. In our research we have examined how this collective right to autonomy can be reconciled with children's individual rights as pertains to the field ofyouth protection. Will Kymlicka's liberal theory, which reconciles individual and collective rights, will serve as our theoretical framework. We have surveyed four types of institutional establishments that strive to gamer more control for aboriginals over youth protection issues: 1) delegation of authority over the administration of provincial youth protection laws to the aboriginals ('delegated authority' models); 2) creation of aboriginal norms for youth protection according to a delegated authority (model created by the Spallumcheen band); 3) complete aboriginal authority within reserves and the application ofuniform federallaws outside ofreserves (model developed in the US) and 4) the recognition ofthe right to governmental autonomy (model developed by the Nisga'a Nation). We have tried to determine which model better fulfills the Kymlickan ideal. Our research has brought us to conclude that the model developed by the Nisga'a Nation affords an optimal conciliation of individual and collective rights as understood by Kymlicka's theory. Furthermore, our research has underlined certain inconsistencies in the Kymlickan approach: 1) Kymlicka's political theory does not consider the question of the incumbent of the right to governmental autonomy and 2) an approach based solely on institutional change (as Kymlicka's) is not sufficient in dealing with a problem as complex as aboriginal youth protection. In the first part of this thesis, we have analysed the historical and theoretical contexts of our research subject. In this section we consider the historical evolution of aboriginal youth protection and individual and collective rights. In the second part, we explore Kymlicka's theory, which we have applied in analyzing our four aboriginal youth protection models.
"Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de maîtrise en droit, option recherche". Ce mémoire a été accepté à l'unanimité et classé parmi les 5% des mémoires de la discipline. Commentaires du jury : "Excellente recherche et argumentaire impressionnant. Le jury encourage la candidate à poursuivre des études doctorales."
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Armstrong, Frédérick. "Will Kymlicka et les angles morts du libéralisme - Vers une théorie non-libérale du droit des minorités?" Thèse, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/9233.
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Will Kymlicka a formulé une théorie libérale du droit des minorités en arguant
que l'on doit protéger les cultures minoritaires des influences extérieures, car, selon lui,
ces cultures fournissent aux individus un contexte de choix significatif qui permet la
prise de décision autonome. Il limite donc la portée de sa théorie aux minorités
« culturelles », c'est-à-dire les minorités nationales et immigrantes, qui peuvent fournir
ce contexte de choix significatif aux individus. Évidemment, les injustices vécues par
ces deux types de minorités, aussi sévères soient-elles, n'épuisent pas les expériences
d'injustices vécues par les membres de groupes minoritaires et minorisés (i.e. minorités
sexuelles, femmes, Afro-Américains, etc.). On pourrait donc être tenté d'élargir la
portée de la théorie du droit des minorités pour rendre compte de toutes les injustices
vécues en tant que minorité. Toutefois, je défends la thèse selon laquelle cette
extension est impossible dans le cadre d'une théorie libérale, car une de ses méthodes
typiques, la « théorie idéale », limite la portée critique des thèses de Kymlicka et parce
que l'autonomie individuelle a un caractère si fondamental pour les libéraux, qu'ils ne
peuvent rendre compte du fait que certaines décisions individuelles autonomes peuvent
contribuer à perpétuer des systèmes et des normes injustes.Will Kymlicka defends a liberal theory of minority rights, arguing that we must protect minority cultures from outside influences, as these cultures provide individuals with a meaningful context of choice that allows autonomous decision-making. This defence of minority rights limits the scope of his theory by focusing on 'cultural' minorities, that is to say, national minorities and immigrants, which can provide individuals with this meaningful context of choice. Obviously, the injustices experienced by these two types of minorities, however severe they are, do not exhaust the injustices experienced by members of minority groups and minoritized groups (i.e. sexual minorities, women, African Americans, etc.). One might be tempted to expand the scope of the theory of minority rights to account for all the injustices experienced as a minority. However, I argue that this extension is not possible within a liberal theorical framework where 'ideal theory' limits the critical force of Kymlicka’s thesis and in which the centrality of individual autonomy prevents liberals to realize that certain individual decisions contribute to the perpetuation of unjust systems, values and norms.
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Morar, Cristina. "Reconnaissance des minorités nationales et reconfiguration démocratique : les cas de l'Espagne et de l'Europe centrale et orientale /." 2006. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2006/23967/23967.pdf.
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Haist, Allana. "Securing Diversity: A Review of Will Kymlicka’s Multicultural Citizenship." Doctoral thesis, 2011. https://monarch.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A19981.
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Will Kymlicka’s seminal work on Multicultural Citizenship has done much to advance the case for minority rights worldwide. Agreeing with communitarians that culture is important, yet unwilling to relinquish liberal equality and fairness, Kymlicka builds on John Rawls’s monumental Theory of Justice to show group rights are not only accord with liberalism, but are its true fulfilment. Yet, while Kymlicka’s theory has received accolades for elegantly tying liberalism and culturalism together theoretically, it has been met with equal scepticism over the tenability of its praxis. In this book, I argue that much of the criticism wielded against Kymlicka’s theory results from his crucial reliance on the definition of societal cultures and the contradictions embedded therein. This is further compounded by the tendency of Kymlicka to neglect his commitment to dynamic culture and liberalism in favour of a monolithic treatment of culture, leading us down the path to illiberal conclusions. I suggest that for Kymlicka’s theory of “Multicultural Citizenship” to embrace a truly vibrant multiculturalism, the theory must overcome its internal contradictions and reaffirm its commitment to a multi-layered and recursive approach to group rights. I shall review the strengths and weaknesses of Kymlicka’s theory set against contemporary debates on the topics of nationalism and minority rights and will suggest how the theory can reduce its inner tensions to embolden its critical support for multiculturalism in Canada and worldwide.
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Ono, Emiko Louise. "La construction de l’identité dans une société de la diversité. Critique du multiculturalisme de Kymlicka et de Taylor." Thèse, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/8872.
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Les sociétés modernes sont de plus en plus souvent confrontées aux enjeux de la diversité. Le multiculturalisme tente d’y apporter une réponse à travers un modèle de société basé sur une politique de la reconnaissance. Selon moi, l’argumentation des multiculturalistes repose sur leur conception de l’identité. C’est pourquoi, pour apporter une critique nouvelle de ce courant de pensée, j’analyse les écrits de ses principaux défenseurs, Will Kymlicka et Charles Taylor, en concentrant mon analyse sur ce qu’ils entendent par identité. Je soutiens que leur conception ne laisse pas assez de place au potentiel d’évolution et ne considère pas suffisamment l’importance et le pouvoir de la volonté individuelle dans la construction de l’identité. En m’appuyant sur l’étude d’autres auteurs, je souligne la nécessité de considérer les frontières entre le semblable et l’autre de manière plus souple et de reconnaître que la violence peut s’exercer par la création de différences entre les personnes. J’ai choisi la figure radicale de « l’homme sans qualités » de Robert Musil pour montrer comment un individu peut devenir autonome à travers un acte de destruction créatrice. Enfin, je conclus que l’État devrait favoriser ce processus, et permettre au sujet, qui est selon moi dénué d’une nature authentique, de penser son existence comme une expérience du possible.Modern societies are increasingly confronted with the challenge of diversity. Defenders of multiculturalism responded with a model of society based on a politics of recognition. This model can be connected to a particular conception of identity. In order to make a new contribution to the critique of this approach, this work presents an analysis of the writings of two of the main proponents: Will Kymlicka and Charles Taylor. It does so by focusing on their conception of identity and argues that it does not leave enough room for change and fails to fully recognise the importance and the impact of personal will. The works of other authors are analysed in order to emphasize the need to view the boundaries between sameness and otherness in a more flexible fashion and to acknowledge that violence can attend the creation of differences between people. The figure of the “man without qualifies” portrayed by the novelist Robert Musil is offered as emblematic of how an individual can become autonomous through an act of creative destruction. Finally, it is concluded that the state should facilitate the creation of difference and this requires allowing citizens to conceive of their lives as an experience of the possible.
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Rioux, Alain. "La laïcité, état des lieux." Mémoire, 2009. http://www.archipel.uqam.ca/2412/1/M11031.pdf.
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Loin de se cantonner à la notion triviale de simple séparation Église/État, la laïcité classique, selon Marcel Gauchet, est plutôt le mouvement propre de l'autonomie participative du corps politique. Ce mouvement, se dédoublant en État et société, autorise tant l'autonomie de l'État, face à toute idéologie (laïcité), que celle des individus de la société civile (libertés politiques et civiques.). Or, un avatar de cette laïcité, la laïcité sociale, tentant de repenser l'autonomie politique, selon un rapport de proportionnalité, entre l'État et les individus, exige, sur le modèle de la négociation marchande, comme l'illustre, avec beaucoup d'à-propos la réflexion éthique de David Gauthier, que l'autonomie de tout un chacun émane non plus de la généralité de la participation politique mais, plutôt, de la reconnaissance juridique de chaque singularité. La question s'est alors posée de savoir, si le modèle prévalent de la laïcité devrait désormais se penser comme forme politique ou réalité sociale. Autrement dit, la laïcité classique, structure politique de la cité, doit-elle céder le pas à cette matière sociale, en constante renégociation, selon la transposition des principes de la société de marché, qu'est la laïcité sociale? On a bien tenté de concilier ces deux formes de laïcité, sous le concept de citoyenneté différenciée, comme s'y est ingénié Will Kymlicka, mais l'autonomie, étant un concept exclusif, les deux formes de laïcité, politique et sociale, parce que régies par deux ordres différents de rapports à l'autonomie, relation participative, pour la laïcité classique, analogie de proportionnalité, pour la laïcité sociale, s'avèrent incompatibles. De plus, nous rappelant que toute société est immédiatement politique, Julien Freund nous apparaît faire cause commune avec Gauchet et répudier toute admission de quelque version sociale de la laïcité. Car, la laïcité, étant forme politique d'une matière sociale, qu'elle unifie et clôture, ne peut tolérer, sans se nier, le fractionnement ou la démultiplication de cette matière, comme la reconnaissance juridique des singularités individuelles nous y conduit, ainsi qu'y aspire la laïcité sociale, sans compromettre la stabilité et l'existence même du corps politique. Ainsi, le plaidoyer de Gauchet pour la laïcité classique, forme politique de la cité, est-il conforté dans ses droits. La laïcité est, donc, l'expression unique du dédoublement autonome du corps politique, en État et en société. En outre, l'autonomie politique, consacrée par ce dédoublement, s'offre à elle-même son propre a-venir, en tant qu'auto-nome ou pro-jet. De sorte que, loin de se pétrifier en forme politique abstraite, la laïcité classique est bien plutôt le gage dynamique de la survie et de la stabilité de toute cité démocratique. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Gauchet, Laïcité, Freund, Multiculturalisme, Kymlicka.
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Morris, Rachel. "Rawlsian justice and the challenge of diversity." Thèse, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/4854.
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Ce mémoire examine le rôle de la diversité dans une conception de la justice. Je débute en considérant l’abstraction de la différence impliquée dans le raisonnement utilisé pour arriver à une conception de la justice. Par la suite j’évalue le rôle des différences des groupes sociaux dans l’application des principes de justice, en considérant si la justice exige des droits individuels ou si les groupes peuvent revendiquer des droits différenciés. Ce mémoire utilise la position originale de John Rawls pour évaluer la première question, et sa conception de la personne et des groupes sociaux pour examiner la deuxième. Je soutiens que nous pouvons et devrions utiliser l’abstraction de la position originale, tant que nous sommes conscients de ses limites. Bien que sa conception politique de la personne soit également utile pour la défense des droits individuels, sa conception du groupe social n’est pas appropriée pour les groupes culturels ou historiquement opprimés, car il repose trop lourdement sur la notion d’association volontaire. J’analyse l’argument de Will Kymlicka concernant les droits minoritaires et j’enrichis la théorie de Rawls en ajoutant l’inégalité entre groupes. Je termine en examinant les problèmes concernant les minorités à l’intérieur des groupes minoritaires et conclue que les droits minoritaires ne sont justifiées que lorsqu’ils sont compatibles avec les droits individuels, et non pas quand ils renforcent une autre inégalité. Par conséquent, même si l’abstraction au niveau théorique est justifiée, les droits des groupes minoritaires exigeront qu’on porte une attention aux différences entres groupes, ainsi qu’à l’intérieur de ceux-ci.This thesis examines the role of diversity in a conception of justice. I begin by considering the abstraction from difference involved in the reasoning used to arrive at a conception of justice. I then evaluate the role of social group difference in the application of principles of justice, considering whether justice demands principles that are the same for all in the form of individual rights or whether groups can claim differentiated rights. This thesis uses John Rawls’s original position to evaluate the first question, and his account of the self and social group to discuss the second. I argue that we can and should use the abstraction of the original position, so long as we are aware of its limits. While Rawls’s political conception of the self is also useful for defending individual rights, his account of the social group is inappropriate for cultural or historically oppressed groups, as it relies too heavily on the notion of voluntary association. I follow Will Kymlicka’s argument for minority rights and extend Rawls's theory to consider inequality between groups. I close by considering concerns regarding minorities within minorities, and conclude that minority rights are only justified when they are consistent with individual rights, not when they reinforce a different inequality. Therefore, even though the abstraction at the theoretical level is justified, minority rights for groups will require attention to the differences between groups, as well as within them.
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Vaca, Paniagua Moises. "The law of peoples, human rights and minority rights: a study of legitimacy and international justice." Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1974/667.
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Severe poverty and ethnic-conflicts are the two most devastating problems of the contemporary world. Eighteen million persons die every year from causes related to poverty and a vast amount of developing countries suffer from tremendous processes of destabilization –frequently involving highly violent actions– associated to the relations between majority and minority groups. In both cases, the intervention of international powers and institutions has not been helpful enough to make a difference, and this present reality projects itself as a distressing scene for the future. Human rights and minority rights are the most powerful international tools in trying to change this sad global scenario. However, there is an extensive debate on the nature of these rights in a theory of international justice. This is often characterized as a debate between “minimalist” who seek to reduce the currently –recognized list of human rights to a bare minimum in order to accommodate non-liberal societies, and more expansive liberal approaches, which seek to expand the list of human rights to include the full set of civil and political rights characteristic of modern liberal-democracies. In this thesis, I will argue in favour of a third position. In line with some of the more minimalist approaches, I will argue that constraints of legitimacy rule out attempts to include full civil and political rights into our list of human rights. However, I will argue that these same constraints of legitimacy advocates for expanding the currently-recognized list of human rights in at least two key respects: the recognition of certain basic social and economic rights; and the recognition of certain minority rights. In short, we should be minimalist on some issues, while more expansive in others.
In developing this argument, I will relay on the framework provided by The Law of Peoples of John Rawls.Thesis (Master, Philosophy) -- Queen's University, 2007-09-05 10:41:44.771
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Hys, Dmytro. "A Critical Assessment of Will Kymlicka's Theory of Minority Rights: Dilemmas of Liberal Multiculturalism." Thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10756/288519.
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This thesis argues that to take into account only liberal interpretations of multicultural dilemmas would be insufficient and unrealistic in assessing the claims of justice for ethnocultural diversity. The current liberal approach as offered by Will Kymlicka is a good beginning for ethnic conflict management. However, his theory is marked by a number of limitations due to the fact that he operates only with the principles and norms of liberal institutions. In modern multiculturally constituted democracies, the presence and constant increase of cultural diversity challenges the self-understanding of liberal democracy. Kymlicka's liberal theory of multiculturalism has been challenged by several political theorists, who emphasize the insufficiency of his approach due its reliance on liberal readings of ethnic conflicts. [from Introduction, p. [1]]
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Jean, Marco. "Penser la laïcité avec Habermas : étude critique de la conception habermassienne des rapports religion-politique." Thèse, 2011. http://www.archipel.uqam.ca/4900/1/D2191.pdf.
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À la base de ce travail se trouve la problématique de la place et du rôle de la religion dans l'espace public des sociétés occidentales contemporaines. Son but est de dégager des propositions qui permettront d'adapter le politique, c'est-à-dire les institutions publiques et le comportement des citoyens, à la pluralité des doctrines englobantes et des conceptions du bien qui caractérise le monde d'aujourd'hui. Et cela, tout en honorant l'ensemble des valeurs et des principes libéraux et démocratiques, à commencer par l'égalité fondamentale entre les personnes et la liberté de conscience et de religion. L'objectif général est donc de définir le sens et la forme de cette composante essentielle de toute démocratie libérale qu'est la laïcité. Étant donné sa nature normative, ce problème est abordé sous l'angle des théories normatives en philosophie morale et politique contemporaine. Il s'agit de dégager et d'analyser la conceptualisation de la laïcité présente dans l'œuvre du philosophe allemand Jürgen Habermas (1929-), plus précisément d'extraire de sa théorie de la religion et de sa théorie politique les principes constitutifs de la laïcité. Cela comprend en outre la détermination des conditions et des moyens de leur application. La religion pouvant s'insérer dans l'espace public selon deux modalités, le problème central de cette recherche se divise en deux questions. La première est celle de la mobilisation des ressources normatives de la religion pour l'orientation de la vie collective ; la seconde celle de la reconnaissance des particularismes religieux. Elle consiste donc à expliquer les réponses que leur apporte, directement ou indirectement, Habermas, de même qu'à vérifier leur force, leur validité et leur cohérence. Pour ce faire, est mise à contribution l'analyse des propositions d'autres penseurs de la religion, du social et du politique. Les propos de Habermas sont particulièrement mis en parallèle avec ceux de deux grands représentants du libéralisme politique contemporain, John Rawls et Will Kymlicka, et de Charles Taylor, un éminent représentant du communautarisme. Ce travail se divise donc en trois grandes parties. La première porte sur le concept de religion chez Habermas. Y est étudié le tournant qu'a connu la pensée habermassienne sur la religion au cours des deux dernières décennies, lequel consiste en une valorisation du potentiel sémantico-normatif de la religion en modernité. La seconde concerne l'articulation de la religion avec la raison publique. La troisième a trait à l'aménagement politique de la diversité religieuse.
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MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : citoyenneté, démocratie, démocratie délibérative, espace public, laïcité, libéralisme politique, multiculturalisme, raison publique, religion, Habermas, Kymlicka, Rawls, Taylor
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De, Luca Roberto Joseph. "Liberal multiculturalism and the challenge of religious diversity." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2010-12-2274.
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This dissertation evaluates the recent academic consensus on liberal multiculturalism. I argue that this apparent consensus, by subsuming religious experience under the general category of culture, has rested upon undefended and contestable conceptions of modern religious life. In the liberal multicultural literature, cultures are primarily identified as sharing certain ethnic, linguistic, or geographic attributes, which is to say morally arbitrary particulars that can be defended without raising the possibility of conflict over metaphysical beliefs. In such theories, the possibility of conflict due to diverse religious principles or claims to the transcendent is either steadfastly ignored or, more typically, explained away as the expression of perverted religious faith. I argue that this conception of the relation between culture and religion fails to provide an account of liberal multiculturalism that is persuasive to religious believers on their own terms. To illustrate this failing, I begin with an examination of the Canadian policy of official multiculturalism and the constitutional design of Pierre Trudeau. I argue that the resistance of Québécois nationalists to liberal multiculturalism, as well as the conflict between the Québécois and minority religious groups within Quebec, has been animated by religious and quasi-religious claims to the transcendent. I maintain that to truly confront this basic problem of religious difference, one must articulate and defend the substantive visions of religious life that are implicit in liberal multicultural theory. To this end, I contrast the portrait of religious life and secularization that is implicit in Will Kymlicka’s liberal theory of minority rights with the recent account of modern religious life presented by Charles Taylor. I conclude by suggesting that Kymlicka’s and Taylor’s contrasting conceptions of religious difference—which are fundamentally at odds regarding the relation of the right to the good, and the diversity and nature of genuine religious belief—underline the extent to which liberal multicultural theory has reached an academic consensus only by ignoring the reality of religious diversity.text
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Michaud-Ouellet, Joëlle Alice. "Self-determining peoples against the myth of the civic nation." Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/1782.
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This thesis relies on the idea that members of a culture should be able to secure the survival and flourishing of their own culture, or, in other words, that they should be self-determining. The collective will to take charge of its own destiny is the sign that a political community exists. The development of this subjectivity is made possible by a shared culture. I argue for conceptualizing self-determination in a way that recognizes both the autonomy of cultural groups and the necessity for people-to-people relations between groups. The people-to-people relations are necessary for allowing the coexistence of different peoples with the same right to self-determination. Although the contemporary discourse of liberal multiculturalism is sympathetic to cultural self-determination, it tends to undercut its own commitment by linking itself to the current systems of nation-states and specifically Western liberal ideas about recognition and empowerment. I will argue that the nationalist discourse that is specific to the literature on liberal multiculturalism intends to empower self-determining peoples, but ultimately reinforces a hierarchy of peoples in which minorities’ nationalism is instrumental to the achievement of the myth of an overarching civic nation that is embodied in the liberal state. (T1). The myth of the civic nation has its origins in the liberal principles of individualism and neutrality of the state. In the context of a multinational state, attempts to create an overarching civic nation result in efforts to domesticate and assimilate diversity. My thesis will also argue that the survival and flourishing of cultures requires both questioning the universality of the state model and developing a post-nationalist framework that would acknowledge the legitimacy of a great diversity of political communities, as such diversity is representative of the diverse cultures that sustain these political communities. (T2).
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Furtado, Robert. "The right to the city: redefining multiculturalism in the modern global." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/3980.
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Global capital is transforming the spaces in which we live, thereby transforming culture: this thesis challenges a set of liberal assumptions about culture and cultural transformation by elaborating upon this very hypothesis. Specifically, it argues that cultural identities are being formed in global cities, where disjunctive global flows of cultural, financial, technological, ideological, and human capital intersect. These global flows are creating cultural contexts of choice that can be as central to individual and group identities as national institutions or inherited or native cultural norms. And as these modern contexts of choice emancipate the imagination from the influence of national institutions, they enable peculiar new forms of agency. I use Arjun Appadurai’s notion of imagination and his model of “scapes”—cultural landscapes formed by intersecting flows of capital—to explain how the global is becoming the decisive framework for social life. In contrast, I use Will Kymlicka’s model of multicultural citizenship and Jeremy Waldron’s model of cosmopolitanism primarily to demonstrate the limits of a class of liberal theories of cultural accommodation that oversimplify the relationship of the individual to culture, and of culture to modernity, and which ignore the role of “scapes” in constituting cultural identities. To conclude, I propose an alternative, three- dimensional and ultimately non-comparative treatment of culture inspired by Henri Lefebvre’s concept of the right to the city.Graduate
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Caron, Lanteigne Louis-Philippe. "Vertus et limites de la critique communautarienne du libéralisme." Thèse, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/10614.
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Ce mémoire traite de la critique communautarienne du libéralisme et se donne deux projets. D’abord, il s’agit de formuler une position de synthèse à partir des travaux des philosophes Charles Taylor, Michael Sandel, Alasdair MacIntyre et Michael Walzer. Cette synthèse s’articule autour de trois axes, soit ontologique, sociale et méthodologique. Le deuxième projet est d’évaluer cette position pour statuer sur son rapport au libéralisme, et, plus précisément, pour déterminer si elle est seulement une critique, une alternative, ou encore une variante à l’intérieur du libéralisme. Il est conclu que le communautarisme est réconciliable avec une certaine forme de libéralisme et que sa critique permet même de l’améliorer.In this essay about the communitarian critique of liberalism I seek to reach two goals. First, it is to form a synthesis from the works of philosophers Charles Taylor, Michael Sandel, Alasdair MacIntyre and Michael Walzer. This synthesis is articulated through three axes: ontologicial, social and methodological. Building on this, my second objective is to assess its relation to liberalism. More specifically, I seek to determine whether communitarianism is merely a critique, an alternative or a variant of liberalism. My conclusion is that communitarianism is reconciliable with a certain form of liberalism and that its critique allows to improve it.