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Journal articles on the topic 'La franciade'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

BRAYBROOK, JEAN. "THE AESTHETICS OF FRAGMENTATION IN RONSARD'S FRANCIADE." French Studies XLIII, no. 1 (1989): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/xliii.1.1.

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2

BRAYBROOK, J. "The Aesthetics of Fragmentation in Ronsard's Franciade." French Studies 43, no. 1 (January 1, 1989): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/43.1.1.

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3

Fassina, Filippo. "Denis Bjaï, «Francias haut ulli temere tentanda nepotum…». “La Franciade” à l’aune des tombeaux ronsardiens." Studi Francesi, no. 166 (I | LVI) (April 1, 2012): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/studifrancesi.4645.

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4

O’Brien, Peter. "La Franciade de Le Brun : poétique ovidienne de l’exil en Nouvelle-France." Tangence, no. 99 (April 12, 2013): 35–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1015112ar.

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Dans son oeuvre intitulée Franciados libri duo, le jésuite Laurent Le Brun personnifie la Nouvelle-France (Nova Gallia). La déesse adresse quatorze élégies rédigées en latin à de puissantes personnalités françaises : ces lettres-poèmes présentent les difficultés auxquelles doivent faire face les Premières Nations en Nouvelle-France, en décrivant la vie des autochtones d’un point de vue topographique et ethnographique. L’ouvrage n’a jusqu’à présent reçu que peu d’attention. Pourtant, la manière dont l’auteur utilise les figures latines classiques et les topoï afin de rendre cet « autre » Canadien compréhensible à un public européen et humaniste mérite d’être étudiée. Parmi ses nombreuses allusions aux poètes classiques, la Franciade entretient un long dialogue intertextuel avec les Tristes et les Pontiques d’Ovide. Ce dialogue permet à Le Brun de transformer l’appel individuel d’un exilé à la clémence impériale en un plaidoyer pour la rédemption universelle d’un monde non civilisé.
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5

Pigné, Christine. "Colère et amour obsessionnel dans La Franciade de Ronsard." Seizième Siècle 6, no. 1 (2010): 185–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/xvi.2010.982.

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6

Rigolot, Francois. "Ronsard's Pretext for Paratexts: The Case of the "Franciade"." SubStance 17, no. 2 (1988): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3685137.

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7

Hope, Geoffrey R., and Denis Bjai. "La Franciade sur le Metier: Ronsard et la Pratique du Poeme Heroique." Sixteenth Century Journal 33, no. 4 (2002): 1134. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4144161.

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8

Bjaï (book author), Denis, and Jan Miernowski (review author). "La Franciade sur le métier. Ronsard et la pratique du poème héroïque." Renaissance and Reformation 38, no. 3 (January 1, 2002): 73–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v38i3.8815.

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9

Fassina, Filippo. "Phillip John Usher, Of Mute Dolphins and Taking Leave of Kings: The Praise Poems of Ronsard’s «Franciade» (1572)." Studi Francesi, no. 164 (LV | II) (September 1, 2011): 396. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/studifrancesi.5572.

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10

Ronsard (book author), Pierre de, Philip John Usher (book annotator and translator), and John Nassichuk (review author). "The Franciad (1572)." Renaissance and Reformation 35, no. 3 (March 11, 2013): 150–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v35i3.19538.

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11

Whigham, Thomas. "Some Reflections on Early Anglo-paraguayan Commerce." Americas 44, no. 3 (January 1988): 279–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006907.

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Scholars of the British experience in Latin America have given considerable attention to the adventures of the two Scottish merchants John Parish Robertson and his brother William, who visited Paraguay between 1811 and 1814. The image of the taciturn Dictator José Gaspar de Francia attempting to use the two British subjects to establish commercial links with Europe has appeared in virtually all histories of the period. Francia's failure in this regard, we are frequently told, ushered in a period of self-imposed isolation for Paraguay. Few foreigners, merchants or otherwise, were permitted to breech the barriers set up by the Dictator and Paraguay quickly took on the reputation of an “inland Japan.” That these barriers were not as absolute as the traditional portrayal would suggest has been established only in the last fifteen years. With few exceptions, the historical accounts have assumed that, with the departure of the Robertsons, British merchants lost all interest in Paraguay. In fact, however, a strong desire to “open” the trade of that country characterized the British mercantile community of Buenos Aires throughout the life of the Dictator and, on one occasion at the very end of Dr. Francia's reign, a concerted effort was made by certain Britons to reintroduce British commerce to Paraguay.
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12

Scofield, Thomas. "Francine Shapiro." Family Journal 6, no. 4 (October 1998): 337–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1066480798064016.

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13

Prose, Francine. "Francine Prose." Sewanee Review 127, no. 4 (2019): 742–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sew.2019.0067.

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14

Solomon, Roger M., and Louise Maxfield. "Francine Shapiro." Journal of EMDR Practice and Research 13, no. 3 (August 1, 2019): 158–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/1933-3196.13.3.158.

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15

Calame, François. "Dalla Francia." La Ricerca Folklorica, no. 54 (October 1, 2006): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40205625.

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16

Vacura, Miroslav. "Etika Francise Hutchesona." E-LOGOS 17, no. 1 (June 1, 2010): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.18267/j.e-logos.292.

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17

Grange, A. "Francine Marjorie Bowsher." BMJ 344, mar27 1 (March 27, 2012): e2076-e2076. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.e2076.

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18

Grootveld, Emma, Monica Jansen, and Inge Lanslots. "Italia & Francia, Francia & Italia: Scambi culturali." Incontri. Rivista europea di studi italiani 33, no. 2 (December 22, 2018): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/incontri.10274.

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19

Goffi, Jean-Yves. "Francione, critique de Singer." Revista Archai, no. 11 (2013): 117–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1984-249x_11_11.

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20

Bowd, Stephen, and Stefano Dall'Aglio. "Savonarola in Francia." Sixteenth Century Journal 39, no. 4 (December 1, 2008): 1108. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20479140.

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21

Mutis, Álvaro. "Presencia de Francia." Estudios: filosofía, historia, letras 2, no. 71 (2004): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.5347/01856383.0071.000173301.

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22

Morel, Alain, and Philippe Batel. "Visto desde Francia..." Adicciones 18, no. 3 (September 1, 2006): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.20882/adicciones.338.

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23

Capet, Antoine. "Churchill y Francia." Comillas Journal of International Relations, no. 7 (December 20, 2016): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.14422/cir.i07.y2016.005.

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24

Demichel, Francine. "L’avis de ... Francine Demichel." Droit et Médecine Bucco-Dentaire 1, no. 1 (2011): 3–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/dmbd/2011110.

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25

Joubert, Lucie, and Caroline Barrett. "Bibliographie de Francine Noël." Voix et Images 18, no. 2 (1993): 326. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/201026ar.

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26

Vidal, Cécile. "Francite et situation coloniale." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 64, no. 5 (October 2009): 1019–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0395264900024306.

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RésuméÀ partir du cas louisianais, cet article cherche à démontrer que la formation de sociétés coloniales nouvelles aux Amériques, reposant sur l’esclavage ou le travail forcé, la constitution d’empires multiethniques et multiraciaux et les rivalités impériales qui ont accompagné ces phénomènes, ont contribué à faire de la nation un problème et une question. D’une part, le nombre de personnes pour lesquelles le fait d’avoir une identité nationale est devenu significatif s’en est trouvé accru. D’autre part, la définition donnée à la nation française, en opposition aux autres nations et en relation avec les différents groupes la composant, en a été modifiée. En questionnant les concepts d’empire colonial, de nation et d’identité, et en analysant les significations particulières que la francité prit dans le contexte louisianais, il s’agit de suggérer qu’il paraît difficile de continuer à penser la nation au XVIIIesiècle sans tenir compte des rapports complexes entre nation, empire et race.
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27

Darveau-Fournier, Lise. "Hommage à Francine Ouellet." Service social 45, no. 3 (1996): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/706734ar.

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28

Colvile, Georgiana. "L'univers De Francine Noël." Quebec Studies 10 (April 1990): 99–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/qs.10.1.99.

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29

Lavocat, Françoise. "Dido Meets Aeneas: Anachronism, Alternative History, Counterfactual Thinking and the Idea of Fiction." Journal of Literary Theory 14, no. 2 (September 25, 2020): 194–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jlt-2020-2009.

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AbstractThe anachronistic character of the loving relationship between Dido and Aeneas was widely and commonly discussed among commentators, critics, and writers in the early modern period. From the 16th century onwards, when the word »anachronism« appeared in vernacular languages, its definition was even inseparable from the example borrowed from the Aeneid. The purpose of this article is to interrelate early modern debates on anachronism, reflections on the status of fiction and the history of fiction.Starting with the hypothesis that anachronism is a form of counterfactual, the questions posed in this article are: did forms of counterfactuals exist before the 19th century, to what extent did they differ from contemporary alternative histories and, if so, why? The story of Dido and Aeneas in the Aeneid can be considered »counterfactual«, because this version of the narrative about the queen of Carthage was opposed to another, which was considered to be historical and which made Dido a privileged embodiment of female virtue and value.Several important shifts are highlighted in this article. With the exception of St. Augustine (who saw in Vergil’s anachronism confirmation of the inanity of fiction), before the 16th century indifference towards anachronism prevailed: the two versions of Dido’s story were often juxtaposed or combined. If Vergil’s version of Dido’s story was condemned, it was for moral reasons: the exemplary version, considered more historically accurate, was favored throughout the Middle Ages, notably by Petrarch and Boccaccio.From the 16th century onwards, however, increased acquaintance with Aristotle’s Poetics promoted greater demand for rationality and plausibility in fables. This coincided with the appearance of the word »chronology« and its development, which led to a new understanding of historical time. Anachronism then appeared to be a fault against verisimilitude, and as such was strongly condemned, for example by the commentator on Aristotle, Lodovico Castelvetro. At the same time, the argument of poetic license was also often invoked: it actually became the most common position on this issue. Vergil’s literary canonization, moreover, meant that the version of Dido’s life in the Aeneid was the only story that was known and cited, and from the 17th century onwards it totally supplanted the exemplary version. Strangely enough, permissiveness towards anachronism in treatises, prefaces, or comments on literary works was not accompanied by any development of counterfactual literature in early modern period. Indeed, in both narrative and theatrical genres fiction owed its development and legitimization to the triumph of the criterion of plausibility.This article, however, discusses several examples that illustrate how the affirmation of fiction in the early modern period was expressed through minor variations on anachronism: the counterfictional form of Ronsard’s epic, La Franciade, which represents an explicit deviation from the Iliad; the metaleptic meeting of Vergil and Dido in the Underworld in Fontenelle’s Le dialogue des morts; and the provocative proposal for a completely different version of Dido’s life, which was made in an early 17th century Venetian operatic work by an author who claimed to be anti-Aristotelian. This study thus intends to provide an aspect of the story of fiction. The change of perspective on anachronism marks a retreat from moral argument, with privilege given to aesthetic criteria and relative independence with regard to history – while still moderated by the criterion of verisimilitude, as underlined by the abbé d’Aubignac, as well as Corneille.
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30

Ganz, David. "Paenitentialia Franciae, Italiae et Hispaniae Saeculi VIII-XI, 1: Paenitentialia Minora Franciae et Italiae Saeculi VIII-IX.Ludger Körntgen , Ulrike Spengler-Reffgen." Speculum 71, no. 4 (October 1996): 969–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2865752.

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31

Bouthillier, Robert. "Francine Brunel-Reeves (1933-2018)." Rabaska: Revue d'ethnologie de l'Amérique française 16 (2018): 202. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1051334ar.

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32

STANOVAÏA, LYDIA ANATOLIEVNA. "CLARIFICATION ON THE TERM “FRANCIAN”." Theoretical and Applied Linguistics, no. 4 (2020): 210–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/2410-7190_2020_6_4_210_212.

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The extremely critical attitude to the traditional history of the French language and the understanding of the Franciеn dialect as the dialect basis for the formation of the French National Language led to the emerging of some factual errors that could not be doubted due to the authority of foreign scientists who introduced this information into scientific use. The study of the authorship of the term ‘francien’ showed that it was not G. Paris who invented and introduced this new term into romanistics. The analysis showed that the new term arose as a result of P. Monet's translation from German to French and first appeared not in 1889, but in 1891.
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33

Braën, André, Claire Landry, and Raymond Landry. "Francine Lefebvre-Landry 1937-1993." Revue générale de droit 24, no. 2 (1993): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1056949ar.

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34

Cadiot, Juliette. "Francine Hirsch, Empire of Nations." Cahiers du monde russe 46, no. 46/4 (December 1, 2005): 954–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/monderusse.6651.

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35

Duchet-Suchaux, Gaston. "Francia, Gallia et Neustria." Nouvelle revue d'onomastique 21, no. 1 (1993): 153–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/onoma.1993.1173.

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36

Licata, Nicolas, and Tamara Conrod. "Entre Francia y Colombia." Caravelle, no. 111 (December 1, 2018): 179–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/caravelle.4037.

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37

Colombo Timelli, Maria. "Maria di Francia, Favole." Studi Francesi, no. 153 (LI | III) (December 1, 2007): 625–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/studifrancesi.9424.

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38

Roustit, Jacques. "La logopedia en francia." Revista de Logopedia, Foniatría y Audiología 15, no. 4 (1995): 227–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0214-4603(95)75620-0.

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39

Szénási, Éva. "Magyar 56 – francia szemmel." Belvedere Meridionale 29, no. 1 (2017): 112–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/belv.2017.1.10.

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40

Krieger, Michaela. "Francesco Francia als Illuminator." Wiener Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte 49, no. 1 (December 1, 1996): 275–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/wjk-1996-0112.

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41

Dorner, Daniela. "Vitalité du francique en Lorraine germanophone ?" Lidil, no. 44 (December 15, 2011): 27–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/lidil.3135.

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42

Romero, Marcia, Claudia Vóvio, and Violaine Bigot. "Entrevista com a Profª Francine Cicurel." Olhares: Revista do Departamento de Educação da Unifesp 5, no. 1 (May 28, 2017): 204–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.34024/olhares.2017.v5.682.

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ENTREVISTA Professora emérita da Universidade de Paris 3, Sorbonne NouvelleEntrevista originalmente concedida em francês, em 02 de abril de 2017, e traduzida por Márcia Romero, docente do Departamento de Educação da UNIFESP.
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43

Rouse, Jacqueline A. "In Memoriam: Dr. Francine M. King." Journal of Negro History 84, no. 3 (July 1999): 299–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jnhv84n3p299.

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44

Lazar, Marc, Jean-Baptiste Duroselle, and Enrico Serra. "Italia e Francia, 1946-1954." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, no. 25 (January 1990): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3770190.

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45

Urteaga, Eguzki. "Las rentas mínimas en Francia." Papers. Revista de Sociologia 96, no. 3 (July 1, 2011): 959. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/papers/v96n3.209.

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46

Tortolero, Alejandro. "La Historia rural en Francia." Investigaciones Sociales 11, no. 18 (June 11, 2014): 477–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.15381/is.v11i18.7155.

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Uno de los signos preponderantes de la historiografía francesa, desde mediados de los años 1990, es el renuevo de la historia socioeconómica, cuantitativa y cualitativa, y su regreso paulatino como sector de investigación visible y productor de obras de singular importancia y relieve. Ello ocurre, conviene recordarlo, luego de un período de opacidad y relegación, acentuadas por la puesta en evidencia y en boga de otras ramas historiográficas (historia política, cultural, de ideas, de símbolos y valores, de imaginarios, etc.), particularmente dinámicas desde fines de los años 1970. Si cabe hablar de repliegue y ausencia, claramente perceptibles, los defensores de dicha historia económica replican por su parte de que no se ha tratado ni de declive ni de desaparición, sino más bien de reflexión y cuestionamiento de antiguos paradigmas y que sus practicantes han proseguido trabajando, en el terreno de las fuentes, lejos de los proyectores de la moda. El objetivo del presente Dossier no es, desde luego, intentar presentar un balance de dichas evoluciones y confrontaciones (lo que sería a todas luces todavía prematuro), sino sobre todo subrayar algunos elementos que caracterizan una de las vertientes en el mencionado proceso: la de la historia socioeconómica rural y agraria. Pero tampoco se trata de levantar el cuadro general de la renovación que se ha operado en dicha rama de la investigación histórica francesa, una de las más activas en los últimos años, como quedó evidenciado en el último congreso mundial de historia económica (Helsinki, agosto de 2006). La finalidad de este Dossier es más modesta: aquí se trata de presentar cuatro temas mayores de la evolución reciente de la historia rural y agraria francesa, de singular utilidad para los historiadores investigadores del continente latinoamericano. Se han escogido, dentro de la riqueza de temas de dicha historia rural, los ejes siguientes: la constitución histórica de la gran hacienda o explotación agrícola; la supresión de las manos muertas y vinculaciones operada por la Revolución Francesa y la venta consecutiva de los denominados Bienes Nacionales; los ataques del liberalismo contra la propiedad de las comunidades campesinas y rurales y sus derechos colectivos; la presencia efectiva y los mecanismos de funcionamiento del mercado de la tierra, en el contexto de la transferencia y transmisión de la propiedad rural.
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47

Braga, Paolo. "Il sistema fiction in Francia." IKON, no. 62 (November 2014): 45–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ikr2014-062011.

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48

Nuria Aranda García, Nuria, and Grupo Grupo Clarisel. "La Poncella de Francia / Anónimo." Catálogo de obras medievales impresas en castellano 2020, no. 2020 (April 6, 2020): 1———. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/uz_comedic/comedic_214.

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49

Bajomi, Iván. "1968 hatása a francia oktatásügyre." Educatio 27, no. 3 (September 2018): 427–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/2063.27.2018.3.6.

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50

Galimi, Valeria. "La Francia della Terza Repubblica." PASSATO E PRESENTE, no. 101 (May 2017): 143–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2017-101010.

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