Relevant bibliographies by topics / Kyrgyzstan Politics and government

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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Academic literature on the topic 'Kyrgyzstan Politics and government'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 11 December 2022
Last updated: 25 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Kyrgyzstan Politics and government"

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Khamidov, Alisher. "What It Takes to Avert a Regional Crisis: Understanding the Uzbek Government’s Responses to the June 2010 Violence in South Kyrgyzstan." Central Asian Affairs 2, no. 2 (March 13, 2015): 168–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142290-00202003.

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Uzbekistan played an important role during the June 2010 interethnic violence in South Kyrgyzstan by tightly controlling borders, allowing thousands of Kyrgyzstani refugees to cross into Uzbek territory, assisting in the shipment of international humanitarian assistance to Kyrgyzstan, and collaborating with the osce in the investigation of the causes of the violence. What explains Uzbekistan’s approach to the unrest in South Kyrgyzstan? Some scholars suggest that Uzbekistan’s response was shaped largely by external actors such as Russia. Others posit that domestic pressures account for the response. This article advances an alternative explanation: Tashkent’s response was largely a result of a consensus achieved at two levels: international and domestic. In explaining the impact of domestic level, the article emphasizes the role of bureaucratic politics—competition among various government agencies.
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Ruget, Vanessa, and Burul Usmanalieva. "Migration and Soft Power." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 54, no. 4 (December 1, 2021): 98–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2021.54.4.98.

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This article explores how Kyrgyz labor migrants in Russia view their host country’s government and its influence in Kyrgyzstan, including through the Eurasian Economic Union. Results suggest that migrants have nuanced, pragmatic pro-Russian views. They understand Kyrgyzstan’s dependency on Russia and admire the efficiency of Russia’s government. Yet, they also disapprove of its high levels of corruption and of its disregard for individual rights. Our work contributes to the literature on the diffusion of norms through migration; it also sheds light on Russia’s soft power in Central Asia at a time when rivalry with China is growing in the region.
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Borisov, Nikolay. "Presidentialization of the form of government in Kyrgyzstan as a political process factor: causes and prospects." Journal of Political Research 6, no. 4 (December 16, 2022): 44–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2022-6-4-44-57.

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The purpose of the article is to analyze the main changes in the system of government in Kyrgyzstan after the 2020 coup, including the form of government and the electoral system in the context of the factors of these changes and their potential impact on the political process in the republic in terms of its stability. As a research methodology, the interval method of M.S. Shugart and J. Carey (assessment of legislative and non-legislative powers of the president, followed by the distribution of cases by clusters) and the methodology of A. Crowel with additions by O.I. Zaznaev (assessment of the presidential and parliamentary index of the form of government, followed by the determination of the degree of presidentialization or parliamentarization) are used. The next changes in Kyrgyzstan’s form of government were caused by the political elite change as a result of the 2020 coup. The parliamentary form of government was replaced by a presidentialized semi-presidential form of government, in which the main powers are concentrated in the hands of the president, who heads the executive branch. To ensure political stability, the new elites found the simplest and most obvious way out – a return to presidentialism. The proportional electoral system was replaced by a mixed, unrelated system. However, a “strong” president by himself is not capable of becoming the main factor of stability. In the absence of a parliamentary majority supporting the president, acute political crises may arise, but the procedure for resolving them is absent in the constitution. On the other hand, the high role of informal institutions and clan-regional ties can not only hinder, but also contribute to political stability especially due to the preservation of the “northern” and “southern” elites’ consensus. The formalization of a “strong” president in this sense creates more foundations for stabilizing the situation. The parliamentary and presidential elections will once again be the next test for countering these threats. The theoretical significance of the work lies in the fact that the conclusions drawn from the Kyrgyzstan case will clarify the political consequences of the use of certain forms of government and their impact on the political process in a comparative perspective.
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DeCoursey, C. A., Boris Naimushin, Hidayet Tuncay, and Maria Stepanova. "Attitudes towards refugees in Russia, Kyrgyzstan, Lebanon and Saudi Arabia." Asian Social Science 13, no. 5 (April 19, 2017): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v13n5p116.

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As refugee flows have increased, western attitudes towards them have become conflicted. Attitudes towards refugees in non-western and in Muslim nations are rarely studied, though these nations accept most refugees. This study of attitudes towards refugees among tertiary students in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA), Lebanon, Russia and Kyrgyzstan used Appraisal and content analysis frequencies and co-frequencies. Results showed that the Lebanese realised greater affect, possibly due to their experience of refugees. More generally, nationality shaped attitudes more than religion, tertiary students favour technocratic solutions by government actors despite realistically estimating the challenge, and while students critically analyse the problems created by refugee inflows, they retain a nativist stance and seem unaware of the optics and politics of this stance.
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Faranda, Regina, and David B. Nolle. "Ethnic Social Distance in Kyrgyzstan: Evidence from a Nationwide Opinion Survey1." Nationalities Papers 31, no. 2 (June 2003): 177–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990307129.

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Unlike in some other former Soviet republics, when Kyrgyzstan achieved independence in 1991 its government granted citizenship to all residents, regardless of ethnicity or language. The government hoped this would help to quell incipient ethnic tensions in the country before they got out of hand. It was argued that, in a constantly changing ethnic landscape, citizens' identification with the country above all other considerations, including ethnicity and religion, would introduce a degree of stability—a common denominator for all residents of Kyrgyzstan, where there is a relatively high level of ethnic diversity (see Table 1).
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Kudayarov, Kanybek A. "DRUG SITUATION IN KYRGYZSTAN." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Eurasian studies. History. Political science. International relations, no. 3 (2022): 35–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7648-2022-3-35-49.

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New geopolitical realities, which led to the fragmentation of the once unified Soviet state, exposed the borders of the newly formed republics of the southern flank of the post-Soviet space. The proximity to Afghanistan and the availability of a developed transport infrastructure predetermined the further development of drug trafficking coming from Afghanistan in the northern direction. Decades of Afghan drug trafficking have led to significant changes in the Kyrgyz Republic, having a direct impact on all spheres of life of the young state. The rapid growth of crimes related to the storage, transportation and sale of narcotic drugs, the strengthening of the drug mafia, obtaining political patronage in government and law enforcement agencies, a multiple increase in drug addicts, the spread of HIV/AIDS, threatening the gene pool of the republic, overnight elevated that issue to the rank of threats on a national scale. Exactly the same situation arose in neighboring countries, where the increase in criminality was accompanied by the emergence of new challenges and threats to state security from drug cartels financing the activities of terrorist and extremist organizations throughout the post-Soviet space. Under the circumstances, it was only through the collective efforts of States that it was possible to effectively contain the common threat posed by drug trafficking. International organizations that came to the region in the early 1990s and in the 2000s were able to turn the situation in their favor and prevent a further increase in drug expansion from the south.
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Elebayeva, Ainura, Nurbek Omuraliev, and Rafis Abazov. "The Shifting Identities and Loyalties in Kyrgyzstan: The Evidence from the Field." Nationalities Papers 28, no. 2 (June 2000): 343–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713687466.

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The main objective of the ethnic policy of the government of Kyrgyzstan in the post-Soviet era was a consolidation of all people and ethnic groups on the territory of the Republic into the Kyrgyzstani nation. Such a goal is important for any nation that has just gained independence, but for the Kyrgyz Republic it was an especially important task for several reasons. First, the multiethnic composition of the country: in 1991 the Kyrgyzs, or the titular nation of the Republic, constituted roughly 52% of the population, there were around 22% Russians, and the Uzbeks represented 13% of the population. Second, interethnic relations in the Republic were especially tense at the beginning of the 1990s because of the interethnic conflicts in the southern regions of the Republic in 1989 and 1990.1 Third, the Kyrgyzs themselves lacked national cohesiveness and they often defined themselves as members of different tribes or tribal groups with distinct dialects, dress, and political affiliations.
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Arabaev, R. "JOGORKU KENESH AND POLITICAL PARTIES OF KYRGYZSTAN: INTERACTION IN PARLIAMENTARY FORM OF GOVERNMENT." BULLETIN 389, no. 1 (February 10, 2021): 246–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.32014/2021.2518-1467.33.

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The article analyzes using the normative and systematic methods, as well as analysis and synthesis, the content of the statements of the Constitution of the Kyrgyz Republic, the Constitutional Law of the Kyrgyz Republic “On Election of the President of the Kyrgyz Republic and Deputies of the Jogorku Kenesh of the Kyrgyz Republic”, the Laws of the Kyrgyz Republic “On Regulations of the Jogorku Kenesh of the Kyrgyz Republic» and «On the Status of a Deputy of the Jogorku Kenesh of the Kyrgyz Republic» and the works of legal scholars. The study analyzes the issues of interaction between political parties and the Jogorku Kenesh – the parliament of the Kyrgyz Republic in parliamentary form of government. The authors consider the transformation of Kyrgyzstan into a parliamentary republic as a native process, justify the conditioning of the increasing role of political parties in formation of the Jogorku Kenesh and organization of its activities with the signs and requirements of this form of government. Particular attention is paid to the party-political and constitutional-legal foundations of mutual influence of the parliament and political parties of the Kyrgyz Republic. Researchers came to the conclusion the transformation of modern Kyrgyzstan into a parliamentary republic leads to a significant increase in the role of political parties both in the formation of the Jogorku Kenesh and in the organization of its activities as a whole; the interaction of the Jogorku Kenesh and political parties in the parliamentary form of government, in particular, is manifested in the organization and conduct of elections of deputies of the Jogorku Kenesh, distribution of deputy mandates, formation of parliamentary fractions and organization of their activities, determination of the organizational structure of the Jogorku Kenesh and formation of its bodies and organization of parliamentary activities in whole. From the point of view of the authors the fact that mutual relations between the Jogorku Kenesh and political parties are based on legal principles and norms, this whole process takes place on political plane and is sent implementing party programs.
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Sullivan, Charles. "Misruling the Masses: The Consequences of Cracking Down in Kyrgyzstan." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 4 (July 2019): 628–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.37.

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AbstractCan nondemocratic leaders initiate a crackdown against mass protesters and suffer little in the way of political-reputational costs? In conceptualizing a “crackdown” as a government-orchestrated violent restriction of civil society involving the killing of civilians, this article analyzes how the use of force is perceived by ordinary citizens when their government represses a portion of the populace. In analyzing the findings of a 2016 survey that gauges contemporary attitudes toward the overthrow of presidents Askar Akaev (in 2005) and Kurmanbek Bakiev (in 2010), this article argues that Kyrgyzstanis evaluate the Bakiev administration more negatively than they do the Akaev administration because of the former’s resort to forceful measures in attempting to quell mass protesters in April 2010. Such findings imply that nondemocratic leaders who employ force against mass protesters incur significant political-reputational costs, irrespective as to whether the wider public views the mass protests as legitimate or not.
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Podobed, I. V. "Evolution and Internal Logic of Kyrgyzstan’s International Relations during the Period of Independence." Journal of International Analytics 12, no. 2 (August 19, 2021): 182–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2021-12-2-182-202.

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This article examines the position of Kyrgyzstan in the international system and its foreign policy in the context of the social fabric established after the collapse of the USSR, the dynamics of socio-economic development, as well as electoral processes and delimitation. The evolution of international relations in Kyrgyzstan is seen as a derivative of the socio-economic macro process that has been developing over the past three decades. In this article, the author attempts to combine the most common research optics that rarely intersect in one work: the study of the domestic political process and its role in setting foreign policy priorities. Due to the existence of an extensive clan system and the fragility of the central government, it is impossible to conduct internally consistent foreign policy. The foreign policy activity of Kyrgyzstan is aimed at maintaining a certain balance in relations with major actors in the region to create the most favourable conditions for labour migration, obtaining financial assistance and transit trade.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Kyrgyzstan Politics and government"

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O'Shea, Liam. "Police reform and state-building in Georgia, Kyrgyzstan and Russia." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/5165.

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This dissertation provides an in-depth study of police transformation in Georgia, Kyrgyzstan and Russia since the collapse of the Soviet Union. It draws upon interviews with police, NGO workers, politicians and international practitioners, and employs a comparative-historical approach. Contra to democratic policing approaches, advocating the diffusion of police power and implementation of police reform concurrently with wider democratisation, reform was relatively successful in Georgia after the 2003 Rose Revolution because of state-building. The new government monopolised executive power, fired many police, recruited new personnel, raised police salaries and clamped down on organised crime and corruption. Success also depended on the elite's political will and their appeal to Georgian nationalism. Prioritisation of state-building over democratisation limited the reform's success, however. The new police are politicised and have served elites' private interests. Reform has failed in Kyrgyzstan because of a lack of state-building. Regional, clan and other identities are stronger than Kyrgyz nationalism. This has hindered the formation of an elite with capacity to implement reform. The state has limited control over the police, who remain corrupt and involved in organised crime. State-building has not precipitated police reform in Russia because of the absence of political will. The ruling cohort lacks a vision of reform and relies on corruption to balance the interests of political factions. The contrasting patterns of police reform have a number of implications for democratic police reform in transitioning countries: First, reform depends on political will. Second, institutionalising the police before democratising them may be a more effective means of acquiring the capacity to implement reform. Third, such an approach is likely to require some sort of common bond such as nationalism to legitimate it. Fourth, ignoring democratisation after institutionalisation is risky as reformers can misuse their power for private interests.
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Lottholz, Philipp. "Post-liberal statebuilding in Central Asia : a decolonial perspective on community security practices and imaginaries of social order in Kyrgyzstan." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2018. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/8358/.

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This thesis presents a development of the concept of post-liberalism to analyse processes of statebuilding in Central Asia by the example of Kyrgyzstan from a decolonial angle. Recent debates in peace, conflict and intervention studies have conceived of ‘post-liberal’ and ‘hybrid forms of peace’ as modalities of resistance against and re-negotiation of a globally dominant ‘liberal peace’ template promoted by Western governments and the international intervention architecture. This research proposes to critically reconsider these debates by introducing ‘imaginaries of statebuilding’ – understood as mental constructs structuring people’s thoughts and actions – through which the study captures the complex and contradictory processes of reception, adoption and resistance against globally dominant notions of capitalist economic development, democracy, and peacebuilding and security practices. Practices of peacebuilding and community security – and their embeddedness in the post-liberal trajectory of statebuilding – are analysed by the example of local crime prevention centres, territorial youth councils, and a national level NGO network working on police reform and participatory provision of public security. The research demonstrates how exclusion, structural violence and precarity are reproduced and feed into patterns of post-conflict governmentality which exist in sync with seemingly emancipatory and contextually meaningful ways of coexistence and steps towards institutional reform.
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Kennedy, Ryan. "LIFTING THE CURSE: DISTRIBUTION AND POWER IN PETRO-STATES." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1211481058.

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Doolotkeldieva, Asel. "Social mobilisations, politics and society in contemporary Kyrgyzstan." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/21665.

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This dissertation is about social mobilizations in rural Kyrgyzstan from 2010-2015. Following a constructivist approach, I aim to answer a puzzling question in regard to multiple but rarely sustainable protests in this global periphery: Under what conditions can provisional episodes of mobilization be transformed into sustained mobilization? In particularly, I consider Eric Hirsch’s insight that the commitment of participants of mobilization to the cause is formed within collective instances, i.e. ‘group processes’, and I employ it in the Kyrgyzstani context of generalized distrust and discredited corrupt politics. I explore the conditions in which participants of episodes of mobilization create trust in organizers and into the cause of mobilization. I investigate these conditions in two case studies: one concerns a fragmented labour force at a state-owned gas and oil company in which, in the course of four years, workers succeeded to empower themselves as a collective actor within the group processes of collective learning and collective decision-making. The second tells a story about a fragmented rural community that goes against mining operations but sees the decline of an initially successful mobilization within group processes of monitoring. These findings point to the presence of a specific ‘pre-condition’ for any lasting mobilization: trust between organizers and participants of episodes of mobilization must be established in the process of monitoring the commitment to collective interests. With this insight I contribute to the literature on social movements and mobilizations that tends to take commitment and trust as pre-established resources. Furthermore, this work intervenes in the ongoing discussion on social change in the former Soviet Union. First, my observations of the difficult formation of protest groups lead, surprisingly, to the conclusion that the weak state produces a weak society. Second, due to the fragmented and localized nature of these mobilizations, social and political change in Kyrgyzstan is most likely to occur at the local level.
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satybaldieva, Elmira. "The nature of local politics in rural Kyrgyzstan : A study of social inequalities, everyday politics and neo-liberalism." Thesis, University of Kent, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.529395.

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Engvall, Johan. "The State as Investment Market : An Analytical Framework for Interpreting Politics and Bureaucracy in Kyrgyzstan." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-159378.

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What type of state has emerged in post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan, and what kind of theoretical framework must we develop to understand its behavior and performance? This study argues that the logic of political and bureaucratic organization follows that of an investment market in which public offices are purchased with the expectation of yielding a favorable return. This theory represents a novel perspective on the post-communist state which has hitherto either been premised on modernization theory or emphasized a robustly personalistic logic of political organization. There is a serial of linkages to this argument. First, the decisive factor for public employment is unofficial financial payments rather than merits or personal ties. The sums involved in the exchange are far greater than conventional “bribery.” The market for public offices, intimately connected from top to bottom in the state hierarchy, pertains to a much more unified system than the one found in the literature which treats political and administrative, high and low level corruption as distinct and unrelated forms. Second, individuals invest in public offices in order to convert the rights, assets and powers connected to officialdom into private capital. In this political economy, alternative markets for enrichment are subordinated to the state and poorly functioning. Third, the abundance of pecuniary corruption in Kyrgyzstan is standardized, entrenched and predictable norms of behavior in this type of state. The key to success on this market is the ability to control the supply of “public” goods and services in exchange for unofficial payments. Finally, the risk for systemic instability increases when more reasonably inclusive personal connections and money is no longer sufficient and access to the state for earning and investing is manipulated by narrow personalistic ties. This creates pressure for returning to a more competitive market as opposed to a monopolistic order.
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Sehring, Jenniver. "The politics of water institutional reform in neopatrimonial states : a comparative analysis of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan /." Wiesbaden : VS, Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2009. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=017024029&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

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Tucker, Penelope. "Government and politics : London 1461-1483." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297286.

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This thesis discusses the nature of London's governmental and political system and the part played by the city in the political, commercial and legal life of the nation in the late fifteenth century. The first three chapters examine the city's electoral processes, the backgrounds of its most senior governors, and the relationships between its governing bodies and other civic organisations, such as the city companies. From this, it emerges that Edwardian London's political system was hierarchical rather than oligarchic, even though its governors were able to secure election to high office without following a lengthy civic cursus honorum. However, change was already under way, as the aldermen came to rely less on the wards and more on the companies for political support and legitimisation. The more oligarchical style of government clearly visible in the sixteenth century can be shown to have had its roots in the late fifteenth century. Chapters Four and Five examine the effectiveness of the city's financial organisations and system of law courts. In raising revenue for both civic and royal purposes, the city was relatively efficient, though its methods were ponderous and their effectiveness was heavily dependent on individual financial officers. The city's law courts remained busy and responsive to the needs of litigants, contributing to the effectiveness and prestige of civic government by their activities. In the final chapter, London's place in national and international political events is considered. The governors' normal aim was, above all, to protect the city's interests. Although London played an important role in the wider political scene, it had that role largely thrust upon it by others. This stance helped to prevent the city from mirroring the national tumults of the late fifteenth century.
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Dorado, Maria-Cristina. "Local government politics in Pereira, Colombia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670328.

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Alketbi, Hamad. "An evaluation of e-government effectiveness in Dubai smart government departments." Thesis, Southampton Solent University, 2018. http://ssudl.solent.ac.uk/3809/.

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This PhD thesis examines the E-government implementation in Dubai and examines the critical success factors and barriers to a successful E-government implementation. The study is based on primary research conducted on the subject of E-government in the United Arab Emirates. The thesis critically reviewed extant literature on E-government implementation. The methodology used for this research is a mixed-methodological design comprising of quantitative survey of 450 employees of the Dubai Smart Government Department. A survey questionnaire was designed to assess the impact of various independent and dependent variables on the effectiveness of E-government implementation. To complement the shortcomings of the high level of abstraction often associated with quantitative methodology, a qualitative methodology was used which involved in-depth interviews with 25 middle and high ranking officials in the Dubai Smart Government Department. The results of these questionnaires and interviews helped provide a theoretical framework for the postulation of standard operating procedures, which could ensure the success of E-government implementation, in Dubai. The research analyses and discusses the primary data (questionnaire and interviews) to generate insights regarding the success of E-government implementation in Dubai. The analysis also examines the various factors which limit and hinder successful E-government implementations and offers recommendations for improvement. The study finds that some of the major barriers to E-government in Dubai include: technology, security, legal, monetary and strategic. Employees surveyed also generally expressed fear of complexity, system integration, data security, and job losses. Researchers have repeatedly shown that there is need for empirical based studies to understand contextually relevant aspects of E-government implementation in non-western contexts. This PhD thesis contributes to this debate with fresh empirical data sets from Dubai on E-government implementation including the identification of critical successes factors and barriers of a successful E-government implementation. This study also contributes theoretically by challenging the popular normative stage models with a more robust theoretical framework encompassing both human centeredness and context relevance. In so doing, the study came up with a tripartite approach comprising management support, cultural change, and system design. The study concludes that dynamic interplay between internal and external forces; socio-economic and technological factors (including maturity of ICT capabilities) are all relevant for a successful implementation of E-government in Dubai. This study’s key significance lies in its contribution to improve the implementation of a successful E-government in the UAE context, thereby leading to a development of a road map for facilitating practical implementation of strategies and reversing the declining trend of E-government participation in Dubai. In addition, the study’s emphasis on the public sector, could lead to strengthening of the role of E-government for administrative and institutional reform and inclusion in the public sector. The study could provide a useful guide both for the Dubai Smart Government Department and other E-government agencies in Arab regions and for internal stakeholders in the field who wish to gain insight into the process of E-government globally.
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Books on the topic "Kyrgyzstan Politics and government"

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Edgeworth, Linda. Pre-Election assessment Kyrgyzstan. Washington, D.C. (1620 I Street, Washington, D.C. 20006): IFES, 1993.

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Commercio, Michele E. Conflict in Kyrgyzstan? Washington, D.C: Kennan Institute, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, 2004.

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Chotonov, U. Suverennyĭ Kyrgyzstan: Vybor istoricheskogo puti. Bishkek: "Kyrgyzstan", 1995.

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U, Chotonov. Suverennyĭ Kyrgyzstan: Vybor istoricheskogo puti. Bishkek: "Kyrgyzstan", 1995.

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Koĭchuev, T. K. Poslemartovskiĭ Kyrgyzstan: Ideologii︠a︡, politika, ėkonomika. Bishkek: T︠S︡ÉS, 2006.

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Dononbaev, Alim. Kyrgyzstan. Politicheskai︠a︡ kulʹtura. Chelovek i gosudarstvo. Bishkek: Kyrgyzsko-Rossiĭskiĭ Slavi︠a︡nskiĭ un-t, 2002.

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Dononbaev, Alim. Kyrgyzstan: Politicheskai︠a︡ kulʹtura, chelovek i gosudarstvo. Bishkek: Kyrgyzsko-Rossiĭskiĭ Slavi︠a︡nskiĭ universitet, 2002.

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Commercio, Michele E. Conflict in Kyrgyzstan? Washington, D.C: Kennan Institute, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, 2004.

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Association, International Debate Education, ed. Youth and public policy in Kyrgyzstan. New York: International Debate Education Association, 2012.

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Kyrgyzstan, Central Asia's island of democracy? Amsterdam: Harwood Academic Publishers, 1999.

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Book chapters on the topic "Kyrgyzstan Politics and government"

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Hartley, Cathy. "Kyrgyzstan." In The International Directory of Government 2021, 352–53. 18th ed. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003179931-94.

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Pettitt, Robin T. "Government." In Contemporary Party Politics, 162–77. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-41264-5_9.

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Diaz-Guerrero, Rogelio, and Lorand B. Szalay. "Government, Politics." In Understanding Mexicans and Americans, 175–90. Boston, MA: Springer US, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4899-0733-2_12.

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Jones, Bill. "Local government." In British politics, 342–58. Second edition. | Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: The basics: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429199509-27.

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Game, Chris. "Local government." In Politics UK, 528–59. 10th ed. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003028574-32.

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McBrien, Julie. "Mukadas's Struggle: Veils and Modernity in Kyrgyzstan." In Islam, Politics, Anthropology, 121–37. Oxford, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781444324402.ch8.

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Forman, F. N. "Local government." In Mastering British politics, 247–67. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11203-6_16.

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Forman, F. N., and N. D. J. Baldwin. "Local Government." In Mastering British Politics, 369–92. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-02159-5_17.

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Forman, F. N., and N. D. J. Baldwin. "Local Government." In Mastering British Politics, 338–65. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-13493-9_16.

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Forman, F. N. "Local Government." In Mastering British Politics, 269–91. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-17778-3_17.

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Conference papers on the topic "Kyrgyzstan Politics and government"

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Sakmurzaeva, Nargiza. "Political and Economic Cooperation between Kyrgyzstan and the Republic of Korea: Perspectives and Obstacles." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c08.01874.

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Diplomatic relations between Kyrgyzstan and The Republic of Korea were established on 31 January in 1992. Political and economic relations between Kyrgyzstan and The Republic of Korea is a new topic for the study. That’s why there are no books and dissertations on this topic. The aim of this paper is to analyze bilateral relations and find out the perspectives and obstacles of the economic cooperation which can really impact the economic development of the country. In order to research the topic, the empirical and comparative methods of analysis were used. As a data sources were used papers of F. Matteo, M. Douglass, S. Chung, and C. Eshimbekov. «Saemaul Undong» or «The New Village Movement» is the South Korea’s Rural Development Model for countries such as Kyrgyzstan. Kyrgyzstan has all conditions for applying the «The New Village Movement» program. First, Kyrgyzstan's an agrarian country. Second, 65% of the total population is the rural population. Third, about 1 931 000 people live below the poverty line in 2015. And, 67.7% of these people are rural settlements. So it means that by the financial support of the Korean International Cooperation Agency and the local government Korean rural development program can be implemented successfully in Kyrgyzstan. The perspective fields of economic cooperation between two countries are tourism, agriculture, textile industry, information technology and the mining. Some obstacles of the cooperation are the absence of direct flight Bishkek-Seoul, ineffective use of Korean investments and insufficient resources of information about Kyrgyzstan for Korean businessmen.
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Karluk, S. Rıdvan. "Effects of Global Economic Crisis on Kyrgyzstan Economy and Developments in Economic Relations between Turkey and Kyrgyzstan." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00239.

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The global crisis which started in September 2008 adversely affected many global economies and also Kyrgyzstan economy. Kyrgyzstan economy which declined and experienced a severe recession in 2009 due to the crisis started recovering from the adverse effects of the crisis after 2010. What lie beneath this positive development is increased foreign exchange revenues abroad and vigor experienced in construction industry and industrial production. The recovery experienced in economies of Russia and neighbor Kazakhstan resulted in increased exports and thus increased revenues in foreign currencies obtained from foreign countries. The political disturbances experienced in Bishkek in April 2011 and ethnic conflicts experienced in southern Kyrgyzstan in June 2011, created an adverse effect on the economy. The crisis resulted in degradation of investment environment, adversely influenced the foreign investments and increased the current account deficit. These developments adversely influenced the banking sector too. The government attempted to diminish effects of the crisis through financial incentives. The budget deficit emerged as a result of crisis was attempted to be closed through support secured from International Monetary Fund (IMF). IMF, World Bank and Asian Development Bank lent great support to invigorating Kyrgyzstan economy after events of April and July. According to IMF, if political instability goes on in Kyrgyzstan in medium and long term, economic problems shall continue. Uncertainties in banking sector are amongst the main factors which increase the economic risks. Recovery of Kyrgyzstan economy is dependent on medium term financial policy measures to be applied to the economy and balancing the foreign trade.
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Koychuev, Turar, and Merim Koichueva. "The Transition of Kyrgyzstan to a Social Market Economy: The Features, Quality and Ways to Success." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01032.

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The purpose of the study is to analyze the economic reform process of socialist economy and give them theoretical estimate over the past 20 years; to reflect the political, economic and social readiness of society to reforms; to point on the process of substitution of economic reform by political power struggle. The reforms had to initiated by economic sphere was held by government that consisted from the same political entity that was in Soviet period. The research methodology based on the principle of complexity and systemic, that reflects effects of historical, economic, social, cultural and educational factors of social development, the mentality of society, the scientific and theoretical level of labor on the processes of economic reform. The lack of experience in market economy pointed on largely insufficient knowledge of processes of market economy that developed economies had passed. The results of the study is identifying the opportunities for proper theoretical approach to the reform process, giving recommendations to society and the government to select real, positive economic policies that will contribute to the development and extending of modern economic outlook in the social environment.
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Sancar, Muhammet Fatih, Said Kıngır, and Mesut Soyalın. "Tourism Potential between Central Asia Turkish Government and Turkey and examining it in Terms of Economy." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01329.

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Turkey is leading of countries which showing continuous and rapid development in terms of tourism but tourism potential between Turkey and Central Asia Turkish Governments is not sufficient. The origin of most of the people living in Turkey is basing on the Central Asian Turks and Turkey should improve of the tourism activity between the Turkish government in this study has attempted to reveal tourism potential between Central Asia Turkish government and Turkey. In addition, has been mentioned economic impacts of the potential of tourism between the countries. The data were obtained by applying surveys intended for tourism businesses which have activities towards Turkey, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan (Accommodation and Travel Business) and various tourism businesses in these countries in relation to increasing the inadequate tourism potential of among the countries, the causes of problems between the countries and the impact on the economy, tourism businesses. By analyzing the obtained datas, several conclusions are revealed and recommendations were presented. Also it is planned to conduct interviews with Central Asia Turkish Governments consulates and Turkey's consulates in located in Turkey. In this study, legal and political barriers, it has emerged as a major challenge in the development of tourism between countries. The study consists of two parts. In the first section, information about the countries and literature survey subject to was conducted. In the second part, it is interpreted by analysis with the obtained data and information.
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Kamalova, Anara. "The Role and Importance of Social Marketing in the Economy." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01161.

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Today one of the most important problems of the Kyrgyz economy is the involvement of business to the social issues of society and social marketing. The main goal of social marketing is to raise the company's image, because it can promote a brand by solving social problems. Also compliance with the principles of social marketing in activity provides the conditions for the creation of a positive image of a company, political party or a public figure. Despite the fact that global social marketing is growing rapidly, unfortunately, in Kyrgyzstan, it has not yet received adequate development and only some businesses take responsibility for the performance of these functions and occasionally solve social issues. Analyzing the social marketing technologies in Kyrgyzstan, it should be noted that, their use is very unpopular. This is due to the lack of effective support from the government. In our opinion, it is necessary to provide tax breaks for companies that address social issues as well as provide moral and legal support to these enterprises.
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Öngel, Volkan, İlyas Sözen, and Ahmet Alkan Çelik. "An Evaluation of Human Development Index in Central Asian Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00377.

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Economic development and growth had been the most important target among all goverments throughout the history. In this respect, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan in Middle Asian Region had chosen development as primary target in 20 years time after their independence. Human capital is the leading factor to maintain economic development and growth. Development and growth terms over which different meanings and concepts were imposed in time, necessitated several political economic alterations. Before 1970’s, increase in income had been sufficient criterion for the development of a government. But nowadays economic development incorporates factors such as life expectancy at birth, school enrolment ratio, literancy rate, gender discrimination, poverty alleviation, equal distribution of income beyond economic growth. Herewith this change political preference and priorities has started to differentiate. The aim of this study is to discuss human development index (HDI) data of 5 Middle Asian countries in 2010 and changes in HDI in years after their independence. Comparisan between Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and HDI rates are also performed within this analysis. This study consists of data of 5 Middle Asian countries between years 1990-2010. Basic, retrospective, illustrative library method is used as the study method. In conclusion, we find that increase in GDP did not reflect over HDI in Middle Asian Countries within 20-years period.
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Gerni, Cevat, Selahattin Sarı, Ayşen Hiç Gencer, and Ziya Çağlar Yurttançıkmaz. "The Relationships between Competitiveness and Economic Growth: A Study on the Countries of Central Asia and Caucasus." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00424.

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The relationships among input, production and market suddenly broke down after the collapse of the USSR in 1991. The reflections of this disintegration are deeply felt in the Central Asian and in the Caucasian economies, which lack the traditions of being a government. The imbalances in the supply and demand, such as shutting down of factories due to breakdown of production relations and the resulting severe rise in the unemployment rate, caused a transition recession. As well-known in the literature, the main reason behind this is the interdependency of the production structures in these newly independent former Soviet countries. Large industrial establishments were left alone due to lack of sufficient raw materials and other inputs, due to lack of new technologies, and/or due to political void resulting from the transition period. In the newly established economic and political system, all of these countries, namely Azerbaijan, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan, try to realize their economic growth and development by specializing in the production of goods in which they have an economic advantage in terms of competitiveness. In this study, the effects of competitiveness on economic growth is investigated for these 7 countries during the 1995-2010 period using panel data analysis based on the Lafay index. In the light of the results of this research, policy recommendations are attempted in order to determine the sectors in which these countries are more competitive and hence to suggest ways of increasing their economic growth rate.
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Abdiyeva, Raziya, and Tolkun Zhumakunova. "Tax Consciousness in Kyrgyzstan." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01607.

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Taxes are the main financial resource of government. Performance of tax system depends on the willingness of taxpayers to pay taxes or tax morale. Government can use deterrence instruments as tax penalty and size of detection. But socio-psychological factor as tax consciousness play one of the main role in the tax behavior. Tax consciousness means that taxpayer is aware about taxes that paid, knows what taxes are and how tax revenue is used. So tax consciousness is important in the forming of tax behavior and also in the improving democracy by increasing public control on public finance. In transition economies as Kyrgyzstan government needs more financial resources to implement economic and social reforms, to decrease poverty and achieve sustainable development. Nowadays government seeks ways to increase tax revenue. In this paper author aim to analyze tax consciousness of taxpayers in Kyrgyzstan using the questionnaire conducted in 2013 in the capital city of Kyrgyzstan in Bishkek. Factors that affect tax consciousness will be analyzed with probit model.
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Zhumakunova, Tolkun, and Raziya Abdiyeva. "Public Debt and Public Debt Administration in Kyrgyzstan." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c08.01842.

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Public debt and public debt administration in recent years became significant economic problem of most countries. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Kyrgyzstan has faced with public debt problem. Sharp decline of production, high level of unemployment and the need for economic and structural reforms during transition to market economy caused a large budget deficit. Budget deficit and public debt problems still remain as one of important macroeconomic issues in Kyrgyzstan. The purpose of our paper is to overview public debt politics and analyze public debt administration in Kyrgyzstan. Also to investigate legal framework of public debt, transparency, risks and effectiveness of public debt administration in Kyrgyzstan.
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Kelmendi, Jeton. "GOVERNMENT�S POLITICS FOR HIGH EDUCATION IN KOSOVO." In 2nd International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2015. Stef92 Technology, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2015/b12/s3.060.

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Reports on the topic "Kyrgyzstan Politics and government"

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Terzyan, Aram. The Politics of Repression in Central Asia: The Cases of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan. Eurasia Institutes, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/caps-2-2020.

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This paper explores the landscape of repressive politics in the three Central Asian states of Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and Kyrgyzstan with an emphasis on the phase of “transformative violence” and the patterns of inconsistent repression. It argues that repressions alone cannot guarantee the longevity of authoritarian regimes. It is for this reason that the Central Asian authoritarian leaders consistently come up with discursive justifications of repression, not least through portraying it as a necessary tool for progress or security. While the new Central Asian leaders’ discourses are characterized by liberal narratives, the illiberal practices keep prevailing across these countries.
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Bassetto, Marco, and Thomas Sargent. Politics and Efficiency of Separating Capital and Ordinary Government Budgets. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, January 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w11030.

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Persson, Torsten, and Guido Tabellini. The Size and Scope of Government: Comparative Politics with Rational Politicians. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, December 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w6848.

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Menes, Rebecca. The Effect of Patronage Politics on City Government in American Cities, 1900-1910. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, February 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w6975.

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de Figueiredo, John, and Brian Silverman. How Does the Government (Want to) Fund Science? Politics, Lobbying and Academic Earmarks. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, October 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w13459.

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Harvey, Paul, and Habiba Mohamed. The Politics of Donor and Government Approaches to Social Protection and Humanitarian Policies for Assistance During Crises. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/basic.2022.010.

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This paper examines social protection policy processes in fragile and conflict-affected settings (FCAS). It explores what the policies of donor governments, aid agencies, and crisis-affected governments reveal about the politics of assistance during crises, and how aid agencies are navigating tensions between humanitarian and development approaches to social assistance. It finds that social protection policies are prone to conflict blindness. Commitments to state-building often ignore dilemmas inherent in supporting states that are parties to ongoing conflicts and the political rather than technical challenges involved. Government social protection policies in FCAS often make little mention of the fact that war or conflict are taking place.
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Mitralexis, Sotiris. Deepening Greece’s Divisions: Religion, COVID, Politics, and Science. Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp11en.

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Instead of being a time of unity and solidarity, the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic has proven to be a time of disunity, a time for deepening Greece’s divisions after a decade of crisis — on a spectrum ranging from politics to religion, and more im-portantly on the public discourse on religion. The present article offers a perspective on recent developments — by (a) looking into how the Greek government weapon-ized science in the public square, by (b) examining the stance of the Orthodox Church of Greece, by (c) indicatively surveying ‘COVID-19 and religion’ develop-ments that would not be covered by the latter, and last but not least by (d) discuss-ing the discrepancy between these two areas of inquiry in an attempt to explain it.
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Avis, William. Armed Group Transition from Rebel to Government. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), October 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.125.

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Governments and political parties with an armed history are not unusual, yet how these groups function during and after the transition from conflict has largely been ignored by the existing literature. Many former armed groups have assumed power in a variety of contexts. Whilst this process is often associated with brokered peace agreements that encourage former combatants to transform into political parties, mobilise voters, and ultimately stand for elections, this is not always the case. What is less clearly understood is how war termination by insurgent victory shapes patterns of post-war politics. This rapid literature review collates available evidence of transitions made by armed groups to government. The literature collated presents a mixed picture, with transitions mediated by an array of contextual factors that are location and group specific. Case studies are drawn from a range of contexts where armed groups have assumed some influence over government (these include those via negotiated settlement, victory and in contexts of ongoing protracted conflict). The review provides a series of readings and case studies that are of use in understanding how armed groups may transition in “post-conflict” settings.
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Asgedom, Amare, Shelby Carvalho, and Pauline Rose. Negotiating Equity: Examining Priorities, Ownership, and Politics Shaping Ethiopia’s Large-Scale Education Reforms for Equitable Learning. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), March 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2021/067.

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In 2018, the Government of Ethiopia committed to large-scale, donor-supported reforms aimed at improving equitable learning in the basic education system—the General Education Quality Improvement Program for Equity (GEQIP-E). In this paper, we examine the reform design process in the context of Ethiopia’s political environment as a strong developmental state, assessing the influence of different stakeholder priorities which have led to the focus on equity within the quality reforms. Drawing on qualitative data from 81 key informant interviews with federal and regional government officials and donors, we explore the negotiation and power dynamics which have shaped the design of the reforms. We find that a legacy of moderately successful reforms, and a shared commitment to global goals, paved the way for negotiations of more complex and ambitious reforms between government actors and donors. Within government, we identify that regional governments were only tokenistically included in the reform process. Given that regions are responsible for the implementation of these reforms, their limited involvement in the design could have implications for success.
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Ferguson, Thomas, Paul Jorgensen, and Jie Chen. The Knife Edge Election of 2020: American Politics Between Washington, Kabul, and Weimar. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, November 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp169.

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This paper analyzes the 2020 election, focusing on voters, not political money, and emphasizing the importance of economic geography. Drawing extensively on county election returns, it analyzes how spatial factors combined with industrial structures to shape the outcome. It treats COVID 19’s role at length. The paper reviews studies suggesting that COVID 19 did not matter much, but then sets out a new approach indicating it mattered a great deal. The study analyzes the impact on the vote not only of unemployment but differences in income and industry structures, along with demographic factors, including religion, ethnicity, and race. It also studies how the waves of wildcat strikes and social protests that punctuated 2020 affected the vote in specific areas. Trump’s very controversial trade policies and his little discussed farm policies receive detailed attention. The paper concludes with a look at how political money helped make the results of the Congressional election different from the Presidential race. It also highlights the continuing importance of private equity and energy sectors opposed to government action to reverse climate change as conservative forces in (especially) the Republican Party, together with agricultural interests.
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