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1
Khamidov, Alisher. "What It Takes to Avert a Regional Crisis: Understanding the Uzbek Government’s Responses to the June 2010 Violence in South Kyrgyzstan." Central Asian Affairs 2, no. 2 (March 13, 2015): 168–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142290-00202003.
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Uzbekistan played an important role during the June 2010 interethnic violence in South Kyrgyzstan by tightly controlling borders, allowing thousands of Kyrgyzstani refugees to cross into Uzbek territory, assisting in the shipment of international humanitarian assistance to Kyrgyzstan, and collaborating with the osce in the investigation of the causes of the violence. What explains Uzbekistan’s approach to the unrest in South Kyrgyzstan? Some scholars suggest that Uzbekistan’s response was shaped largely by external actors such as Russia. Others posit that domestic pressures account for the response. This article advances an alternative explanation: Tashkent’s response was largely a result of a consensus achieved at two levels: international and domestic. In explaining the impact of domestic level, the article emphasizes the role of bureaucratic politics—competition among various government agencies.
2
Ruget, Vanessa, and Burul Usmanalieva. "Migration and Soft Power." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 54, no. 4 (December 1, 2021): 98–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2021.54.4.98.
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This article explores how Kyrgyz labor migrants in Russia view their host country’s government and its influence in Kyrgyzstan, including through the Eurasian Economic Union. Results suggest that migrants have nuanced, pragmatic pro-Russian views. They understand Kyrgyzstan’s dependency on Russia and admire the efficiency of Russia’s government. Yet, they also disapprove of its high levels of corruption and of its disregard for individual rights. Our work contributes to the literature on the diffusion of norms through migration; it also sheds light on Russia’s soft power in Central Asia at a time when rivalry with China is growing in the region.
3
Borisov, Nikolay. "Presidentialization of the form of government in Kyrgyzstan as a political process factor: causes and prospects." Journal of Political Research 6, no. 4 (December 16, 2022): 44–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2022-6-4-44-57.
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The purpose of the article is to analyze the main changes in the system of government in Kyrgyzstan after the 2020 coup, including the form of government and the electoral system in the context of the factors of these changes and their potential impact on the political process in the republic in terms of its stability. As a research methodology, the interval method of M.S. Shugart and J. Carey (assessment of legislative and non-legislative powers of the president, followed by the distribution of cases by clusters) and the methodology of A. Crowel with additions by O.I. Zaznaev (assessment of the presidential and parliamentary index of the form of government, followed by the determination of the degree of presidentialization or parliamentarization) are used.
The next changes in Kyrgyzstan’s form of government were caused by the political elite change as a result of the 2020 coup. The parliamentary form of government was replaced by a presidentialized semi-presidential form of government, in which the main powers are concentrated in the hands of the president, who heads the executive branch. To ensure political stability, the new elites found the simplest and most obvious way out – a return to presidentialism. The proportional electoral system was replaced by a mixed, unrelated system. However, a “strong” president by himself is not capable of becoming the main factor of stability. In the absence of a parliamentary majority supporting the president, acute political crises may arise, but the procedure for resolving them is absent in the constitution. On the other hand, the high role of informal institutions and clan-regional ties can not only hinder, but also contribute to political stability especially due to the preservation of the “northern” and “southern” elites’ consensus. The formalization of a “strong” president in this sense creates more foundations for stabilizing the situation. The parliamentary and presidential elections will once again be the next test for countering these threats. The theoretical significance of the work lies in the fact that the conclusions drawn from the Kyrgyzstan case will clarify the political consequences of the use of certain forms of government and their impact on the political process in a comparative perspective.
4
DeCoursey, C. A., Boris Naimushin, Hidayet Tuncay, and Maria Stepanova. "Attitudes towards refugees in Russia, Kyrgyzstan, Lebanon and Saudi Arabia." Asian Social Science 13, no. 5 (April 19, 2017): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v13n5p116.
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As refugee flows have increased, western attitudes towards them have become conflicted. Attitudes towards refugees in non-western and in Muslim nations are rarely studied, though these nations accept most refugees. This study of attitudes towards refugees among tertiary students in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA), Lebanon, Russia and Kyrgyzstan used Appraisal and content analysis frequencies and co-frequencies. Results showed that the Lebanese realised greater affect, possibly due to their experience of refugees. More generally, nationality shaped attitudes more than religion, tertiary students favour technocratic solutions by government actors despite realistically estimating the challenge, and while students critically analyse the problems created by refugee inflows, they retain a nativist stance and seem unaware of the optics and politics of this stance.
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Faranda, Regina, and David B. Nolle. "Ethnic Social Distance in Kyrgyzstan: Evidence from a Nationwide Opinion Survey1." Nationalities Papers 31, no. 2 (June 2003): 177–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990307129.
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Unlike in some other former Soviet republics, when Kyrgyzstan achieved independence in 1991 its government granted citizenship to all residents, regardless of ethnicity or language. The government hoped this would help to quell incipient ethnic tensions in the country before they got out of hand. It was argued that, in a constantly changing ethnic landscape, citizens' identification with the country above all other considerations, including ethnicity and religion, would introduce a degree of stability—a common denominator for all residents of Kyrgyzstan, where there is a relatively high level of ethnic diversity (see Table 1).
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Kudayarov, Kanybek A. "DRUG SITUATION IN KYRGYZSTAN." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Eurasian studies. History. Political science. International relations, no. 3 (2022): 35–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7648-2022-3-35-49.
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New geopolitical realities, which led to the fragmentation of the once unified Soviet state, exposed the borders of the newly formed republics of the southern flank of the post-Soviet space. The proximity to Afghanistan and the availability of a developed transport infrastructure predetermined the further development of drug trafficking coming from Afghanistan in the northern direction. Decades of Afghan drug trafficking have led to significant changes in the Kyrgyz Republic, having a direct impact on all spheres of life of the young state. The rapid growth of crimes related to the storage, transportation and sale of narcotic drugs, the strengthening of the drug mafia, obtaining political patronage in government and law enforcement agencies, a multiple increase in drug addicts, the spread of HIV/AIDS, threatening the gene pool of the republic, overnight elevated that issue to the rank of threats on a national scale. Exactly the same situation arose in neighboring countries, where the increase in criminality was accompanied by the emergence of new challenges and threats to state security from drug cartels financing the activities of terrorist and extremist organizations throughout the post-Soviet space. Under the circumstances, it was only through the collective efforts of States that it was possible to effectively contain the common threat posed by drug trafficking. International organizations that came to the region in the early 1990s and in the 2000s were able to turn the situation in their favor and prevent a further increase in drug expansion from the south.
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Elebayeva, Ainura, Nurbek Omuraliev, and Rafis Abazov. "The Shifting Identities and Loyalties in Kyrgyzstan: The Evidence from the Field." Nationalities Papers 28, no. 2 (June 2000): 343–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713687466.
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The main objective of the ethnic policy of the government of Kyrgyzstan in the post-Soviet era was a consolidation of all people and ethnic groups on the territory of the Republic into the Kyrgyzstani nation. Such a goal is important for any nation that has just gained independence, but for the Kyrgyz Republic it was an especially important task for several reasons. First, the multiethnic composition of the country: in 1991 the Kyrgyzs, or the titular nation of the Republic, constituted roughly 52% of the population, there were around 22% Russians, and the Uzbeks represented 13% of the population. Second, interethnic relations in the Republic were especially tense at the beginning of the 1990s because of the interethnic conflicts in the southern regions of the Republic in 1989 and 1990.1 Third, the Kyrgyzs themselves lacked national cohesiveness and they often defined themselves as members of different tribes or tribal groups with distinct dialects, dress, and political affiliations.
8
Arabaev, R. "JOGORKU KENESH AND POLITICAL PARTIES OF KYRGYZSTAN: INTERACTION IN PARLIAMENTARY FORM OF GOVERNMENT." BULLETIN 389, no. 1 (February 10, 2021): 246–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.32014/2021.2518-1467.33.
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The article analyzes using the normative and systematic methods, as well as analysis and synthesis, the content of the statements of the Constitution of the Kyrgyz Republic, the Constitutional Law of the Kyrgyz Republic “On Election of the President of the Kyrgyz Republic and Deputies of the Jogorku Kenesh of the Kyrgyz Republic”, the Laws of the Kyrgyz Republic “On Regulations of the Jogorku Kenesh of the Kyrgyz Republic» and «On the Status of a Deputy of the Jogorku Kenesh of the Kyrgyz Republic» and the works of legal scholars. The study analyzes the issues of interaction between political parties and the Jogorku Kenesh – the parliament of the Kyrgyz Republic in parliamentary form of government. The authors consider the transformation of Kyrgyzstan into a parliamentary republic as a native process, justify the conditioning of the increasing role of political parties in formation of the Jogorku Kenesh and organization of its activities with the signs and requirements of this form of government. Particular attention is paid to the party-political and constitutional-legal foundations of mutual influence of the parliament and political parties of the Kyrgyz Republic. Researchers came to the conclusion the transformation of modern Kyrgyzstan into a parliamentary republic leads to a significant increase in the role of political parties both in the formation of the Jogorku Kenesh and in the organization of its activities as a whole; the interaction of the Jogorku Kenesh and political parties in the parliamentary form of government, in particular, is manifested in the organization and conduct of elections of deputies of the Jogorku Kenesh, distribution of deputy mandates, formation of parliamentary fractions and organization of their activities, determination of the organizational structure of the Jogorku Kenesh and formation of its bodies and organization of parliamentary activities in whole. From the point of view of the authors the fact that mutual relations between the Jogorku Kenesh and political parties are based on legal principles and norms, this whole process takes place on political plane and is sent implementing party programs.
9
Sullivan, Charles. "Misruling the Masses: The Consequences of Cracking Down in Kyrgyzstan." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 4 (July 2019): 628–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.37.
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AbstractCan nondemocratic leaders initiate a crackdown against mass protesters and suffer little in the way of political-reputational costs? In conceptualizing a “crackdown” as a government-orchestrated violent restriction of civil society involving the killing of civilians, this article analyzes how the use of force is perceived by ordinary citizens when their government represses a portion of the populace. In analyzing the findings of a 2016 survey that gauges contemporary attitudes toward the overthrow of presidents Askar Akaev (in 2005) and Kurmanbek Bakiev (in 2010), this article argues that Kyrgyzstanis evaluate the Bakiev administration more negatively than they do the Akaev administration because of the former’s resort to forceful measures in attempting to quell mass protesters in April 2010. Such findings imply that nondemocratic leaders who employ force against mass protesters incur significant political-reputational costs, irrespective as to whether the wider public views the mass protests as legitimate or not.
10
Podobed, I. V. "Evolution and Internal Logic of Kyrgyzstan’s International Relations during the Period of Independence." Journal of International Analytics 12, no. 2 (August 19, 2021): 182–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2021-12-2-182-202.
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This article examines the position of Kyrgyzstan in the international system and its foreign policy in the context of the social fabric established after the collapse of the USSR, the dynamics of socio-economic development, as well as electoral processes and delimitation. The evolution of international relations in Kyrgyzstan is seen as a derivative of the socio-economic macro process that has been developing over the past three decades. In this article, the author attempts to combine the most common research optics that rarely intersect in one work: the study of the domestic political process and its role in setting foreign policy priorities. Due to the existence of an extensive clan system and the fragility of the central government, it is impossible to conduct internally consistent foreign policy. The foreign policy activity of Kyrgyzstan is aimed at maintaining a certain balance in relations with major actors in the region to create the most favourable conditions for labour migration, obtaining financial assistance and transit trade.
11
DeYoung, Alan J. "Conceptualizing Paradoxes of Post-Socialist Education in Kyrgyzstan." Nationalities Papers 36, no. 4 (September 2008): 641–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990802230571.
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Official government educational pronouncements and policy in the Kyrgyz Republic have called for wider access and participation in higher education as an essential part of the general strategy to build democracy and a market economy. The number of higher education institutions (vuzy) has increased from approximately 10 at the end of the Soviet period to 50 institutions, with over 200,000 students now in attendance. Various international statistical sources show that higher education enrollments peaked above 70% of secondary school graduates in the early 1990s. For the past decade, these figures are lower yet still substantial. UNDP reports between 53% and 63%, while the World Bank and UNESCO report between 41% and 45%. In any of these calculations, however, higher education enrollments in Kyrgyzstan have at least trebled since independence, which is even more remarkable considering that the Kyrgyz system of higher education has become almost entirely paid for by students and parents rather than by the national government.
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Sheranova, Arzuu. "Political invention of the World Nomad Games in Kyrgyzstan." Kulturní studia 2021, no. 2 (November 1, 2021): 66–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.7160/ks.2021.170203.
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This paper examines ‘invention’ of a new ‘tradition’, that is of nomadic games in Kyrgyzstan blessed by its prehistoric past of nomadism. Since 2012 the Kyrgyz government had introduced the World Nomad Games (the WNGs) in Kyrgyzstan. The country hosted three spectacular games in the northern oblast of the country – Yssyk-Kul. Hundreds of sportsmen worldwide took part in these events and thousands of tourists rushed into the country to watch the games. In fact, Kyrgyz nomadic games are more than just a revival of old nomadic traditions, but they are political inventions. Using Hobsbawm’s framework of ‘invented traditions’ (1983), I examine the World Nomad Games as invented tradition. I argue that the Kyrgyz leadership invented tradition of nomadic games to tackle with contemporary issues, such as a need for attraction of foreign investment and promotion of tourism. As I illustrate the WNGs project was a timely response to improve the country image after a series of political instabilities the country underwent in its recent history.
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Pritchin, S. "Features of the Transit of Power in Kyrgyzstan and Georgia in the Context of Emerging Political Institutions." Journal of Political Research 4, no. 3 (October 6, 2020): 14–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2020-14-23.
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Kyrgyzstan and Georgia are two states of the post-Soviet space where political processes take place in atypical scenarios for the region. In both countries, since independence in 1991, the change and transit of power has occurred more often than in their neighbors, and under different scenarios. Both republics are recognized as leaders in the post-Soviet region for liberalization and democratization, both are de-jure parliamentary republics, while Kyrgyzstan is the only parliamentary republic in Central Asia. At the same time, the peculiarity of the transit of power in the republics is the fact that after the change of power each time passed into the hands of either the opposition, or covertly or clearly conflicting with the government counter-elite. The article provides a comparative analysis of the historical, ideological, and geographical features of the formation of socio-political models of societies in countries that could be the causes of the phenomenon of cardinal change of power in any transit scenario.
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Orçan, M., and S. Karaeva. "SLUMS IN BİSHKEK AND THEIR PROBLEMS." Vestnik Bishkek state university af. K. Karasaev 2, no. 60 (April 1, 2022): 37–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.35254/bhu/2022.60.37.
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In this study, the lack of access to schools, hospitals, licenses, and passports of slums who became common due to random urbanization, and a lack of proper planning, infrastructure and management in Bishkek, the capital city of Kyrgyzstan will be examined and evaluated from a sociological perspective. It becomes a huge social problem, since it wasn’t concerned by the Government. Recently, Government has started initiatives for solving it. In summary, this study examines the reflection of the political and social upheavals that took place in 1991 and later in 2005 and 2010 and the current situation and problems of the slums.
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Altymyshova, Zuhra. "October Revolution and Soviet Class Struggle Policy in Kyrgyzstan." Central Asia 81, Winter (June 30, 2018): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-81.100.
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In the middle of the XIX century, the territory of contemporary Kyrgyzstan was conquered by the Tsarist Russia. Later, in 1917, as a result of the October Revolution, the Tsarist regime was replaced by the Soviet rule. In the territory of Kyrgyzstan, it was established firstly in the southern and western regions of the country, such as Suluktu and Kyzyl-Kiya, Osh and Talas, where the largest industrial enterprises, mines, railway junctions and most of the workers and soldiers were concentrated. However, already by the mid 1918, the Soviet government managed to spread its power to the entire region of Kyrgyzstan.
In 1924, the Turkestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, established on April 30, 1918, was reorganized into a new administrative division. As the part of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR), on October 24, 1924 the Kara Kyrgyz Autonomous Region was formed. On May 25, 1925 the Kara Kyrgyz Autonomous Region was renamed into the Kyrgyz Autonomous Region. Then on February 01, 1926 it was restructured into the Kyrgyz Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. On December 05, 1936 it became a separate constituent republic of the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) known as the Kyrgyz Soviet Socialist Republic. Along with other 15 Soviet Socialist states, Kyrgyzstan had been the member of the USSR for about 70 years, from 1919 till 1991.
The current paper focuses on the processes of social transformation under the Soviet regime, especially the implementation of class struggle policy and its impact on Kyrgyzstan. In comparison with the interventions from the Tsarist Russia, the social transformation process undertaken under the Soviet system was quite different. In the territory of the Kyrgyz traditional society, the Tsarist Russia made only some social reorganization, but the Soviets brought radical changes in to the socio-political organizations of the Kyrgyz people. The paper seeks to understand how the Soviet Union tried to reconstruct the Kyrgyz society during the 1920s and 1930s. In addition, the paper will analyze the methods and mechanisms of the social transformation processes and the measures used by the Soviet government in their socio-political ‘battles’ against the local elites, and the influence of the new system on the existing socio-economic stratification in the context of the Kyrgyz society. During the Soviet period the prevalent scientific vision about the major historical events of the time was based on the Communist ideology. Therefore, the main aim of the paper is to analyze and describe an objective overview of the history of Soviet class struggle policy. The paper is based on the research of local archival documents, published sources and oral materials.
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Suchkov, Maksim. "Inclusive education development in Kyrgyzstan in the context of socio-political modernization." KANT 36, no. 3 (September 2020): 393–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24923/2222-243x.2020-36.74.
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The author characterizes the ethno-cultural aspects of public life of the Kyrgyz people, which were formed under the influence of cultural traditions and historical formed values. Such social and political phenomenon as tribalism, nomadism are studied. The humanе education, as well as the complexity and versatility of the religious sphere in the republic of Kyrgyzstan are presented. Their influence on the social and educational inclusion in the country is studied. The author presents the main directions of modernization in the field of inclusive education and the formation of a stable and socially responsible government.
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Naumov, Aleksandr O. "On the Causes of the “Tulip Revolution” in Kyrgyzstan: the Role of the External Factor." Humanitarian: actual problems of the humanities and education 21, no. 1 (April 14, 2021): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2078-9823.053.021.202101.009-018.
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Introduction. “Colour revolutions”, which are coups using technologies, mechanisms and tools of soft power, became a notable phenomenon in the post-Soviet space at the beginning of the XXI century. Attempts to dismantle political regimes in the region using methods of non-violent struggle are still being made by Western experts in geopolitical engineering, and directly at the borders of the Russian Federation. The article examines the role of an external factor in the preparation and implementation of one of the “color revolutions” of the first wave – the “Tulip revolution” in the Republic of Kyrgyzstan. Materials and Methods. The methodological basis of the research is the system, structural-functional, comparative-political approaches, methods of analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction and observation. Results and Discussion. The article presents an analysis of the causes of the socio-political crisis in Kyrgyzstan that led to the “Tulip revolution” in 2005. Special emphasis is placed on studying the activities of the United States to form a Pro-Western civil society in the country by promoting various projects and programs of democratization. With the help of Western soft power actors operating in Kyrgyzstan since the 1990s, local non-governmental organizations and mass media were organized, and cadres opposed to the Akayev regime were trained in various spheres of social and political life. Conclusions. Even in the specific conditions of Central Asia, Washington managed to create a “revolutionary” infrastructure on the ground, helping anti-government forces in areas where they were not competent enough. The author concludes that without financial and organizational support, the Kyrgyz opposition would not have been able to implement the successful scenario of the “colour revolution”. The victory of the “Tulip revolution” did not bring the prosperity promised by its leaders to the people; on the contrary, it was this event that caused huge damage to the country’s public administration system and triggered a series of crises that still haunt Kyrgyzstan.
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Epkenhans, Tim. "Regulating religion in Post-Soviet Central Asia: Some remarks on Religious Association Law and 'official' Islamic institutions in Tajikistan." Security and Human Rights 20, no. 1 (2009): 94–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187502309787858183.
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AbstractAlthough Tajikistan is a participating state of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) and has acceded to the United Nations International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), religious associations are under increasingly scrutiny limiting the freedom of conscience. Tajikistan's government follows a similar policy as her Central Asian neighbors Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. While a restrictive and contradictory religious association law limits the public space for religious associations, the government successively strengthens 'official' Islamic institutions and therefore directly interferes in internal religious affairs. Considering the diversity of Islamic beliefs in and practices in Central Asia and Tajikistan in particular, this policy could generate further friction among religious communities.
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Musaeva, Aygul Kanybekovna. "Qualimetric assessment of the efficiency of public services in the Kyrgyz Republic." Social'naja politika i social'noe partnerstvo (Social Policy and Social Partnership), no. 11 (November 3, 2020): 18–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/pol-01-2011-03.
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In the article, the author considers the qualimetric assessment of public services as one of the parameters of the effectiveness of social policy in Kyrgyzstan. Based on the analysis of the received information materials, the author suggests ways to improve the mechanisms of activity and modernize the assessment of the local self-government performance index to provide a new approach to measuring the analysis and improvement of social policy in the field of public services, which can consequently provide support in solving social, political and economic problems.
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Kudayarov, Kanybek A. "FEATURES OF THE INTERNAL POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT OF KYRGYZSTAN IN THE POST-SOVIET PERIOD." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Eurasian Studies. History. Political Science. International Relations, no. 2 (2021): 82–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7648-2021-2-82-90.
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Kyrgyzstan, like other states of the post-Soviet space, has passed a challenging path in its development since gaining independence. Three de- cades of the republic’s existence in the new geopolitical conditions revealed the peculiarities of its political, socio-economic and cultural evolution, that distinguish the Kyrgyz Republic from the Central Asian neighbours and other republics of Commonwealth of Independent States. Supporting the concept of the history of the Kyrgyz people while preserving certain traditions of the Turkic nomadic civilization has become a fundamental part of the emerging national identity. Another important feature of building the political system in the Kyrgyz Republic is the attempt to create a Western-style democratic state based on its own experience of implementing “nomadic democracy”. The presence of constant zigzag jumps in the evolution of the political system of the republic (i.e., repeated transitions from the presidential form of government to the presidential-parliamentary form and back) can be traced throughout the existence of post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan. At the same time, it should be noted that the described processes are due to a special geographical location, which ini- tially affects the formation of the corresponding type of economic management. That in turn, affects the political development of the country.
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Collins, Kathleen, and Robert Gambrel. "Corruption and Popular Support for Democracy and Government in Transitional Contexts: The Case of Kyrgyzstan." Europe-Asia Studies 69, no. 8 (September 14, 2017): 1280–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2017.1384449.
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Garbuzarova, Elena. "ROLE OF CONSTITUTIONAL REFORMS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF CENTRAL ASIAN COUNTRIES." CENTRAL ASIA AND THE CAUCASUS 22, no. 3 (September 27, 2021): 024–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.3.03.
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Since gaining independence in 1991, the Central Asian countries have embarked on state building with regard for the experience of developed countries. During the political modernization process, the countries of Central Asia heeded great attention to the constitution. The political elites in power have enshrined the separation of powers between the government branches in the basic law. At the same time, the institution of the president retained a special status in the state power system. This fact reflected the specifics of the development of new states, where the legislative body was absent or played an insignificant role for a prolonged time period. The president plays a major role in the political systems of the regional states (with the exception of Kyrgyzstan), which was manifested in his special status. As a result, a patron-client model has developed in the regional states, where the president acquires and maintains the loyalty of political elites through material incentives. Meanwhile, the regional countries were undergoing continuous constitutional reforms. The amendments to the fundamental law have been and are being used by the presidents of the Central Asian countries to maintain and reinforce their legitimacy. The need to solve this problem has increased in the context of a decline in economic growth and accumulated internal socio-economic problems. In 2020-2021, the coronavirus pandemic produced a negative impact. These challenges posed the task of implementing a new democratic transformation strategy for the executive authorities of the regional states, in particular, the expansion of powers in the legislative branch of government. At the present stage, a new balance of forces has emerged in Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, which involves a higher responsibility of the parliament and government for the implementation of socio-economic reforms. This afforded greater stability to the political regimes in these countries. In Tajikistan, a power centralization tendency has developed, and the position of the incumbent is being solidified. Hopes for carrying out structural economic reforms are pinned on the president. Kyrgyzstan has demonstrated a desire to develop parliamentarianism in order to prevent the development of authoritarian tendencies. However, the introduction of a parliamentary form of government did not lead to the solution of the country’s internal problems, primarily due to the continued enormous influence of informal institutions on the authorities. Major socio-economic problems faced by the Kyrgyz authorities in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic triggered another round of political tension in the country and ultimately led to a change of power and a transition to a presidential form of government. The changes introduced to the constitutions of the regional states create the appearance of the implementation of democratic principles and the use of procedures to improve the efficiency of the government. At the same time, institutional changes undermine socio-political stability, creating problems for further national development.
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Musyck, Bernard, Dias Kabykenov, and Craig Webster. "COVID-19 and the emergence of quarantine tourism." European Journal of Tourism Research 30 (October 20, 2021): 3016. http://dx.doi.org/10.54055/ejtr.v30i.2130.
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During 2020, quarantine tourism, a new form of tourism, was born due to the political reaction to the COVID-19 pandemic. Those repatriated to their country of residence (often they were students studying abroad) were compelled to be quarantined (typically two weeks) in a hotel facility then monitored in order to slow the spread of the virus to the country’s general population. In this article, the authors explore how this form of tourism came into being and how Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and the two political entities on the island of Cyprus dealt with people coming into the country and the organization of quarantines for those repatriated. The findings, based upon interviews with managers in the hospitality industry and secondary sources, show that governments in some cases took an active role, while local and central government activity varied a great deal in the cases investigated. However, all cases show that there was a strong sense of corporate social responsibility that made managers and owners feel compelled to assist in combatting the COVID-19 when assisting repatriated persons.
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Kuzmina, Violetta M., and Marina A. Parkhomchuk. ""Color Revolutions" in the Post-Soviet Space: Socio-Economic Prerequisites and Consequences." Proceedings of the Southwest State University. Series: Economics, Sociology and Management 11, no. 5 (2021): 160–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21869/2223-1552-2021-11-5-160-170.
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Relevance. The "color revolutions" that literally filled the entire post-Soviet space in the early 2000s are based not only on political roots, but to a large extent on a socio-economic basis, which manifested itself in the miserable existence of citizens of the post-Soviet space who saw the reason for their economic difficulties in power, in its inability to govern the state at this stage. The purpose is to reveal the influence of socio-economic factors on the process of the "color" revolutions on the example of such countries as Georgia, Ukraine, Kyrgyzstan. Methods. Objectives: consider the dynamics of the main macroeconomic indicators of the EU and the US from 2015 to 2020; to study and visualize the dynamics of GDP growth, GDP in PPP per capita, inflation in the EU member states for 2016–2020; investigate the dynamics of the total US government debt for 2015-2020. Metodology: the method of statistical and critical analysis of data from world agencies (Solidarity center, Center for International Private Enterprise CIPE, International Republican Institute, National Democratic Institute for International Affairs, National Security Council); the method of comparative analysis was used to compare the socio-economic causes and consequences of the “color revolutions” in Georgia, Kyrgyzstan and Ukraine. Results. "Color revolutions" in the post-Soviet space were developed according to the same technologies developed in the West and tested in the countries of the Near and Middle East during the period of "velvet" revolutions. The only basis for their course, which ensured their success, was the worse state of the country's economy, the poverty of the bulk of the population and the presence of youth groups financed from the West to incite protest and sometimes nationalist sentiments. Conclusions. After the events in Georgia and Ukraine in Russia, at the level of high-ranking government officials, decision-makers gradually formed a point of view according to which "revolutionary events" in the CIS republics are causing real damage to Russian national interests in the post-Soviet space. Key words: Ukraine, Kyrgyzstan, Georgia, post-Soviet space, "color revolutions".
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OSADCHAYA, Galina, Egor KIREEV, Evgenia KISELEVA, and Anna CHERNIKOVA. "THE ADAPTIVE CAPACITY OF YOUNG MIGRANTS FROM KYRGYZSTAN IN MOSCOW." CENTRAL ASIA AND THE CAUCASUS 22, no. 4 (December 17, 2021): 112–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.4.11.
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The significant numbers of migrants from Kyrgyzstan in Moscow and the difficulties in adapting to the new conditions recorded by our research highlight the need to explore the adaptive capacity of young Kyrgyz. The lack of scientific knowledge about the potential adaptive capacities of different groups of young Kyrgyz hinders the creation of optimal conditions that would allow them to internalize norms, values, and rules of behavior, increases the potential for conflict in the Moscow community, makes the life of migrants less comfortable, and complicates integration processes in the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). The purpose of this study is to characterize the adaptive capacity of young people from Kyrgyzstan in Moscow that helps them fit into the social environment, allows them to overcome the discomfort caused by the contradictory social context and unfamiliar living conditions, and influences their success in the host community and their attitudes to integration. The analysis presented in this article rests on empirical data obtained from a structured interview with 823 migrants, citizens of Kyrgyzstan aged 17 to 30 years, conducted in 2020. The novelty of the study lies in a systemic examination and comprehensive assessment of the social adaptation capacity of this social community, because up to now publications on this topic have considered only some aspects of the phenomenon. In this article, “adaptive capacity” refers to the set of individual characteristics of migrants that ensures their inclusion into the host society, a change in previous norms and models of behavior, and the socialization of new behavior models emerging in the process of interaction between the individual and the new socio-cultural conditions of life and work as the synergistic effect of the relationship and interaction between the adaptive capacity of the individual and that of the environment. Its analysis is based on a description of expectations, perceptions, and social attitudes; the level of empathy, openness and complementarity with regard to the host community; and the degree of tolerance for people of other nationalities and identities. The article shows how migrants evaluate the adaptive capacity of the environment as resulting from coordinated, concerted, and friendly action by all stakeholders: government, employers, and local population. It also analyzes the associations that arise in connection with Russia. The study reveals the impact of migrants’ adaptive capacity on their attitudes to integration processes in the EAEU. It was shown that notions about the nature of the interaction between Muscovites and migrants that is necessary to harmonize the individual and the environment (assimilation, bicultural adaptation or separation) determine the depth and direction of the activities of young migrants and their assessments of concrete social reality, while their strategic preferences with regard to the cultural norms and values of other peoples determine the adaptation attitudes and strategies that largely characterize their adaptive capacity. These strategies are as follows: marginalization of young Kyrgyz in the Moscow community, complementarity, and internalization of dominant norms. The research conducted suggests the need for measures to improve interaction between migrants and the host society and provides grounds for the Eurasian Economic Commission and social institutions in Russia and Kyrgyzstan to develop measures designed to create conditions for adaptation, as well as to determine the appropriate instruments and mechanisms for this purpose. This research paves the way for developing a theory of social adaptation of migrants, for empirical research into migration processes in the post-Soviet space, and for a better understanding of the specific features of social adaptation of young people from Kyrgyzstan.
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Lebedeva, M., and S. Stolyarova. "PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN IN POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS OF POST-SOVIET COUNTRIES: EXPERIENCE OF CENTRAL ASIAN COUNTRIES." International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 18, no. 1 (January 26, 2021): 29–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2020.18.1.60.2.
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After the disintegration of the USSR, the Central Asian countries started to pursue independent development strategies and identified new domestic policy priorities. It is of special scholarly interest to compare the efforts by Central Asian governments to improve female representation in politics. The article is devoted to the consideration of state policies and measures aimed at increasing the participation of women in political institutions in Central Asia. The most and the least effective strategies for women's political empowerment were highlighted based on the analysis of the regulatory framework in the field of women's empowerment, as well as on the degree of application of gender statistics and gender budgeting. In particular, the authors address the matter of electoral gender quotas, which are already introduced by Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan. It is stressed that the adoption of this policy tool in the two counties has had its limitations, taking into consideration the existence of legal ways to circumvent the gender-quota requirements. The authors also indicate Kazakhstan’s progress in collecting gender data that is “open, accessible, comparable, free and understandable”. Improving data quality and representativeness facilitates the development of practical steps to achieve gender equality in politics. At the same time, theьauthors point out a negative trend in the region: some countries are gradually moving away from having aьdistinct strategy pertaining to genderьissues. Such approach may shift the focus from closing the gender gap to solving a wider range of social policy issues. The article shows that in general the countries in question implement a conservative gender policy and are not inclined to fully effect such practices as gender budgeting and the collection of relevant and complete gender statistics. It is concluded that Russia has an opportunity to act as a trendsetter, in particular by applying a gender-sensitive approach in providing development assistance to the countries of Central Asia.
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Khalapsis, Oleksiy, Oleh Poplavskyi, and Oleh Levin. "Political and constitutional-legal transformations in Central Asia countries (1991–2021)." Naukovyy Visnyk Dnipropetrovs'kogo Derzhavnogo Universytetu Vnutrishnikh Sprav 3, no. 3 (September 30, 2021): 52–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31733/2078-3566-2021-3-52-59.
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The aim of the article is to determine the specifics of political processes related to decommunization in Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan), to study the variability of the main vectors of post-Soviet transformations of the respective societies. Reforms in Kazakhstan could theoretically pave the way for civil society, but so far they are more of an imitation. Uzbekistan is distinguished by the state's struggle against Islamic fundamentalism, which gave rise to Islam Karimov to pursue a tough internal policy. Democratization shifts after his death, but the prospects and irreversibility of these reforms are now highly questionable. Kyrgyzstan is the only society in which civil protest has real force, but the presence of clan-patriarchal system, ethnic conflicts, the tendency to use force and the weakness of the central government do not allow building a civil society in this country. Turkmenistan is characterized by boundless authoritarianism, and Tajikistan is the only country that has survived a fierce civil war in which the Islamic religion is most powerful. Each of the five Central Asian states has its own unique characteristics, but none of them has built a civil and democratic society, and the transformation cause of political regimes into democracies remains at the level of rhetoric. In these countries, political alterations have affected mainly the area of institutions, without changing the semi-feudal procedures and practices, and the process of democratization itself has been limited to pseudo-reforms. Civilizational and local-cultural features make the values of civil society unattractive not only for political elites, but also for the majority of the population, thus in the near future we can hardly expect significant progress in this direction. Moreover, Central Asian countries are under the influence of three powerful regional leaders –Russia, China and Iran – whose cultural and historical values are far from Western liberal-democratic ones. The situation is further complicated by the factor of Islamic fundamentalism, which will almost certainly intensify after the Taliban's victory in Afghanistan.
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Mueller, Markus, and Axel Ostlund. "People's security — today's challenges of a new approach to policing: Working experience of the Community Security Initiative (CSI) project in Kyrgyzstan 2011." Security and Human Rights 23, no. 1 (2012): 57–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187502312800079656.
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AbstractFor several years the OSCE has attempted to lobby and forge the political will to develop police reform in Kyrgyzstan. In June 2010 its police did not have the capacity to anticipate and prevent destabilisation and to maintain a neutral position in the management of the interethnic conflict. The fact that ethnic minorities are significantly underrepresented in the police contributed to this. As a result, the population's trust further deteriorated from an already existing critically low level. The then incumbent Transitional Government understood the need to support the police in restoring trust and confidence and hence requested the OSCE's assistance. A special project called the Community Security Initiative was created and a team of 28 international police advisors, supported by 21 local staff, deployed in January 2011 in twelve sensitive police stations including Osh. Using a new approach to communication/interaction these advisors try to change the perception of both the police and the population when addressing and resolving daily security problems in the communities. This requires a new and inventive approach putting peoples' security in the forefront. The main objective of CSI is to support the Kyrgyz Government in three main areas: improving relations between the police and the public, supporting and advising the MOI in respecting police ethics standards including human rights, and providing support and advice in the area of multiethnic policing.
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Heuer, Vera, and Brent Hierman. "Substate Populism and the Challenge to the Centre in Post-Riot Asian Contexts." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 13, no. 3 (December 2018): 40–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2018.1505539.
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In this article, we introduce the concept of substate populism to account for dynamics in which populist speech is used to critique national elites for harming the interests of the ‘pure’ local people. We also identify three preconditions for substate populism: decentralisation, preexisting resentment or anxiety, and the capacity to dominate the local narrative. We explore the concept through a comparison of the frames used by Narendra Modi while serving as the chief minister of the state of Gujarat in India and Melis Myrzakmatov while serving as the mayor of Osh, Kyrgyzstan. We demonstrate that in both cases Modi and Myrzakmatov utilised substate populism following deadly ethnic riots to articulate local resentments, maintain popular support, and delegitimise external efforts to promote post-conflict reconciliation. We argue that through eradicating at least one of the three identified preconditions, a national government can undermine substate populism.
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Al-Qteishat, Ahmad Saher Ahmad. "The Regional Role of Russia after Military Aid to Syria." RUDN Journal of Public Administration 8, no. 4 (December 15, 2021): 434–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8313-2021-8-4-434-441.
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One of the most important goals of Russian foreign policy during Vladimir Putins presidency is to strengthen Russian influence in the Caucasus region and Central Asia, as well as to develop relations with such countries as Iran, Turkey and Saudi Arabia. The Russian government has always expressed concern about the so-called color revolutions that took place in Ukraine, Georgia and Kyrgyzstan, as well as the fact that many of them were supported by Western forces. Russia believes that the events of the Arab Spring are in some way similar to the aforementioned revolutions, and that with the support of the West they could bring Islamists to power, which is a dangerous model not only for the countries of the region and the countries neighboring Russia, but also for Russia itself. For these reasons, in the Syrian conflict, Moscow sought to preserve the Assad regime, because believes that the Western model in solving regional problems can lead to the general chaos, like it was, for example, in the Iraqi and Libyan models. Despite the difficulties faced by government officials in Syria since the beginning of the civil war, and thanks to Russian military assistance and reforms, Syria preserved the legitimate regime and did not allow destroying all state institutions. Participation in the Syrian conflict brought Russia a significant role in the region and allowed it to become a successful mediator in most regional issues, as well as to strengthen its economic and political relations with the most important players in the region, as Turkey, Iran, Egypt and Saudi Arabia.
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Mufarikhin, Mufarikhin, and Siti Malaiha Dewi. "Analisis Kepemimpinan Perempuan Muslim dalam Konteks Kontemporer." Politea 4, no. 1 (June 26, 2021): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/politea.v3i2.8844.
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<p><em>Women's leadership has been a controversial issue in the contemporary history of several Muslim societies. Meanwhile, in relation to this, some scholars have permitted it as a form of social necessity in a modern context, most Muslim scholars have also refused because of its effect which is considered to be debilitating. Examples of women's leadership in general and as heads of Muslim states can be found in the context of the success of Benazir Bhutto in Pakistan, Khalida Zia and Sheikh Hasina in Bangladesh, Megawati Sukarnoputri in Indonesia, Atifete Jahjaga in Kosovo, Roza Otunbayeva in Kyrgyzstan, and Mame Madior Boye in Senegal. This issue is debatable because there is no clear direction regarding the leadership of the state and the high position of government which makes the problem divisive and full of conflict. Given the context, there is a need to analyze Muslim leadership in a contemporary context. This paper discusses the concept, brief history, the importance of women's leadership and analyzes the views of Islamic scholars within the scope of contemporary Islamic thought, which are based on the textual arguments of the Qur'an and Sunnah of Muslim scholars. This paper concludes that although a small portion of the entire Muslim spectrum tries to justify allowing women's leadership to develop social, economic and political perspectives, many Muslim scholars view it as a violation of God's commandments and, therefore, strictly preventing the appointment of women as both heads of state. high government officials.</em></p>
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Allan, Jonathan A., Chris Haywood, and Frank G. Karioris. "Introduction." Journal of Bodies, Sexualities, and Masculinities 2, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jbsm.2021.020101.
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Nota bene: This introduction was written near the end of 2020, a year that saw the world struggle with COVID-19. These issues make up the primary body of the below text. Yet, as we moved into the new year, perhaps thankful that 2020 had come to a close, on 6 January, and before the introduction was sent to publication, the US Capitol building in Washington, DC, was laid siege by far right extremists, White supremacists, and supporters seeking to stop the confirmation of the election of Joseph Biden. I [Frank] am reminded of a similar note I wrote in an article for the Sexual Violence Research Initiative’s “16 Days of Activism” series in early December: “We write this post amidst political protests that have shaken Kyrgyzstan, with the recent election results being annulled. We send our thoughts for those working to ensure a fair, democratic, and transparent government; and hope for a speedy resolution to these issues” (Kim and Karioris 2020). In a similar sense, with the events still etched in our minds and processes just beginning to begin (arrests, an impeachment, etc.) and the inauguration still to come, we include this short note affirming our commitment to democratic principles, challenging violent masculinity, and supporting antiracist activism.
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Milyukova, Anna, Alla Vladimirovna Kovaleva, and Ekaterina Vladimirovna Valyulina. "Pan-Turkism and geopolitical identity in modern Eurasia: the analysis of representations in the media." Мировая политика, no. 1 (January 2021): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2021.1.34970.
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The subject of research is quantitative and qualitative characteristics of representation of the issue of Pan-Turkism in the Mass Media. The authors study two trends of development of the Pan-Turkism ideas: on the other hand, marginalization, on the other hand - actualization, which corresponds with the periods of crises (wars, epidemics, political crises). As an alternative to separatist movements, the authors name the increase of the role of transborder cooperation in the context of Eurasian integration with the help of the Eurasian Economic Union, Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the Eurasian Economic Community, and the project of transborder regional cooperation Big Altai. The purpose of the research is to characterise the main media trends of presentation of the Pan-Turkism issue in the Mass Media. The authors demonstrate the assessment of quantitative and qualitative characteristics of media coverage of the ideas of Pan-Turkism (the dynamics of referring; the activity of media in the number of messages and mediaindex, the level, categories, genres, the most remarkable newsworthy events; the role of international social, religious, educational organizations; the position of countries, regions, public figures, government and social organizations and institutions in the media coverage of the Pan-Turkism ideas). The scientific novelty consists in the fact that the context of references to the Pan-Turkism ideas in the media, as well as the media trends in this field which are being formed, almost haven’t been studied. The main conclusions of the research are about the information agenda, formed mainly by the Russian federal Internet media, aimed at the coverage of the Pan-Turkism issues. The most active in the formation of the Pan-Turkism agenda are the Russian pro-government and pro-Armenian media. Turkey, Armenia, Syria, Azerbaijan and Nagorno-Karabakh have a negative image in the media materials in the context of Pan-Turkism. Russia, the U.S., China. Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, as well as such political figures as Recep Erdoğan, Vladimir Putin, Ilham Aliyev and Nikol Vovayi Pashinyan are referred to in a positive context.
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PIANCIOLA, NICCOLÒ. "Illegal Markets and the Formation of a Central Asian Borderland: The Turkestan–Xinjiang opium trade (1881–1917)." Modern Asian Studies 54, no. 6 (January 13, 2020): 1828–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x18000227.
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AbstractThis article utilizes material from archives in Kazakhstan, Russia, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan as well as published Chinese sources to explore the opium trade between Tsarist Turkestan and Xinjiang from the early 1880s to 1917. It focuses on two different levels: the borderlands economy and society, and state policies towards illegal (or ‘grey’) markets. The main groups active in the trade were Hui/Dungan and Taranchi migrants from China, who had fled Qing territory after the repression of the great anti-Qing Muslim revolts during the 1860s and 1870s. After settling in Tsarist territory, they grew poppies and exported opium back across the border to China. This article shows how the borderland economy was influenced by the late-Qing anti-opium campaign, and especially by the First World War. During the war, the Tsarist government tried to create a state opium monopoly over the borderland economy, but this attempt was botched first by the great Central Asian revolt of 1916, and later by the 1917 revolution. Departing from the prevailing historiography on borderlands, this article shows how the international border, far from being an obstacle to the trade, was instead the main factor that made borderland opium production and trade possible. It also shows how the borderland population made a strategic use of the border-as-institution, and how local imperial administrators—in different periods and for different reasons—adapted to, fostered, or repressed this most profitable borderland economic activity.
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Kozłowski, Krzysztof. "The Colour Revolutions in the Post-Soviet Space: Illusion and Reality of the Post-Soviet Civil Disobedience." Studia z Polityki Publicznej, no. 4(12) (October 24, 2016): 135–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kszpp.2016.4.6.
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The political events that took place at the end of 2003 in Georgia, in 2004 in Ukraine and in 2005 in Kyrgyzstan are popularly called the Rose, Orange and Tulip Revolution or collectively: the Colour Revolutions in the post-Soviet space. At first glance the term “revolution” may seem appropriate. The Colour Revolutions have resulted in the regime change in all the three states. However, from a decade-long perspective one may notice that the revolutionary changes in the political systems of Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan did not actually take place. The post-revolutionary reality: the Russian-Georgian war and criminal charges against the revolutionary Georgian President Micheil Saakashvili, theinfamous ending to the political career of the revolutionary leader Victor Yushchenko just four year after the Orange Revolution and the spectacular collapse of the Victor Yanukovych regime, which led to a hybrid warfare with Russia, or Kyrgyzstan’s permanent political instability following the revolutionary events of 2005 require yet another insight into what has happened in Tbilisi, Kiev, and Bishkek. Without an in-depth analysis of the events, it is impossible to understand the fundamental social and political dynamics of the ongoing and future changes in Eastern Europe, the Caucasus or Central Asia. The re-evaluation of the Colour Revolutions is not only of historical importance, though. It is also a universal lesson concerning the most important challenge that all the democratic social movements active in the authoritarian or post-authoritarian states have to face: how to manage large-scale civil disobedience protests of a disappointed society while the ruling governments do not follow democratic rules and the international community does not fully comprehend the significance of the ongoing changes.
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Kaser, Michael. "V. The Economic and Social Impact of Systemic Transition in Central Asia and Azerbaijan." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 2, no. 3 (2003): 459–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156915003322986352.
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AbstractThe economies of Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan differ from the other states that quit the Soviet Union in 1991 by their inheritance of poor productivity growth and high demographic pressure for job creation. Moreover, since their incorporation into the Russian Empire during the nineteenth century, their production has been geared to primary goods - cotton and hydrocarbons - that in the 1930s Stalin's policy towards autarky was directed to Soviet domestic consumption. The six countries hence gained independence, but with high export dependency on markets that all suffered severe demand recessions. The corresponding production decline in the six states was modified during the 1990s by diversifying the direction of trade and was not as deep as indicated by the official GDP data by reason of the substantial growth of unmeasured production. That 'shadow economy' goes untaxed and all six states show government revenue inadequate for the social expenditure required to maintain the stock of human capital inherited from Soviet planning priorities and to reverse the widening of income differentials, as well as for capital formation to employ the expanding labor force. Some improvement has resulted from emigration and foreign investment by Kazakhstan, and from foreign investment by Azerbaijan. But that inflow has enhanced those states' dependence on hydrocarbons and the danger of a "Dutch disease." In all six states, authoritarian and corruption-prone governance inhibit foreign investment, though in two, Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan, state funds have been established so that eventual income from fixed assets replace that from depleting hydrocarbon deposits.
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Huskey, Eugene. "The Politics of Language in Kyrgyzstan." Nationalities Papers 23, no. 3 (September 1995): 549–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999508408402.
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Nineteen eighty-nine appeared to be an annus mirabilis in Soviet language policy; during that year, nine of fifteen Soviet republics adopted laws that championed the language of the titular nationality. Among these was Kyrgyzstan, a small Central Asian republic where Russian had increasingly marginalized the language of the Kyrgyz.
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Dadabaev, Timur. "Manipulating post-Soviet nostalgia: contrasting political narratives and public recollections in Central Asia." International Journal of Asian Studies 18, no. 1 (September 17, 2020): 61–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479591420000443.
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AbstractThe vision of the Soviet years in post-Soviet republics varies depending on the government's official master narrative, foreign policy priorities, and general public perceptions of the past. By contrasting the published interviews of presidents Putin, Nazarbayev, and Karimov and the outcomes of in-depth interviews with the elderly public in Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan), this paper reveals the differences between the official master narratives of political leadership (positive or negative) with respect to the Soviet past and public attitudes. This paper aims to demonstrate that the narratives of political leaders/governments and public recollections coexist in the same social space in parallel to each other. While governments attempt to use their narratives to promote certain policy goals, people use their nostalgic recollections to make sense of the social changes in their respective countries and use such recollections to interpret their lives.
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Khvan, Leonid. "FICTITIOUS ADMINISTRATIVE ACTS: PROSPECTS OF REGULATION IN THE COUNTRIES OF CENTRAL ASIA." Administrative law and process, no. 4 (27) (2020): 26–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2227-796x.2019.4.03.
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The Central Asian countries – Kazakhstan (twice: in 2000, 2015–2016), Kyrgyzstan (twice: in 2004, 2015), Tajikistan (in 2007), and Uzbekistan (twice: in 2007, 2015–2016) – are trying to implement laws on administrative procedure into their national legal systems. Laws on administrative procedure are а tool of western philosophy, an institute of European administrative law of the European understanding of open government and effective administrative regulation, approaches to which the countries of the region have begun to develop relatively recently. Instead of a formal pursuing the adoption of laws on administrative procedure, it is more important to find answers to the countries’ readiness to accept laws on administrative procedure into their existing social, political and economic realities, including the peculiarities of the legal systems. The research notes а lack of two key concepts of the laws on administrative procedure – the concept of administrative procedures as such and the concept of administrative acts. It is analyzed the possibility of implementation of one of the variants of the administrative decision adopted as the result of a fictitious approval (Genehmigungsfiktion). Today, in Central Asia а truncated model of fictitious approval is in operation – the principle “silence gives consent” – within the sphere of licensing procedures of entrepreneurship: “if the public authority does not submit within the established deadlines а motivated refusal or authorization document, such а document is considered to be issued (i. e. the procedure is deemed to be completed)”. The article provides its comparative legal analysis of the application of fictitious approval in the countries of Central Asia. The author arrives at а number of conclusions: − administrative “silence” can be used by the legislator as a fictitious administrative act (tacit consent); − administrative “silence” is а form of an administrative act, but only on the basis of legislative clauses; − objective limitations of the use of administrative “silence” are shown; − different types of inactivity are classified for its effective objection, the position of the term in the system of such definitions as “administrative silence”, “delay in the adoption of an administrative act”.
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Lee, Euna, and Jai S. Mah. "Industrial Policy, Industrialization and Economic Development of Kyrgyzstan." Asian Social Science 16, no. 9 (August 31, 2020): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v16n9p41.
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Kyrgyzstan pursued the market-based reform in the process of transition. Based on the literature review and statistical data covering 1990s-2010s, this paper explains economic development and industrialization of Kyrgyzstan in its transition process. The government of Kyrgyzstan promoted several priority sectors including agriculture, mining, energy, garment and agro-processing industry by industrial policy measures. There is little evidence that Kyrgyzstan has a comparative advantage in agriculture. Gold mining is expected to be depleted by 2020s. Kyrgyzstan appears to be competitive in hydroelectricity generation and agro-processing industry. Although the garment industry has led the manufacturing sector, it has been losing the foreign investors’ attention. Therefore, it is necessary for Kyrgyzstan to think of the next stage of economic development with the new industrial-led economic development strategy. The government of Kyrgyzstan may benefit from promoting value-added industries. For such value-added industries to develop, strengthening infrastructure particularly in human capital would be critical.
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Arabaev, R., A. Berenalieva, and B. Mazhitov. "MODERN KYRGYZSTAN: FROM PARLIAMENTARY REPUBLIC TO PRESIDENTIAL GOVERNMENT." BULLETIN 5, no. 393 (October 15, 2021): 155–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.32014/2021.2518-1467.178.
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Alkan, Haluk. "Post-Soviet politics in Kyrgyzstan: between centralism and localism?" Contemporary Politics 15, no. 3 (September 2009): 355–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569770903118754.
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Pyburn, K. Anne. "Authentic Kyrgyzstan: top down politics meet bottom up heritage." International Journal of Heritage Studies 24, no. 7 (December 4, 2017): 709–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13527258.2017.1390489.
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Kupatadze, Alexander. "Prisons, politics and organized crime: the case of Kyrgyzstan." Trends in Organized Crime 17, no. 3 (October 20, 2013): 141–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12117-013-9208-2.
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Ahrari, M. E. "Islam and Politics in Central Asia." American Journal of Islam and Society 14, no. 3 (October 1, 1997): 86–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v14i3.2237.
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The emergence of the five independent and predominantly Muslim statesKazakhstan,Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan. Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan-in theaftermath of the collapse of the Soviet Union raises the issue of the role of Islamin their future development. Since Islam does not allow a separation of religionand politics, Islamic political panies have already been active, albeit with differentintensity, in these countries. None of these countries has had a history ofindependence; for a long time, they were colonized (their most recent history ofcolonization goes back to the 1860s. when the Russians began to conquer andcolonize the Central Asian villages) by czarist Russia, then from 1917 by thecommunist czars. Consequently, after independence their political elite (for themost part, former communists) remain substantially unfamiliar with the practiceof democratic governance. As such, even after changing the names of communistparties in their respective countries, they essentially practice authoritarianpolicies in which little or no political pluralism is tolerated. Therefore. anyevolution of democracy in these statei in the immediate or middle-range futureis unlikely. However. Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan are two exceptions to thisrule.Not coincidentally. both Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan top the list of ethnicallypluralist states, and their economies are doing well compared to their CentralAsian counterparts. However, this ethnic pluralism has not only polarized theirpopulations along indigenous and Russian lines but also keeps their leaders fromallowing any substantial role for lslamist parties. Uzbekistan. Turkmenistan,and Tajikistan have a lesser problem emanating from ethnic pluralism.However, the lion's share of these countries' problems stems from the acutelyauthoritarian nature of their leader hip, and, more imponant, their severe economicunderdevelopment. One has to keep these variables in mind as one readsMehrdad Haghayeghi's book, Islam and Politics in Central Asia.Describing the presence of Islam in Central Asia, The author states that "thesedentary populations of the oasis enclaves and the tribal populations of theSteppe and the surrounding regions" were differently influenced by Islam. Hegoes on to observe:The enormous size and remoteness oft.he Steppe, the lack of adequate military manpower.the political instability at the heart of the Arab empire, and the absence of ...
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T. Ormonova, Aizharkyn. "STUDY OF KYRGYZ-SOUTH KOREAN RELATIONS IN THE YEARS OF INDEPENDENCE OF KYRGYZSTAN." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 7, no. 4 (October 5, 2019): 881–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2019.74117.
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Purpose: This paper examines the degree of the Kyrgyz-South Korean relations study in the works by Kyrgyz and foreign authors (Korea, Europe, and the USA), identifies the problems that have been analyzed before; identifies a range of unexplored issues in these works. Prior to that, there was no any historiographical analysis of the works devoted to the analysis of Kyrgyzstan and South Korea relations studies.
Methodology: The paper uses 16 different materials on Kyrgyz-Korean relations from 1998 to 2015. These materials include articles, reports, books that dealt with the relations of Kyrgyzstan and South Korea in the sphere of politics, economics, education, and culture. As well as Korean policies towards Central Asian countries, including Kyrgyzstan.
Result: Despite the fact that the Kyrgyz – South Korean relations were being observed in the works of both as by the Kyrgyz and so by the foreign authors, the analysis of the works have shown that the relations between Kyrgyzstan and South Korea in various fields, such as: politics, economics, education, culture, as well as interests in cooperation between the two countries are studied quite weakly. For example, there are no special monographs devoted to the Kyrgyzstan and Korea relations study. Consequently, these issues have remained the subject for further study and it is needed to make more researches in this area.
Applications: This research can be used for the universities, teachers and education students.
Novelty/Originality: In this research, the model of the study of Kyrgyz-south Korean relations in the years of independence of Kyrgyzstan is presented in a comprehensive and complete manner.
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Commercio, Michele E. "The politics and economics of “retraditionalization” in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan." Post-Soviet Affairs 31, no. 6 (December 10, 2014): 529–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1060586x.2014.986870.
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Nasyrov, V., A. Ismailova, and Bednyakova. "Current Issues in the Treatment of Deep Sensoneural Hearing Loss and Deafness in Kyrgyzstan." Bulletin of Science and Practice 7, no. 12 (December 15, 2021): 142–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/73/20.
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This article presents the main issues of the relevance of the spread of severe hearing loss and deafness in Kyrgyzstan, leading to permanent disability of patients, especially children. Despite significant technological progress and constant improvement of digital sound processing for cochlear implantation and hearing aids, in Kyrgyzstan, for a number of reasons, there are significant difficulties for their widespread implementation due to the lack of necessary government programs and appropriate funding.
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Veretilnyk, Oleksandr. "Reforma konstytucyjna w Kirgistanie. Wyzwania i zagrożenia dla demokracji i państwa prawa." Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego 1, no. 65 (February 28, 2022): 185–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2022.01.14.
Full textAbstract:
The collapse of the USSR in 1991 led to the emergence of five independent states in Central Asia: Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Kyrgyzstan. Four of them established an authoritarian form of government, while Kyrgyzstan became the only democratic state in the region. This may change after the referendum on constitutional reform, which is scheduled for 2021. The amendments to the Constitution provide for the extension of the president’s powers, which, according to many Kyrgyz researchers, may lead to the transformation of Kyrgyzstan into an authoritarian state. This article presents the results of the analysis of the draft amendment to the Constitution of the Kyrgyz Republic initiated by the new president of the country, Sadyr Japarov.
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YUYAN, Zhang. "TEN YEARS AFTER ETHNIC CONFLICT IN SOUTHERN KYRGYZSTAN: SOCIO-ECONOMIC CAUSES AND EFFECTS." JOURNAL OF EUROPEAN ECONOMY 19, Vol 19, No 2 (2020) (June 2020): 356–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.35774/jee2020.02.356.
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In June 2010, a fierce ethnic conflict erupted in southern Kyrgyzstan, causing heavy casualties and property damage. The ethnic conflict occurred for both historical reasons and realistic backgrounds, especially the policy mistakes of the interim government. This article analyses the causes and effects of this ethnic conflict based on relevant information and reports that have been disclosed by international media. This ethnic conflict not only caused a huge negative impact on the social stability of Kyrgyzstan, but also worsened the security situation in Central Asia. At present, with the national conflict as a lesson, the governments of Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan are working hard to improve the relationship between the two countries and the two major ethnic groups.