Journal articles: 'Kymlicka'

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O'Neill, Daniel I. "Multicultural Liberals and the Rushdie Affair: A Critique of Kymlicka, Taylor, and Walzer." Review of Politics 61, no. 2 (1999): 219–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500051986.

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This article critically analyzes the work of Will Kymlicka, Charles Taylor, and Michael Walzer, three of the most important contemporary political philosophers writing on issues of multiculturalism. It uses the Rushdie affair, and each theorist's interpretation of it, as the basis for an immanent critique of “multicultural liberalism,” a theory defined by the dual commitment to cultural rights for minority groups and certain core liberal principles, defended in different ways by Kymlicka, Taylor, and Walzer. It is principally concerned with Kymlicka, whose work is one of the most influential attempts to respond to communitarian criticisms that “atomistic” liberalism is inhospitable to community and culture. The article argues that Kymlicka's defense of “multicultural citizenship” is deeply problematic from the perspective of the Rushdie affair. It then considers Taylor and Walzer similarly, as representatives of the communitarian strain of multicultural liberal argument, and likewise finds their positions unconvincing. The article concludes with the suggestion that the Rushdie affair points to a potentially unresolvable tension at the heart of all three attempts to defend multicultural liberalism.

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Lunney, Daniel. "Can a critical reading of Zoopolis by Donaldson and Kymlicka lead to advocating dialogue between animal rights theorists and zoologists?" Pacific Conservation Biology 25, no. 1 (2019): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/pc17052.

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This essay is a zoologist’s response to Zoopolis. A political theory of animal rights by Donaldson and Kymlicka (2011). What drew me to look at their new approach was that geography played a part in conceptualising animal communities and, in particular, the specific focus on wild animals and urban wildlife. To oversimplify, Donaldson and Kymlicka say, much of the debate operates within one of three basic moral frameworks: a welfarist, an ecological and a basic rights approach, but none has proved capable of fundamental change. That change will only be possible, they consider, if we can develop a new moral framework that connects the treatment of animals more directly to the fundamental principles of liberal–democratic justice and human rights. A major point of agreement between zoologists and Donaldson’s and Kymlicka’s views is that animals deserve more than being over-ridden at every encounter with human interests. A major stalling point in advocating a dialogue between animal rights theorists and zoologists is where Donaldson and Kymlicka accept the animal rights position at the outset, rather than letting their thesis play out to see what their position might be for each geographic zone and for each species. Also, it is clear that Donaldson’s and Kymlicka’s starting point is the traditional animal rights agenda, which rules out animal research as morally illegitimate. The conservation of Australia’s fauna could not survive in that regime. Consequently, I cannot advocate dialogue between animal rights theorists and zoologists from a critical reading of Zoopolis.

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Heim, Darian. "“Old” Natives and “New” Immigrants: Beyond Territory and History in Kymlicka's Account of Group-Rights." Migration Letters 13, no. 2 (March 16, 2016): 214–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v13i2.303.

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According to Will Kymlicka, only historically and territorially bound “national” groups can engage in a “nation-building” process. Recently arrived immigrant groups cannot as they have neither been able nor willing to do so. The paper argues, first, that such empirical facts are insufficient for the normative conclusions Kymlicka defends; and second, that if his ultimate goal is to achieve better “terms of integration” for immigrants, he cannot deny them the right to attempt their own “nation-building”. As an illustration, the paper describes Kymlicka's own thought-experiment of Chinese immigrants in Canada pursuing a nation-building-process analogous to the Québécois. It explores how criteria for advocating group rights other than history and territory – desert, participation, or need –avoid treating old and new minorities in an arbitrarily asymmetric manner.

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Dick, Caroline. "“Culture and the Courts” Revisited: Group-Rights Scholarship and the Evolution of s.35(1)." Canadian Journal of Political Science 42, no. 4 (December 2009): 957–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423909990655.

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Abstract.In revisiting Michael Murphy's critique of the cultural test adopted by the Supreme Court of Canada to interpret Aboriginal rights, this article takes up the suggestion that the works of Charles Taylor and Will Kymlicka support an inherent understanding of Aboriginal rights. An assessment of the jurisprudence suggests that the Court's approach reflects, rather than contradicts, Taylor's and Kymlicka's rights frameworks, which invoke the same discourse of culture and identity embraced by the Court. The article also contends that the role played by culture in Canada's Aboriginal rights jurisprudence extends well beyond the cultural rationale adopted by the Court.Résumé.En revisitant la critique de Michael Murphy sur l'examen culturel adopté par la Court Suprême du Canada dans l'interprétation des droits indigènes, cet article adopte la suggestion que les travaux de Charles Taylor et Kymlicka supportent une définition inhérente des droits indigènes. Une évaluation de la jurisprudence suggère que la position de la cour reflète, plutôt que contredit, l'approche des droits mise en avant par Taylor et Kymlicka. Celle-ci, en effet accepte le même discours culturel et identitaire que la court. L'article affirme également que le rôle joué par la culture dans la jurisprudence Canadienne sur les droits indigènes se prolonge bien au delà du raisonnement culturel adopté par la court.

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Kozachuk, Oleh. "Liberal Pluralism and Multiculturalism in Central and Eastern Europe (W. Kymlicka Views’ Analysis)." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 33-34 (August 25, 2017): 230–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2016.33-34.230-237.

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Will Kymlicka is widely known in the world for the research in the field of the theoretical principles of liberal pluralism and justification of the policy of multiculturalism. In his scientific work, he pays attention not onlyto his native Canada but also draws attention to other regions of the world, including Central and Eastern Europe. The scientist asks whether the export of Western model of liberal pluralism and multiculturalism policies available in the region? Are Western models of multiculturalism and minority rights relevant for the post-Communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe? In the following article, we analyze Will Kymlicka’s views on this issue. Kymlicka explains why conventional ways of distinguishing between ethnic relations in the East and West do not help in understanding or responding to ethnic conflicts in the post-Communist world. He argues why the states of Central and Eastern Europe are not inherent in the territorial autonomy in their state building. He also argues why federalism as a form of government is not the solution of interethnic interaction’s problems. In addition, Will Kymlicka tries to highlight the unique characteristics of the region, which do not suggest the possibility of the introduction of liberal pluralism and multiculturalism in Central and Eastern Europe in the near future. Keywords: Liberal pluralism, multiculturalism, territorial autonomy, federalism, minorities

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Månsson, Niclas. "Will Kymlicka: Mångkulturellt medborgarskap." Utbildning & Demokrati – tidskrift för didaktik och utbildningspolitk 8, no. 3 (January 1, 1999): 151–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.48059/uod.v8i3.659.

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Kymlicka, Will. "Modernity and Minority Nationalism: Commentary on Thomas Franck." Ethics & International Affairs 11 (March 1997): 171–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1997.tb00026.x.

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Focusing on the nature of modern nationalism, Kymlicka asserts that Franck overstates the dichotomy of so-called romantic tribal nationalism and traditional nationalism as seen in the United States and France, which Franck claims is liberal, inclusive, and based on political principles rather than blood lines. Using examples from France, the United States, and Quebec, Kymlicka shows that language and common identity as well as liberal principles of freedom and democracy compose modern liberal nationalism. More sympathetic to minority nationalism than Franck, Kymlicka argues that minority movements are not irrational but often based upon legitimate claims, claims that majorities frequently fail to take seriously. Kymlicka concludes in agreement with Franck that minority nationalists should have greater representation at the international level, not simply as a means of pacifying minority nationalists but in the interests of international justice.

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Peddle, David. "Freedom within the Ordnung: Liberal grounds for toleration of Amish culture." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 29, no. 4 (December 2000): 453–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842980002900405.

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It is remarkable that Will Kymlicka, whose works Liberalism, Community and Culture and Multicultural Citizenship have mounted, on liberal grounds, a vigorous defense of the rights of minority cultures, nevertheless fails to extend principled toleration to Amish culture. The present argument is concerned to indicate that Amish culture is not as restrictive as suggested in Kymlicka's portrayal, to examine the conception of culture which leads him to this unfortunate exclusion and to indicate that the situation of the Amish provides an archetype of the appropriate relationship between liberal democracies and non-liberal minority cultures.

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Tanchuk, Nick. "Justifying Bill 18: A Critique of Kymlicka’s Comprehensive Neutrality." Sexual and Gender Diversity in Schools 22, no. 1 (September 14, 2020): 91–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1071469ar.

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Manitoba’s Bill 18 provides students the legal right to form gay-straight alliance student groups within denominational and dissentient schools. Religious opponents of Bill 18 claim that the law unjustifiably imposes a homogenous moral worldview on religious families. I argue that if we appeal to Will Kymlicka’s comprehensive neutralist theory of political morality to justify Bill 18, the religious complaint is problematically vindicated. I argue that Kymlicka appeals to two bases of neutrality that ultimately fail to distinguish his view from the perfectionist theories of political morality that he officially rejects. Due to this internal inconsistency, the priority of Kymlicka’s preferred moral practices remains unjustified. For those of us who believe that Bill 18 is morally justified, an alternative approach to explaining this intuition is required.

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Craig, Elizabeth. "The Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities and the Development of a 'Generic' Approach to the Protection of Minority Rights in Europe?" International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 17, no. 2 (2010): 307–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181110x495917.

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AbstractThis article considers some of the debates that have taken place in recent years about the Framework Convention's potential application to 'new minorities' or 'immigrant' groups. It explores the relevance of the work of Will Kymlicka to these debates as well as the stance adopted by the Framework Convention's Advisory Committee and State responses. The article argues that the protection of 'new' minorities under the Framework Convention should continue to be encouraged by the Advisory Committee and that this is an approach supported not only by Kymlicka's work but also on a more pragmatic level by State experiences to date.

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Sterba, James P. "Liberalism, Community, and Culture.Will Kymlicka." Ethics 103, no. 1 (October 1992): 152–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/293476.

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12

Dewitte, Philippe. "La citoyenneté multiculturelle,, Will Kymlicka." Sciences Humaines N° 255, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/sh.255.0017.

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Camati, Odair. "Multiculturalismo e a possibilidade da atribuição de direitos coletivos." Pensando - Revista de Filosofia 9, no. 18 (February 20, 2019): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.26694/pensando.v9i18.7731.

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O objetivo do presente trabalho é analisar, a partir do filósofo canadense Will Kymlicka, a possibilidade da atribuição de direitos coletivos a minorias culturais. Nesse sentido, a discussão se enquadra no interior de um dos temas mais relevantes em filosofia política contemporânea, a saber, o multiculturalismo. Por isso, é fundamental apresentar em que termos o multiculturalismo é compreendido no presente texto. Como a referência central é Kymlicka, o conceito de multiculturalismo aqui apresentado terá no filósofo canadense seu grande ponto de orientação. O passo seguinte à apresentação do multiculturalismo é entender porque é importante pensar acerca da possibilidade de atribuição ou não de direitos coletivos. É preciso, pois, lembrar que o multiculturalismo está preocupado com o reconhecimento das mais diversas manifestações culturais, obviamente que direcionado às minorias culturais que se encontram em constate ameaça. Em razão das grandes dúvidas que pairam sobre o conceito de direitos coletivos é que Kymlicka prefere “direitos diferenciados em função de grupo”. O texto apresenta as razões dessa nomenclatura adotada pelo filósofo e questiona se a nova conceituação põe fim às incompreensões geradas pelo conceito tradicional. Portanto, o texto apresenta e problematiza a importante contribuição de Kymlicka no que diz respeito ao multiculturalismo, além de verificar a possibilidade de atribuir direitos coletivos ou direitos diferenciados em função de grupo.

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Walker, Brian. "Plural Cultures, Contested Territories: A Critique of Kymlicka." Canadian Journal of Political Science 30, no. 2 (June 1997): 211–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900015419.

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AbstractThis article discusses difficulties in recent works advocating differentiated rights for ethnic groups based on the vulnerability of their cultures. Concentrating on the recent works of Will Kymlicka, the author suggests that such culturalist theories are based on an anachronistic vision of the relation between ethnos and culture and underestimate the depth and extent of the pluralism we face. The author focuses on two central difficulties. One is the tendency to overplay the contrast between the vulnerability of mainstream and minority cultural groups, overestimating the importance of ethnic institutions compared to other cultural infrastructures. The other is the problem of territory. Kymlicka's theory supports a model of ethnic hegemony over particular territories. The author suggests that in an era of densely overlapping cultures a model of ethnic hegemony over territory cannot be sustained as part of a theory which takes cultural fairness seriously. The article concludes with suggestions for an alternative perspective which might allow us to address the predicaments of culturally vulnerable individuals without incurring the difficulties that culturalism entails.

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Purbasari, Verbena Ayuningsih, and Suharno Suharno. "Telaah Celah Keberagaman Warga Negara dalam Prinsip Liberalisme." JUPIIS: JURNAL PENDIDIKAN ILMU-ILMU SOSIAL 11, no. 1 (June 18, 2019): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.24114/jupiis.v11i1.12391.

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Tujuan penulisan artikel ini adalah untuk membandingkan teori John Rawls dan Will Kymlicka mengenai keberagaman warga negara dalam prinsip liberalisme. Meskipun sama-sama meletakkan prinsip dasarnya pada liberalisme, namun dua teori ini memiliki cara yang berbeda dalam memandang keadilan, kebebasan, dan hak-hak warga negara. Oleh karena itu, perlu ditawarkan sebuah solusi untuk menghapus celah keberagaman warga negara dalam prinsip liberalisme, yakni dengan membentuk kewarganegaraan multidimensional abad 21. Artikel ini disusun dengan menggunakan metode library research, yakni metode pengumpulan data yang dilakukan dengan memanfaatkan sumber dan bahan kepustakaan. Hasil dan kesimpulan yang diperoleh ialah keberagaman dalam pandangan Rawls hanya berfungsi apabila mendukung politik liberalisme, sedangkan dalam pandangan Kymlicka keberagaman sebagai elemen dasar dalam politik multikulturalisme. Teori keadilan Rawls terbagi dalam 2 jenis, yakni hak warga negara untuk mengakses sistem sosial yang sesuai dengan kebebasan bagi seluruh orang dan adanya ketimpangan sosial dan ekonomi untuk memberi manfaat orang yang kurang beruntung, Sedangkan Kymlicka memandang keadilan apabila kelompok minoritas mendapat hak untuk melakukan pembatasan interanl dan perlindungan eksternal. Penekanan Rawls terhadap pentingnya warga negara kembali ke original position justru menghambat warga negara menyadari hak-hak budayanya. Oleh karena itu, Kymlicka membagi hak menjadi 2 macam, yakni hak perorangan dan hak kolektif yang dibedakan. Terakhir, untuk menghapus celah tersebut maka fokus diarahkan ke pembentukan karakter warga negara multidimensional abad 21, yakni: dimensi personal, sosial, ruang, dan waktu.

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Tarbastaeva, Inna S. "Collective Rights in W. Kymlicka’s Multiculturalism Model." Siberian Journal of Philosophy 17, no. 3 (2019): 115–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/2541-7517-2019-17-3-115-125.

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The article discusses the main provisions of the conception of collective rights in the model of multiculturalism by William Kymlicka. Despite its pronounced individualistic position, liberalism contains acknowledged theories that prove the importance of collective rights. According to W. Kymlicka, this category of rights does not contradict the ideology of individualism, but, on the contrary, is an expression of political rationality. This is so, because collective rights complement and develop the mechanism for protecting the interests of a particular person.

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Gagnon, Bernard. "La voie canadienne : repenser le multiculturalisme." Canadian Journal of Political Science 37, no. 3 (September 2004): 740–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423904250107.

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La voie canadienne : repenser le multiculturalisme, Will Kymlicka (traduit de l'anglais par Antoine Robitaille), Montréal, Boréal, 2003.Une des qualités des travaux de Will Kymlicka c'est qu'ils conjuguent la réflexion philosophique avec les considérations empiriques dans l'analyse des enjeux politiques touchant de près la situation actuelle et le devenir des démocraties libérales contemporaines. Dans la voie canadienne : repenser le multiculturalisme, le théoricien reprend l'essentiel de sa démarche mais adopte un style quelque peu différent. Plus près de l'essai politique que de l'œuvre scientifique, W. Kymlicka signe un plaidoyer sans équivoque en faveur du modèle canadien de multiculturalisme et d'une conception asymétrique du fédéralisme. Désirant lutter contre le sentiment d'impuissance vis-à-vis des politiques de la diversité culturelle – sentiment ambiant, selon lui, dans l'opinion publique canadienne – le philosophe libéral s'adresse directement aux “ Canadiens ” pour leur démontrer que les politiques publiques canadiennes de la diversité culturelle sont légitimes et efficaces et, à ce titre, qu'elles devraient encore “ nous ” inspirer confiance.

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Schult, Valerie. "Will Kymlicka und Sue Donaldson: Zoopolis." Zeitschrift für philosophische Literatur 3, no. 3 (October 19, 2015): 23–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/zfphl.3.3.35368.

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Arneson, Richard J. "Contemporary Political Philosophy: An Introduction.Will Kymlicka." Ethics 104, no. 2 (January 1994): 388–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/293609.

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Hurka, Thomas. "Indirect Perfectionism: Kymlicka on Liberal Neutrality." Journal of Political Philosophy 3, no. 1 (March 1995): 36–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9760.1995.tb00028.x.

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Goodin, Robert E. "The Rights of Minority Cultures.Will Kymlicka." Ethics 107, no. 2 (January 1997): 356–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/233729.

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Caron, Jean-Francois. "The Ties that Bind: Kymlicka and the Problem of Political Unity in Multination States." Pogranicze. Polish Borderlands Studies 9, no. 3 (November 22, 2021): 105–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.25167/brs4525.

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As asserted by Will Kymlicka, the recognition and accommodation of national minorities leads to a dilemma. Indeed, if denying them these rights can contribute to their willingness to secede, allowing them to self-govern can also ultimately lead to the weakening of their ties with the state in which they are integrated. This tension well described in Kymlicka’s Multicultural Citizenship and in his later works remains nonetheless without an explicit solution. This text addresses this question by suggesting that the dialogical dynamic behind the recognition and accommodation of national minorities hides a purely political patriotism stemming from the neo-republican tradition that is complementary to the nationalist sense of attachment that members of national minorities will inevitably come to feel toward their societal culture.

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Tomasi, John. "Kymlicka, Liberalism, and Respect for Cultural Minorities." Ethics 105, no. 3 (April 1995): 580–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/293728.

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CASSATELLA, ANDREA. "Multicultural Justice: Will Kymlicka and Cultural Recognition." Ratio Juris 19, no. 1 (March 2006): 80–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9337.2006.00318.x.

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Elósegui Itxaso, María. "Kymlicka en pro de una ciudadanía diferenciada." Doxa. Cuadernos de Filosofía del Derecho, no. 20 (November 15, 1997): 477. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/doxa1997.20.19.

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Brock, Gillian. "Can Kymlicka Help Us Mediate Cultural Claims?" International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 12, no. 2-3 (2005): 269–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181105774740561.

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Brock, Gillian. "Cosmopolitan Democracy and Justice: Held versus Kymlicka." Studies in East European Thought 54, no. 4 (December 2002): 325–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/a:1019713013874.

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Ikeke, Mark Omorovie. "Will Kymlicka’s Idea of Multicultural Citizenship Rights and the Nigeria Federation." East African Journal of Arts and Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (August 2, 2021): 128–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.37284/eajass.3.1.370.

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Will Kymlicka is a Canadian political philosopher using his Federal Canadian society as a basis argued for the recognition of minority rights, in what he calls multicultural citizenship. His idea is that the claims to self-determination or autonomy, protection of a distinct cultural language and special representation need to be accommodated. National minorities should not be forced to integrate as this can lead to violence. Without recognizing the group rights of ethnicities, they will be culturally disadvantaged. Using Kymlicka’s idea in an analytical manner, this paper applies his theory to the Nigerian federation. Despite many years of operating so-called federalism, the system is be-devilled by ethnic agitations, violent militancy, youth restiveness, and many other social ills. The paper theorizes that failure to operate a true federal structure that recognizes and fully accommodates minority rights is a key problem responsible for these social ills. Nigeria is a weak and troubled federation where the rights of national minorities are often neglected, suppressed and denied. When it comes to language, the languages of the three dominant groups in terms of population are privileged over others. Representations in both state and federal establishments are often in favour of dominant ethnic groups. The cries for autonomy and restructuring of the federation are often not heeded. The paper argues that accommodating the rights of minorities can help them integrate and foster a sense of equality in a true federation. It also argues that beyond restructuring, ethical leadership is needed to move the federation forward. The paper finds and concludes that some ideas of Kymlicka can help in creating a peaceful and unified federal Nigeria

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Fernández Ruíz, José Manuel. "Crítica al multiculturalismo liberal, hacia un multiculturalismo crítico." ALPHA: Revista de Artes, Letras y Filosofía 1, no. 52 (July 19, 2021): 243–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.32735/s0718-2201202100052893.

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En este ensayo desarrollo una crítica al modelo de justicia multicultural de Will Kymlicka, con el propósito de establecer las bases para el desarrollo de un multiculturalismo crítico. El argumento se ordena de la siguiente forma. En la primera sección analizo la teoría de los derechos especiales de Kymlicka e identifico el valor liberal central al que estos responden, la autonomía individual. En la segunda sección examino el fundamento igualitarista de la suerte de su teoría de los derechos especiales. En la tercera sección elaboro una crítica general a la justicia multicultural liberal desarrollando un argumento para politizar los reclamos de los pueblos indígenas para el acceso a su cultura. Argumento que el trato justo de las minorías indígenas requiere reconocer su autodeterminación política.

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van Waarden, Betto. "Amartya Sen’s Identity Pluralism Applied to Will Kymlicka’s Liberal Multiculturalism." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 21, no. 4 (October 18, 2014): 527–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02104004.

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Multicultural theory pays surprisingly little attention to the plurality of identity. In addition, there is still dissatisfaction with Will Kymlicka’s distinction between polyethnic groups and national minorities and the rights they deserve, as well as continued criticism of liberal multiculturalism more broadly. I revisit this distinction based on Amartya Sen’s recent effort to introduce the notion of identity pluralism into liberal debates. In Identity and Violence: The Illusion of Destiny (W.W. Norton and Company, New York, 2006), Sen stresses the importance of maintaining political stability through individuals’ plural identities mainly in relation to religious divides and global conflict. Sen’s theory is criticised for being too abstract, but I interpret these abstract ideas to criticise Kymlicka’s distinction between polyethnic groups and national minorities and strengthen liberal multiculturalism. I argue that the notion of identity pluralism implies that a state must promote multicultural ‘participation rights’ for all minority identities, rather than ‘accommodation rights’ for polyethnic groups and ‘self-government rights’ for national minorities as Kymlicka contends. Consequently, regions like Quebec, Flanders and Catalonia would not merit the level of autonomy they currently enjoy, and Scotland should not be granted independence from the United Kingdom.

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Goodlad, Robina, and Sheila Riddell. "Social Justice and Public Policy." Social Policy and Society 4, no. 1 (January 2005): 107–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746404002234.

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1 Key texts A basic introduction to political philosophy, covering social justice and related issues well is: Kymlicka, W. (2002), Contemporary political philosophy: an introduction, 2nd edition, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

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Omar Seleme, Hugo. "¿Puede el utilitarismo ser deontológico? Una respuesta a Kymlicka." Crítica (México D. F. En línea) 36, no. 107 (November 29, 2004): 39–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/iifs.18704905e.2004.435.

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En Teoría de la justicia, Rawls sostiene que los defectos normativos que contienen algunas concepciones de justicia, como el utilitarismo y el perfeccionismo, se deben a que, por su carácter teleológico, no otorgan prioridad a lo correcto en relación con lo bueno. Kymlicka ha cuestionado esta afirmación siguiendo la estrategia de brindar una interpretación del utilitarismo que respete la prioridad de lo correcto. Esto mostraría que los defectos normativos que Rawls atribuye al utilitarismo no podrían explicarse por su carácter teleológico. La clasificación de las doctrinas en deontológicas o teleológicas carecería de la relevancia que Rawls le adjudica. El presente artículo tiene por objeto mostrar que el argumento de Kymlicka para señalar la trivialidad de la clasificación no se sostiene, pues fracasa en su intento de brindar una interpretación deontológica del utilitarismo.

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Murray, Robert. "Liberalism, Culture, Aboriginal Rights: In Defence of Kymlicka." Canadian Journal of Philosophy 29, no. 1 (March 1999): 109–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00455091.1999.10717507.

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In their 1969 so-called White Paper on Indian Policy,Pierre Trudeau's government argued that it was time to abolish the group-specific rights differentiating Aboriginal people from other Canadians, including, in some Aboriginal societies, the group-specific right to restrict voting, residency, public office, and other social goods, to their Aboriginal members. Given the negative impact the loss of such so-called collective or group rights would have on the security of their cultures, Aboriginal people were incensed, and, consequently, the federal liberals backed down. More recently, Gordon Campbell maintained as a 1996 election promise that, were his provincial liberal party to be elected in British Columbia, he would oppose group-specific rights for Aboriginal people in British Columbia. Both Trudeau and Campbell argued that it is wrong for Aboriginal people to have group-specific rights by appeal to the idea that such collective rights are discriminatory because they assign opportunities to individuals on the basis of culture or race. Political elites are not alone in thinking that collective rights override individual rights. In fact, it has become a national motif that Section 15 (1) of the Canadian Charter, which makes it illegal to discriminate on the grounds that citizens are to be guaranteed equal protection of the law, is incompatible with group-specific rights for Aboriginal people.

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Pinto, Meital. "On the Intrinsic Value of Arabic in Israel—Challenging Kymlicka on Language Rights." Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 20, no. 1 (January 2007): 143–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0841820900005737.

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In the postcolonial era, we have witnessed waves of mass immigration. Consequently, many states are no longer associated with just one or two national languages. Newly formed immigrant minorities raise demands for language rights, alongside national minorities, which raise similar demands.Such a complex situation exists, for example, in Canada, where only French and English are declared official languages although there are other languages, such as Chinese, which are spoken by large communities of people. My paper addresses the general question of which linguistic minorities are most entitled to comprehensive language rights. Will Kymlicka distinguishes between national minorities, which he regards as deserving of comprehensive language rights, and immigrant minorities which are not. Many scholars challenge Kymlicka’s distinction. However, none of them have suggested alternative criteria for distinguishing minority languages that are entitled to protection from minority languages that are less entitled to protection. In my paper, I suggest such a criterion. My alternative criterion is based on the intrinsic interest people have in protecting their own language as the marker of their cultural identity, thus, comprehensive language rights are to be accorded to linguistic minorities that possess the strongest intrinsic interest in the protection of their language as their marker of cultural identity. I apply my criterion to the Israeli case, in which there are two dominant linguistic minorities: the Arab national minority and the Jewish Russian immigrant minority. Relying on general criticism of Kymlicka’s distinction, I argue that this distinction is not applicable to the Israeli linguistic case. Applying my alternative criterion to the Israeli case, I argue that Israeli Arabs have a stronger interest in Arabic than the Russian Jewish minority has in Russian because Arabic constitutes Israeli Arabs’ exclusive marker of identity.

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Feres Júnior, João, and Luiz Augusto Campos. "AÇÃO AFIRMATIVA NO BRASIL: MULTICULTURALISMO OU JUSTIÇA SOCIAL?" Lua Nova: Revista de Cultura e Política, no. 99 (December 2016): 257–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0102-6445257-293/99.

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Resumo O presente artigo pretende responder se as políticas de ação afirmativa racial hoje adotadas no Brasil se encaixam no modelo de políticas multiculturais da maneira como as concebe Will Kymlicka. A questão se justifica para além do interesse teórico, porque elas foram tomadas como uma importação do multiculturalismo anglo-saxão pelos detratores da ação afirmativa. Para tal, emprestamos o conceito de cultura societal, formulado por Kymlicka, e examinamos como a ação afirmativa opera em relação a ele. Em seguida, examinamos os argumentos acerca dessas políticas em vários âmbitos de debate e deliberação (Constituição de 1988, Governo Federal, STF, Programas de Cotas de universidades públicas e jornalismo), para mostrar que a ação afirmativa no Brasil está longe de ser uma política típica do multiculturalismo, ou seja, do reconhecimento da diferença cultural. Há traços aqui e ali de argumentos multiculturalistas na Constituição, no debate público e mesmo na decisão do STF, mas a lógica principal que vigora é a da justiça social, nos termos de um liberalismo igualitário.

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Arat, Yeşim. "Group-Differentiated Rights and the Liberal Democratic State: Rethinking the Headscarf Controversy in Turkey." New Perspectives on Turkey 25 (2001): 31–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600003599.

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The development of liberalism with both the courage and the capacity to engage itself with a different world, one in which its principles are neither well understood nor widely held, in which indeed it is, in most places, a minority creed, alien and suspect, is not only possible, it is necessary.-Clifford Geertz. 2000.Available Light.Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, p. 258.Over the past two decades, the debate over multiculturalism challenged the justice of neutral, “difference blind” rules in liberal democracies. Allegedly neutral institutions were shown to be implicitly biased toward the priorities, experiences, or interests of the dominant groups in the society. Criticism of difference-blind rules and claims for justice to minority groups defined the relationship between government and opposition in many contexts. Arguments for special rights to protect minorities, women, or ethnocultural groups gained legitimacy (Young 1990, Jones 1990, Phillips 1991, Taylor 1994, Kymlicka 1995, Kymlicka and Norman 2000).

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Udrea, Andreea. "National Minorities and the Crisis of National Minorities and the Crisis of." European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 12, no. 1 (November 24, 2015): 33–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004306134_003.

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This article discusses the retreat from multiculturalism in Europe. It questions whether the crisis of multiculturalism has had any impact on the accommodation of national minorities and/or ethnic groups. It opens with an interview with the former OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities, Knut Vollebaek, which is followed by commentaries of four leading scholars: Will Kymlicka, Keith Banting, Tariq Modood and Jennifer Jackson-Preece. Ambassador Vollebaek argues that the crisis of multiculturalism only affects immigrants, and although the rights of national minorities are well protected, it may eventually undermine these rights. In their commentary, Kymlicka and Banting disagree with the view that the backlash against immigration threatens the rights of national minorities. Ambassador Vollebaek also supports the view that more inclusive policies targeting the members of minority groups are necessary. Modood and Jackson-Preece agree, and in their responses discuss how current arrangements could be modified or expanded to become more inclusive.

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Green, Leslie. "Multicultural Citizenship: A Liberal Theory of Minority Rights.Will Kymlicka." Journal of Politics 58, no. 4 (November 1996): 1232–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2960167.

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Bricker, David C. "Autonomy and Culture: Will Kymlicka on Cultural Minority Rights." Southern Journal of Philosophy 36, no. 1 (March 1998): 47–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-6962.1998.tb01743.x.

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Barry, Brian. "Multicultural Citizenship: A Liberal Theory of Minority Rights.Will Kymlicka." Ethics 107, no. 1 (October 1996): 153–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/233705.

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Anili, Bruno. "Liberal incorporations: Kymlicka, Pettit and the grammar of hegemony." Journal of Political Ideologies 18, no. 1 (February 2013): 11–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569317.2012.750169.

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Miller, David. "Will Kymlicka ‘Multicultural citizenship within multination states’: A response." Ethnicities 11, no. 3 (June 15, 2011): 303–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796811407814.

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Nuhoğlu Soysal, Yasemin. "Reply to Will Kymlicka: ‘Multicultural citizenship within multination states’." Ethnicities 11, no. 3 (June 15, 2011): 308–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796811407815.

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Campos, Luiz Augusto. "Multiculturalismos: essencialismo e antiessencialismo em Kymlicka, Young e Parekh." Sociologias 18, no. 42 (August 2016): 266–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/15174522-018004212.

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Resumo Tanto na academia quanto no debate público, o pensamento multiculturalista costuma ser acusado de congelar as afinidades dos grupos culturais minoritários, ossificar vínculos sociais e essencializar as minorias. Contudo, tal acusação costuma ser direcionada ao multiculturalismo, como se tal termo denotasse uma corrente teórica homogênea. O objetivo deste texto é discutir a validade de tais críticas, tomando como foco as teorias de três expoentes dessa corrente: o filósofo canadense Will Kymlicka, a cientista política estadunidense Iris Marion Young e o filósofo anglo-paquistanês Bhikhu Parekh. Embora esses autores de fato essencializem determinados vínculos culturais em alguns momentos de suas obras, cada um deles o faz por razões distintas. Ademais, é preciso destacar que suas teorias são em geral motivadas por compromissos antiessencialistas. A partir de uma tipologia sobre as diferentes modalidades de essencialismo, proposta por Anne Phillips, identifica-se os momentos essencialistas e antiessencialistas de cada um dos três autores. Ao termo, argumenta-se que o debate sobre o tema dificilmente avançará enquanto os críticos antiessencialistas do multiculturalismo não atentarem para os diferentes tipos de essencialização presentes nessas teorizações.

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Ladwig, Bernd. "Will Kymlicka, Wayne Norman (eds.): Citizenship in Diverse Societies." Politische Vierteljahresschrift 42, no. 1 (March 2001): 138–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11615-001-0012-2.

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Dieckhoff, Alain. "Kymlicka (Will) Les théories de la justice. Une introduction." Critique internationale 6, no. 1 (January 1, 2000): 76–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/crii.p2000.6n1.0076.

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Lippert-Rasmussen, Kasper. "Immigrants, Multiculturalism, and Expensive Cultural Tastes: Quong on Luck Egalitarianism and Cultural Minority Rights." Les ateliers de l'éthique 6, no. 2 (February 29, 2012): 176–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1008037ar.

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Kymlicka has offered an influential luck egalitarian justification for a catalogue of polyethnic rights addressing cultural disadvantages of immigrant minorities. In response, Quong argues that while the items on the list are justified, in the light of the fact that the relevant disadvantages of immigrants result from their choice to immigrate, (i) these rights cannot be derived from luck egalitarianism and (ii) that this casts doubt on luck egalitarianism as a theory of cultural justice. As an alternative to Kymlicka’s argument, Quong offers his own justification of polyethnic rights based on a Rawlsian ideal of fair equality of opportunity. I defend luck egalitarianism against Quong’s objection arguing that if choice ever matters, it matters in relation to cultural disadvantages too. Also, the Rawlsian ideal of fair equality of opportunity cannot justify the sort of polyethnic rights that Quong wants it to justify, once we set aside an unwarranted statist focus in Quong’s conception of fair equality of opportunity. Whatever the weaknesses of luck egalitarianism are, the inadequacy of the position in relation to accommodating cultural disadvantages of immigrants is not among them.

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Schuster, Anke. "Does Liberalism Need Multiculturalism?" Essays in Philosophy 7, no. 1 (2006): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/eip20067119.

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In this paper I will argue that liberal multiculturalism is neither a necessary nor a convincing extension of liberalism. In evaluating the two main strands of liberal multiculturalism, I will first analyse the approaches of Charles Taylor and Bhikhu Parekh as the main proponents of the version that focuses on the cultures themselves and raises the issue of the value of cultures in connection with public discourse. I will then turn to Amy Gutmann and Will Kymlicka as liberal multiculturalists who use the liberal norm of individual equality as a starting point. I will show that the arguments adduced in favour of liberal multiculturalism fail, due to the following shortcomings. Taylor’s approach is underspecified with respect to the relationship between the process of evaluating cultures and its outcome. Gutmann’s theory fails to bridge the gaps between the individual, cultural belonging and positive duties of the state. Parekh’s and Kymlicka’s theories lead back to liberalism. I conclude that the idea of cultural difference has little of substance to add to the liberal view of social justice.

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Nickel, James W. "The Value of Cultural Belonging: Expanding Kymlicka's Theory." Dialogue 33, no. 4 (1994): 635–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0012217300010726.

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In his recent book, Liberalism, Community and Culture, Will Kymlicka defends collective rights for some minority groups—and particularly for indigenous peoples in North America—by trying to show that (1) secure cultural belonging is of great value, and (2) rights to protection and autonomy for minorities, including some collective rights, are justified by the special disadvantages some minorities face in enjoying secure cultural membership. Kymlicka defends these claims from within a liberal perspective that draws heavily on Rawls and Dworkin and that denies that groups are independent sources of moral claims. In this paper I am mainly concerned with how to defend the first of these claims, which I shall call the “Value Thesis.” One reason for being interested in the justification of the Value Thesis is that some version of it is a key part of most arguments for minority and collective rights. Another reason is that the Value Thesis is important to communitarians who frequently base their claims about the importance of community on the value of belonging.

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Dulmanan, Amsar A. "Multikulturalisme dan Politik Identitas: Catatan Reflektif atas Gagasan Politik Will Kymlicka." Muqoddima Jurnal Pemikiran dan Riset Sosiologi 1, no. 1 (June 19, 2020): 31–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.47776/mjprs.001.01.03.

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Keberagaman merupakan fakta sosiologis bangsa Indonesia yang tidak dapat disangkal. Keberagaman merupakan bawaan asali dari bangsa Indonesia, bahkan jauh sebelum negara-bangsa Indonesia terbentuk. Artinya, secara tradisional, sesungguhnya bangsa Indonesia telah terbiasa dengan keberagaman. Namun dalam konteks negara-bangsa Indonesia modern, keberagaman memiliki makna dan tuntutan sosio-politik yang jauh berbeda dari keberagaman yang dikenal oleh para puak pendiri bangsa Indonesia. Dalam konteks tersebut, artikel ini akan mendiskusikan gagasan politik multikulturalisme yang diusulkan Will Kymlicka. Dengan menggunakan studi pustaka artikel ini membicarakan beberapa pandangan tentang multikulturalisme, serta poin utama dan kerangka umum gagasan politik multikulturalisme Kymlicka serta posisinya dalam diskursus tentang demokrasi dan masyarakat plural. Dari analisis literatur tersebut, kami berpendapat bahwa setidaknya ada dua dilema yang dihadapi oleh teori-teori multikulturalisme dalam memandang kebudayaan dan perbedaan budaya. Pertama, pemahaman esensialis terhadap kebudayaan yang mengandaikan bahwa kebudayaan sebagai entitas yang fixed, tidak berubah, dan berdiri sendiri. Kedua kuatnya klaim universitas nilai dalam berbagai pemahaman mengenai multikulturalisme merupakan sebuah tantangan tersendiri, sekaligus mengindikasikan jalan panjang yang masih harus ditempuh dalam merumuskan teori untuk mengatasi problem perbedaan budaya atas dasar prinsip-prinsip liberalisme.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Kymlicka'

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