Academic literature on the topic 'La Poste – France – 1945-1990'

Abstract This paper focuses on the relations between Albania and France in the period 1945-1990 in the political optics, and aims to evaluate the dynamics of this cooperation, pointing to the different intensity at different times during dictatorship, byhilosophical demagoguery of the Albanian party and the identification of collaborative priorities extended over 20 years. Albanian - French cooperation spread in all fields. Since our country was still unconfirmed as a state, it needed the experience of other countries. France was a kind of guide to our country, as it was a developed country. Albania also linked with France by some traditional and conjunctural elements. France regarded Albania as very important, and considered it as an opportunity to expand its economy and improve its situation. France needed the mineral resources of Albania. In general, our relations with France has been normal and were concretized in several areas of mutual interest, such as trade and culture. In various speeches, the Albanian leadership has expressed the desire to strengthen more these relations on the basis of the recognized principles of equality, non-interference and mutual benefit. But at certain times, there was also anxiety, and in July 1984, there was a regress of state relations.

Abstract France had trade deals with several Balkan countries, which were often carried out by private firms that exchanged mutual interest. It would be of interest that even with Albania resumed exchanges for a category of articles despite the lack of a regular convention. Their purpose was to resume the works on kerosene requirements. This brought about the improvement of the Albanian economy and meeting the needs of the France for these products, which in turn strengthened even more the economic and political relations of the two countries. With the insistence of the French side, on August 1956, a trade agreement was signed between Albania and France, where the French Government allowed the exchange of goods between the two countries as a compensation to French firms seeking to collaborate with our country. It is worth pointing out that the trade relations that Albania had with France until 1964 was generally satisfactory. Albania's export and import plans were satisfactorily fulfilled and a better basis for new successes in forecasts and plans for the future in 1965 was provided. In the official talks with the French side in mid eighties, the Albanian side proposed the establishment of a joint group within the Chambers of Commerce to look at the possibilities of France purchasing our minerals and the possibilities of Albania buying their equipment. Based on the credits opened by French firms and our foreign trade enterprises, the release of the respective goods was followed in both directions. Thus, our companies have been releasing confectionery, towels, clothespins, chairs etc. French companies have continued to release electronic equipment, clay, oil spill delta and various exchange parts. Several other economic agreements were signed between two countries which increased the level of Albanian exports towards France.

L’Alsace est une région frontière, ballotée entre l’Allemagne et la France au cours de son histoire. Partie intégrante du Saint-Empire romain germanique, elle est rattachée au royaume de France au XVIIe siècle. Suite à la guerre franco-prussienne de 1870, le traité de Francfort de 1871 annexe l’Alsace et une partie de la Lorraine à l’Empire allemand dans lequel elles forment une Terre d’Empire (Reichsland) avec un statut différent des autres Länder. À la fin de la Première Guerre mondiale, l’Alsace-Lorraine retourne à la France, dont elle fait encore partie aujourd’hui. Cet article porte sur la façon comme cette histoire singulière a favorisé les influences artistiques croisées -aussi bien alleman­des que françaises- dans les monuments historiques d’Alsace; générant pendant le vingtième siècle un impact im­portant sur les choix de restauration des architectes, sur leur réception par les spécialistes de la conservation des deux nationalités et sur leur traitement lorsqu’il a fallu developper des restaurations. L’étude de ce phénomène met en lumière la façon comme les relations franco-allemandes ont généré depuis 1945 un changement progressif de regard sur les travaux de l’époque allemande.

I qualified in Belfast (Queen's University) in 1942. I did not have any interest in psychiatry, having the ambition to become a clinical physiologist. I had worked with Henry Barcroft, who was professor of physiology. I joined the Army and later the Airborne Forces. Fortunately, the casualties expected amongst the medical personnel of the 6th Airborne Division during the Normandy incursion did not occur, leaving myself and other medical colleagues, who had just completed our parachute training, redundant. I was posted to France and in the late summer of 1944 found myself regimental medical officer to the 1st Battalion The Herefordshire Regiment. I must confess that it never occurred to me during the winter and spring of 1944–1945 that the emotional reactions and the physical expressions of anxiety encountered, particularly amongst the young conscripts, had anything to do with the subject of psychiatry.

During the period of reunification of the two German states in the declining period of the Cold War, France and Poland collaborated on issues related to the reunification conditions, in particular the borders of the united Germany. France’s policy was based on political calculations and was a continuation of the line taken by Paris with regard to the German issue after 1945. A certain similarity of the positions of the two states on the final shape of the borders was visible even before the beginning of the 2 + 4 process. France has not withdrawn from its border declarations of the 1950s. At the crucial moment, when Germany was being reunited, it made efforts to take the voices of Germany’s neighbours into account and held regular consultations with Poland.

Résumé Chaque système de protection sociale repose sur un équilibre spécifique entre les responsabilités collectives et les responsabilités familiales par rapport aux risques sociaux et aux besoins de care. Dans un contexte de vieillissement de la population et de diminution du nombre d’aidants potentiels disponibles, il est intéressant de s’interroger sur les alternatives proposées par les gouvernements et sur la portée des politiques qui se dessinent depuis la fin des années 1990. Quelle articulation entre l’aide familiale et l’intervention publique ? L’analyse porte sur la situation dans deux pays, l’Italie et la France, où la famille joue traditionnellement un rôle important dans la prise en charge des personnes âgées dépendantes. Elle montre dans les deux pays un phénomène d’externalisation du care grâce au développement de dispositifs de cash for care, mais selon des modalités différentes. Dans un cas comme dans l’autre, cela ne signifie pas pour autant qu’il y ait défamilialisation du care. On assiste plutôt à une transformation des pratiques de care.

Aborda-se o circuito rap independente em Paris, o chamado “rap indé”, produção musical da cultura hip hop, constituída por materialidades e fluxos dinamizados por agentes cujas raízes estão em territórios ultramarinos. Lançando mão de um levantamento documental e bibliográfico, e, de uma série de entrevistas e visitas técnicas, problematiza-se a relação do hip hop com o lugar, e propõe-se uma análise do rap indé a partir da teoria dos circuitos da economia urbana nos países subdesenvolvidos. Observa-se que o circuito indé, fortalecido na Île-de-France, sobretudo desde meados dos anos 1990, mobiliza toda a região, tendo em Clignancourt, importante lugar de encontro e articulação. Sua produção dá-se em estúdios e selos de menor porte, caracterizando-se ainda por pequenas espessuras ligadas aos eventos musicais, e, divulgação e comercialização alternativas aos grandes circuitos da economia. Trata-se de um estudo buscando alternativas para pensar os modos de se analisar, a partir da música, as dinâmicas socioterritoriais na cidade contemporânea.

Résumé La réflexion concerne les représentations paternelles et leur devenir lors de naissances bousculées. Elle s'inscrit dans un travail beaucoup plus large prenant en compte la diversité des parents dans ces cas de figure médicalisée où la séparation initiale est au rendez-vous. Cette étude discontinue porte sur 50 familles, classées selon les caractéristiques néonatales des enfants (grands prématurés, petits prématurés, prématurité avec procréation médicalement assistée, non-prématurés). Elle s'est déroulée entre 1990 et 1994 au Centre Hospitalier d'Amiens en France (maternité et néonatologie) dans un premier temps et au domicile des parents dans un second temps. Par l'intérêt porté au jeu des représentations parentales, elle introduit dans le champ médical une sensibilité clinique supplémentaire, ne laissant pas au seul état somatique de l'enfant le poids du devenir de la relation mère-enfant. Nous parlons essentiellement des pères, de leur épreuve, mais aussi de la ressource qu'ils peuvent offrir au travail de la psyché maternelle, s'ils sont bien accompagnés.

L'analyse de l'évolution de l'organisation des centres de tri de la Poste de la région parisienne de 1946 à 1989 permet de montrer que les changements d'organisation de cette institution se sont posés dans des termes nouveaux, au fur et à mesure des transformations politiques, économiques, sociales et techniques de son environnement. Les pratiques d'organisation apparaissent comme le produit des interactions entre les contraintes de fonctionnement, les représentations et les stratégies des dirigeants de la Poste et l'attitude des diverses catégories impliquées dans son processus d'évolution. Les formes d'organisation qui en découlent ont permis de mettre en évidence d'une part que la division du travail et la structuration de la main-d'œuvre dans les centres de tri, et la qualification et la culture professionnelle des employés tiennent à des contingences politiques, économiques et sociales, et d'autre part que l'évolution de l'organisation a favorisé une plus grande spécialisation des employés
An analysis of the way sorting offices of the Paris region post office have been organised from 1946 to 1989 allows us to see that organisational changes within this institution have taken on new forms as internal political, social and technical changes have come about. Organisational practices have appeared as the result of interactions between operational constraints, managerial influence and the attitudes of the various sectors involved in the change process. The organisational structures which have evolved clearly show on the one hand that the division of labour and the organisation of the labour force in sorting offices, and professional qualification and working culture of employees depend on political, social and economic contingencies, but also that the changes in the organisation have contributed to a greater level of employee specialism

À quelles règles financières, comptables et fiscales faudrait-il soumettre la gestion de services publics dont l'activité s'apparente à celle des entreprises privées? Telle est la problématique du régime financier de la poste et France télécom. Le régime de budget annexe, adopté en 1923, a donné au service des PTT une insuffisante souplesse de gestion. Sous la pression de la concurrence et de la règlementation européenne, la réforme de 1990 institue le statut sui generis d'exploitant public qui cache en fait celui d'établissement public industriel et commercial. De même la gestion de la poste et de France télécom est désormais régie par les règles du droit commun. Toutefois, le nouveau régime financier souffre du maintien d'éléments du régime précèdent tels que le personnel majoritairement fonctionnaire, l'exercice de divers contrôles et la contribution à certaines charges de l'état. Aussi, avec la transformation de France télécom en société anonyme et l'ouverture de son capital au public, ce régime semble n'avoir été conçu que comme transitoire
TTo which financial, accountant and fiscal rules could be bound the management of public utility undertaking whose activities look like those of private undertaking? Thats the main question of the financial regime of la poste and france telecom. Adopted in 1923, the annex budget system gave to the post and telecommunications administration an insufficient flexibility management. Under the competition and the european regulation presure, the 1990's reform established a statute of "exploitant public". This reform hides, in fact, the statute of commercial and industrial public enterprise. In the same way, the management of la poste and france telecom is now governed by the rules of common law. However, the new financial regime endure the keeping of some elements of the former regime as the staff situation as civil servant, the practice of varieted inspections and the contribution to some public offices. So, whit the conversion of france telecom to a limited company and the opening of its capital to investor, this regime seems to have been conceived as a transitory system

Peu connu au milieu des années 1950, Ie poste à transistors deviendra un objet de consommation de masse a la fin des années 1960. Cette thèse d'histoire économique a vocation à démontrer, à travers Ie concept de l'offre et de la demande, comment l'objet s'est imposé sur Ie marché français. L'axe essentiel de cette recherche vise a démontrer l'incidence des paramètres techniques, économiques, culturels et politiques, qui ont favorisé sa percée en France, et aussi l'évolution de l'objet poste a transistors, étudié dans un laps de temps relativement court, qui s'inscrit bien dans Ie cadre chronologique du développement de la consommation de masse.

Cette thèse retrace la genèse de l'activité de conseil financier à la Poste. Elle analyse l'émergence d’une fonction commerciale au sein d'une administration d'Etat en transformation rapide. La Poste est devenue Société Anonyme en 2010 et, de manière symbolique, la Banque Postale a été autorisée au même moment à distribuer des crédits à la consommation. Cette dernière doit néanmoins encore assurer un certain nombre de missions de service public et faire coexister des tensions organisationnelles anciennes mais non résolues qui se reportent au quotidien sur ses agents. Le but de la professionnalisation analysée dans cette recherche n'est cependant pas de transformer le groupe professionnel en une profession. Elle peut donc être en partie considérée comme atypique. Même si elle réunit les traits fonctionnalistes de la « profession » anglo-saxonne (Wilensky, 1964), elle vise en fait à agir sur le personnel et constitue davantage une stratégie de contournement des résistances par la régulation du groupe professionnel qu'une autonomisation de ce dernier (Boussard, Demazière, Milbum, 2010). Or cette professionnalisation par le haut vise à résoudre les tensions vécues par le personnel soumis à des impératifs, que nous nommerons « prescrits », contradictoires. Cette résolution s'obtient par les changements organisationnels et la «soumission » du personnel postal permis grâce au processus de « professionnalisation par le haut » (professionnalisme from above, Evetts, 2003). Pour étayer cette thèse, la démarche de recherche a reposé sur une articulation de méthodes qualitatives, quantitatives, ethnographiques et archivistiques. Ces différents matériaux ont été rassemblés dans la perspective d’une sociologie des groupes professionnels visant à analyser ce qui se passe au niveau du groupe sans perdre de vue en quoi consiste l'activité de travail et en y intégrant les spécificités liées au contenu du travail (Demazière, Gadéa, 2009)
This thesis retraces the origin of the financial advisor position at La Poste. It analyses the emergence of a commercial position within a rapidly changing State administration. La Poste became a public limited company in 2010; symbolically, La Banque Postale was authorised at the same time to provide credit to consumers. However, it was also required to guarantee a certain number of public service missions and to settle previous, unresolved administrative tensions that were affecting its staff on a daily basis. The aim of the professionalisation process analysed in this research was not, however, to transform the professional group into a profession. Ln that sense it may partly be considered atypical. Even though it brought together the functionalist charaeteristics of the Anglo-Saxon "profession" (Wilensky 1964), it did, in fact, aim to impact on staff, thereby constituting more of a strategy for avoiding resistance through regulating the professional group than an empowerment of that group (Boussard, Demazière, Milbum, 20 10). Yet this professionalism from above was intended to ease the tension experienced by staff that were given orders, which we shall labei "prescribèd" and contradictory. The issue was settled by means of organisational changes and the postal staffs "submission", which took place because of the process of professionalism from above (Evetts, 2003). To support this theory, I have based my research approach on qualitative, quantitative, ethnographic and archival methods that are interconnected. These different types of material have been drawn together in the context of a sociology of professional groups, with the aim of analysing the occurrences that take place at group level without losing sight of what is involved in work activity, while bearing in mind the particularities involved in carrying out that work (Demazière, Gadéa, 2009)

La thèse étudie les stations de sports d’hiver planifiées et construites en haute altitude après la Seconde Guerre mondiale dans les Alpes franco-italiennes.Les deux contextes nationaux, différents du fait de leurs histoires économiques, politiques et situations géographiques, partagent aujourd’hui des problèmes similaires. Ceux-ci concernent le futur d’un modèle touristique basé sur une fréquentation massive, de longs séjours et une offre concentrée autour de la pratique du ski. En effet, l’aléa climatique, le changement dans les modes et les temps de la fréquentation touristique, le vieillissement des structures et infrastructures, représentent seulement une partie des enjeux auxquels ces lieux se confrontent. Plusieurs chercheurs provenant de diverses disciplines suggèrent alors de repenser la station comme étant en continuité avec le territoire d’implantation, ce dernier compris dans sa nature économique, géographique ou administrative.La recherche, menée dans le domaine de l’architecture, souhaite contribuer à la réflexion autour de ces questionnements par une étude historique. En interrogeant les relations établies entre la station et le territoire (dans ses composantes spatiales, environnementales, paysagères), durant le processus de conception, de construction et d’évolution, nous souhaitons aller au-delà d’une lecture des établissements touristiques de haute montagne considérés comme des objets décontextualisés.En nous appuyant sur la coordonnée spatiale du territoire, nous formulons l’hypothèse que l’implantation des stations de sports d’hiver a entrainé des transformations à grande échelle, et que, en même temps, les caractères environnementaux, historiques, économiques, géomorphologiques des sites concernés ont joué un rôle actif dans le processus de conception et construction.À partir de la coordonnée temporelle du territoire, nous supposons que l’histoire des stations de sports d’hiver construites dans les années 1960 et 1970 n’est qu’une étape dans le processus long de transformation touristique des sites de haute altitude. Dans cette perspective, l’histoire des activités précédentes au tourisme, implantées sur les mêmes lieux, joue un rôle décisif.Le travail se déroule à travers l’étude de quatre cas : Pila et Sansicario, dans les Alpes italiennes ; Chamrousse et La Plagne dans les Alpes françaises. Pour cela, nous nous appuyons sur une méthode mise en place par les historiens de l’environnement, tels que William Cronon, qui considèrent l’histoire d’un territoire comme le résultat des interactions entre activités humaines et données naturelles, sur un temps long. Nous mobilisons un corpus principalement constitué de documents appartenant à différents fonds d’archives (des collectivités territoriales, des architectes et urbanistes, des techniciens), que nous traitons par l’analyse de documents textuels, graphiques et cartographiques qui le composent, ainsi que par le re-dessin et la construction de frises chrono-systémiques.Au-delà de contribuer à la compréhension de l’histoire de la mise en tourisme des territoires de haute montagne nous souhaitons, par ce travail, participer à la réflexion autour des enjeux méthodologiques de la recherche en histoire de l’architecture
The thesis studies ski resorts planned and built at high altitude after the Second World War in the Franco-Italian Alps.The two national contexts, different for economic history, politics and geographical location, now share similar problems, which look to the future of a tourism model based on mass attendance, long stays and an offer concentrated around skiing. Indeed, climatic hazards, changes in the modes and times of tourist use, ageing of structures and infrastructures, are only some of the challenges which these places are facing today. Several researchers from various disciplines then suggested that the station could be rethought in continuity with the territory, the latter included in its economic, geographical or administrative nature.The research aims at investigating these questions in the field of architecture and through a historical study. By questioning the relationships established between the station and the territory (in its spatial, environmental and landscape components) during the design, construction and evolution process, the wish is to go beyond a reading of high mountain tourist establishments as decontextualized objects.Working on the spatial coordinate of the territory, we formulate the hypothesis that the establishment of winter sports resorts has led to large-scale transformations, and that, at the same time, the environmental, historical, economic and geomorphological characteristics of the sites concerned have played an active role in the design and construction process.Working on the temporal coordinate of the territory, we assume that the history of the winter sports resorts built in the 1960s and 1970s is only one step in the long process of transforming high-altitude sites for tourism. In this perspective, the history of activities preceding tourism, located in the same places, plays a decisive role.We rely on a method developed by environmental historians such as William Cronon, who considers the history of a territory as the result of interactions between human actions and natural data over a long period of time. The work is carried out through the study of four cases: Pila and Sansicario, in the Italian Alps; Chamrousse and La Plagne in the French Alps. We mobilize a corpus mainly constituted by documents belonging to different archival collections (local authorities, architects and urban planners, technicians), which we process by analyzing textual, graphic and cartographic documents, as well as by re-drawing and constructing chronosystem systemic timelines.In addition to give a contribution to the understanding of the history of tourism development in high mountain areas, we hope, through this work, to contribute to the debate on the methodological issues of research in the history of architecture

Cette thèse retrace l’histoire des questions de contraception et d’avortement en France, de la réouverture d’un débat sur le contrôle des naissances, en 1956, au vote définitif d’une loi sur l’interruption volontaire de grossesse, en 1979. A l’aide de sources produites par les organisations militantes, les médias et l’Etat, elle analyse le changement politique et culturel, qui voit le passage d’un cadre normatif répressif à un cadre normatif libéral. La thèse met à jour une féminisation progressive des questions de contraception et d’avortement : les femmes deviennent à la fois les objets et les sujets privilégiés des discours et des actions. Cependant, ce processus est complexe et non linéaire. Dans un premier temps, l’imposition de l’idée que la contraception est une nouvelle liberté pour les couples, qu’elle permet d’éviter le recours l’avortement et qu’elle garantit une vie familiale heureuse, favorise le vote de la loi Neuwirth en 1967. Ensuite, les questions de contraception et d’avortement sont réévaluées à l’aune de la revendication d’une libération sexuelle qui émerge à la confluence d’un discours scientifique sur la sexualité et des mouvements sociaux de l’après mai 1968. Le mouvement féministe, en particulier, demande que soit garanti aux femmes la libre disposition de leur corps (1968-1973). Dans le contexte de sa mise à l’agenda gouvernemental et parlementaire, à partir de 1973, l’avortement est progressivement considéré comme une question de femmes, portée par des femmes et pour les femmes. Cette féminisation se révèle un élément essentiel pour atteindre un consensus, au-delà de vives controverses (1973-1979)
This dissertation focuses on the issues of contraception and abortion in France, from the opening of a debate on birth control in 1956 to the legalization of the voluntary termination of pregnancy, in 1979. Drawing on archives of the mobilization, the media coverage and the central administration of the state, the author analyses the political and cultural change that led from repression to liberalization. The dissertation highlights the gendering of contraception and abortion issues making women the objects as well as the subjects of discourses and actions. However, this process was complex and non-linear. Strategies of legitimization alternated between moments when women acted on their own behalf and moments when men acted on behalf of the common good. From 1956 to 1967, a new interpretation introduced the idea that couples should have the liberty to decide issues of conception and contraception as a necessary condition for a happy family life. This new framing of the issue made the legalization of birth control possible in 1967. Afterwards, from 1968 to 1973, contraception and abortion were reinterpreted through the subversive lens of sexual liberation both by sexologists and grassroots mobilization. The feminist movement, in particular, claimed a woman’s right to control her own body. Finally, from 1973 to 1979, abortion reached the political agenda and went from being perceived as a public health issue to being considered as a women’s issue, defended by women, for women. The gendering of abortion is one of the key elements that made consensus possible in a very controversial context

Les representations scientifiques des historiens et geographes sur les pays communistes se decoupent en trois phases. De 1945 a 1956, des images favorables de ces pays s'imposent, avec une domination de l'ecole marxiste. Puis, de 1956 a 1976, les universitaires se degagent de l'emprise marxiste et adoptent lentement un ton critique sur ces pays, meme si la chine, cuba ou le vietnam continuent a en seduire certains, minoritaires. De 1976 a 1991, les representations sont systematiquement negatives. Ces images sont liees aux conditions de la recherche scientifique sur ces etats, longtemps soumises a des blocages politiques externes; mais aussi a des facteurs ideologiques et politiques francais. Ces representations des pays communistes soulevent des questions sur le role de l'universitaire comme intellectuel: il agit comme un "specialiste" du sujet dont il traite, et impregne son analyse politique d'une etude scientifique qui vient renforcer le poids de sa demonstration. Il est donc dans le paysage intellectuel moins impregne du "devoir d'engagement" que certains de ses homologues. Son regard se veut plus distant, neutre et pedagogique. De meme, le regard des historiens et geographes sur les pays communistes fait apparaitre l'existence de comportements par "generations" a l'interieur de l'universite, et surtout l'existence de "reseaux" d'universitaires qui s'impliquent avec plus ou moins de presence dans le debat intellectuel. Enfin, ces representations revelent l'existence d'ecoles historiques opposees, certaines tres empruntes d'ideologies (marxiste, trotskyste et liberale), d'autres plus degagees des polemiques politiques et plus tournees vers la reflexion scientifique (revisionnistes). En geographie, l'existence "d'ecoles" est beaucoup moins nette
The frenchs scientifics representations about communists countries are very good from 1945 to 1956 with a domination of marxism school. From 1956 to 1976, historians and geographers are most critics, excepts about china, vietnam and cuba. From 1976 to 1991, scientifics representations are all negatives. These pictures explain by the ideological and intellectuals frenchs debates. These representations of communists countries shows that the academic like intellectual looks like a "specialist". Historians and geographers inclued in theirs policals analysis, in intellectuals debates, scientifics arguments. The studie shows generations behaviours in french university, and also networks. The representations of communists countries show existence of historians schools (marxism, revisionnism, liberal. . . ). In geography, schools don't appaer so clarely

La rencontre des confédérations syndicales françaises et du tourisme, par le biais des associations de tourisme social qui leur sont liées, représente un élément de l’instauration de la société salariale qui a connu son apogée au cours des Trente Glorieuses. De 1945 aux années 1980, les syndicats ont répondu à l’essor d’un besoin nouveau pour les salariés, en mettant en place un dispositif vacancier appuyé sur des associations, pour la plupart influencées par l’expérience de Tourisme et travail, proche de la CGT. Ils tentent de donner au tourisme un sens dépassant la simple activité de loisir et se dotent, en lien avec les comités d’entreprise, d’installations et d’équipements en France comme à l’étranger, soutenus dans cette entreprise par un investissement grandissant des pouvoirs publics. Une élite militante issue du syndicalisme se spécialise dans le tourisme, chargé d’assurer des gains symboliques à ses usagers populaires. A la fois prestataires de service et mouvements revendicatifs, à l’intersection entre le champ du syndicalisme et le marché du tourisme, ces associations sont toutefois aux prises des contradictions entre projets d’éducation populaire initiaux et réappropriation des usagers. Dans les années 1980, les modifications de la situation sociale, politique et économique entraînent de profondes difficultés. Sommées de choisir entre projet culturel, au prix de l’abandon du social, ou rôle d’assistance pour les plus démunis, les associations doivent délaisser leurs objectifs d’éducation populaire. Tourisme et travail, en faillite, se transforme en société commerciale. Le marché, dans le cadre de l’économie sociale ou solidaire, constitue alors une voie de reconversion pour des individus ou des organisations issus du mouvement syndical et du tourisme social
The confluence of French trade union confederation and tourism through social tourism associations linked to them was part of the instauration of a wage-earning society that reached its peak during “les Trente Glorieuses”, the thirty-year boom period after World War II. From 1945 on to the 1980s, to meet the new needs of the workers, trade unions set up a system of association-based holyday organisation, in a form influenced by the experience of Tourisme et Travail, closely linked to CGT. They tried to assign tourism a meaning beyond a mere leisure activity and in collaboration with elected workers’ councils, endowed themselves with installations and equipments in France and abroad; in this undertaking, they were supported by growing investments of public authorities. A small militant elite coming from trade unions specialised in tourism and was in charge with providing nominal earnings to its working-class users. Acting both as service providers and protest movements, at the crossroads between trade-unionism and the tourism market, these associations had to manage the contradictions between the initial project of popular education and re-appropriation by users. In the 1980s, changes in the social, political and economical situation led to serious difficulties. Enjoined to choose between a cultural project – at the expense of a social concern – and their role in assisting the poorest, associations had to give up their objectives of popular education. Tourisme et travail, going bankrupt, turned into a commercial company. The market, in the context of social or solidarity economy, then represented a way to change activity for individuals or organisations coming from the trade union movement and social tourism

Abstract Heavy (Class 8) truck fuel storage location and geometry has not significantly changed in several decades. Manufacturers have taken steps to improve their designs by eliminating cross over lines and making material property and thickness changes, among other changes, but there has been no mandate or significant effort to decrease the potential for post collision fuel fed fires in heavy trucks. Even with these design changes, FARS data indicates the number of fatal post-impact fires has not decreased over time. Several studies were conducted in the 1980’s and 1990’s that brought the unprotected design of the fuel storage on these vehicles to light. This paper combines these historical works with current FARS data on the subject and describes a different design approach that increases the impact protection of the fuel storage tank. This new approach uses the truck’s frame rails to guard the fuel storage tank and absorb and redirect impact energy. Currently, a heavy truck “saddle” mounted fuel tank’s integrity is tested through a 30 foot drop test prescribed by 49 CFR 393 and also listed in SAE Recommended Procedure J703. In this work, a crash test methodology used to test the integrity of a school bus side mounted fuel tank as prescribed in FMVSS 301S is discussed. Results of using this crash methodology on a current “saddle” tank design and a prototype of the new fuel storage system design are also presented.

Attention to safety and health are of ever-increasing priority to industrial organizations. Good Safety is demanded by stockholders, employees, and the community while increasing injury costs provide additional motivation for safety and health excellence. Safety has always been a strong corporate value of DuPont and a vital part of its culture. As a result, DuPont has become a benchmark in safety and health performance. Since 1990, DuPont has re-engineered itself to meet global competition and address future vision. In the new re-engineered organizational structures, DuPont has also had to re-engineer its safety management systems. A special Discovery Team was chartered by DuPont senior management to determine the “best practices’ for safety and health being used in DuPont best-performing sites. A summary of the findings is presented, and five of the practices are discussed. Excellence in safety and health management is more important today than ever. Public awareness, federal and state regulations, and enlightened management have resulted in a widespread conviction that all employees have the right to work in an environment that will not adversely affect their safety and health. In DuPont, we believe that excellence in safety and health is necessary to achieve global competitiveness, maintain employee loyalty, and be an accepted member of the communities in which we make, handle, use, and transport products. Safety can also be the “catalyst” to achieving excellence in other important business parameters. The organizational and communication skills developed by management, individuals, and teams in safety can be directly applied to other company initiatives. As we look into the 21st Century, we must also recognize that new organizational structures (flatter with empowered teams) will require new safety management techniques and systems in order to maintain continuous improvement in safety performance. Injury costs, which have risen dramatically in the past twenty years, provide another incentive for safety and health excellence. Shown in the Figure 1, injury costs have increased even after correcting for inflation. Many companies have found these costs to be an “invisible drain” on earnings and profitability. In some organizations, significant initiatives have been launched to better manage the workers’ compensation systems. We have found that the ultimate solution is to prevent injuries and incidents before they occur. A globally-respected company, DuPont is regarded as a well-managed, extremely ethical firm that is the benchmark in industrial safety performance. Like many other companies, DuPont has re-engineered itself and downsized its operations since 1985. Through these changes, we have maintained dedication to our principles and developed new techniques to manage in these organizational environments. As a diversified company, our operations involve chemical process facilities, production line operations, field activities, and sales and distribution of materials. Our customer base is almost entirely industrial and yet we still maintain a high level of consumer awareness and positive perception. The DuPont concern for safety dates back to the early 1800s and the first days of the company. In 1802 E.I. DuPont, a Frenchman, began manufacturing quality grade explosives to fill America’s growing need to build roads, clear fields, increase mining output, and protect its recently won independence. Because explosives production is such a hazardous industry, DuPont recognized and accepted the need for an effective safety effort. The building walls of the first powder mill near Wilmington, Delaware, were built three stones thick on three sides. The back remained open to the Brandywine River to direct any explosive forces away from other buildings and employees. To set the safety example, DuPont also built his home and the homes of his managers next to the powder yard. An effective safety program was a necessity. It represented the first defense against instant corporate liquidation. Safety needs more than a well-designed plant, however. In 1811, work rules were posted in the mill to guide employee work habits. Though not nearly as sophisticated as the safety standards of today, they did introduce an important basic concept — that safety must be a line management responsibility. Later, DuPont introduced an employee health program and hired a company doctor. An early step taken in 1912 was the keeping of safety statistics, approximately 60 years before the federal requirement to do so. We had a visible measure of our safety performance and were determined that we were going to improve it. When the nation entered World War I, the DuPont Company supplied 40 percent of the explosives used by the Allied Forces, more than 1.5 billion pounds. To accomplish this task, over 30,000 new employees were hired and trained to build and operate many plants. Among these facilities was the largest smokeless powder plant the world had ever seen. The new plant was producing granulated powder in a record 116 days after ground breaking. The trends on the safety performance chart reflect the problems that a large new work force can pose until the employees fully accept the company’s safety philosophy. The first arrow reflects the World War I scale-up, and the second arrow represents rapid diversification into new businesses during the 1920s. These instances of significant deterioration in safety performance reinforced DuPont’s commitment to reduce the unsafe acts that were causing 96 percent of our injuries. Only 4 percent of injuries result from unsafe conditions or equipment — the remainder result from the unsafe acts of people. This is an important concept if we are to focus our attention on reducing injuries and incidents within the work environment. World War II brought on a similar set of demands. The story was similar to World War I but the numbers were even more astonishing: one billion dollars in capital expenditures, 54 new plants, 75,000 additional employees, and 4.5 billion pounds of explosives produced — 20 percent of the volume used by the Allied Forces. Yet, the performance during the war years showed no significant deviation from the pre-war years. In 1941, the DuPont Company was 10 times safer than all industry and 9 times safer than the Chemical Industry. Management and the line organization were finally working as they should to control the real causes of injuries. Today, DuPont is about 50 times safer than US industrial safety performance averages. Comparing performance to other industries, it is interesting to note that seemingly “hazard-free” industries seem to have extraordinarily high injury rates. This is because, as DuPont has found out, performance is a function of injury prevention and safety management systems, not hazard exposure. Our success in safety results from a sound safety management philosophy. Each of the 125 DuPont facilities is responsible for its own safety program, progress, and performance. However, management at each of these facilities approaches safety from the same fundamental and sound philosophy. This philosophy can be expressed in eleven straightforward principles. The first principle is that all injuries can be prevented. That statement may seem a bit optimistic. In fact, we believe that this is a realistic goal and not just a theoretical objective. Our safety performance proves that the objective is achievable. We have plants with over 2,000 employees that have operated for over 10 years without a lost time injury. As injuries and incidents are investigated, we can always identify actions that could have prevented that incident. If we manage safety in a proactive — rather than reactive — manner, we will eliminate injuries by reducing the acts and conditions that cause them. The second principle is that management, which includes all levels through first-line supervisors, is responsible and accountable for preventing injuries. Only when senior management exerts sustained and consistent leadership in establishing safety goals, demanding accountability for safety performance and providing the necessary resources, can a safety program be effective in an industrial environment. The third principle states that, while recognizing management responsibility, it takes the combined energy of the entire organization to reach sustained, continuous improvement in safety and health performance. Creating an environment in which employees feel ownership for the safety effort and make significant contributions is an essential task for management, and one that needs deliberate and ongoing attention. The fourth principle is a corollary to the first principle that all injuries are preventable. It holds that all operating exposures that may result in injuries or illnesses can be controlled. No matter what the exposure, an effective safeguard can be provided. It is preferable, of course, to eliminate sources of danger, but when this is not reasonable or practical, supervision must specify measures such as special training, safety devices, and protective clothing. Our fifth safety principle states that safety is a condition of employment. Conscientious assumption of safety responsibility is required from all employees from their first day on the job. Each employee must be convinced that he or she has a responsibility for working safely. The sixth safety principle: Employees must be trained to work safely. We have found that an awareness for safety does not come naturally and that people have to be trained to work safely. With effective training programs to teach, motivate, and sustain safety knowledge, all injuries and illnesses can be eliminated. Our seventh principle holds that management must audit performance on the workplace to assess safety program success. Comprehensive inspections of both facilities and programs not only confirm their effectiveness in achieving the desired performance, but also detect specific problems and help to identify weaknesses in the safety effort. The Company’s eighth principle states that all deficiencies must be corrected promptly. Without prompt action, risk of injuries will increase and, even more important, the credibility of management’s safety efforts will suffer. Our ninth principle is a statement that off-the-job safety is an important part of the overall safety effort. We do not expect nor want employees to “turn safety on” as they come to work and “turn it off” when they go home. The company safety culture truly becomes of the individual employee’s way of thinking. The tenth principle recognizes that it’s good business to prevent injuries. Injuries cost money. However, hidden or indirect costs usually exceed the direct cost. Our last principle is the most important. Safety must be integrated as core business and personal value. There are two reasons for this. First, we’ve learned from almost 200 years of experience that 96 percent of safety incidents are directly caused by the action of people, not by faulty equipment or inadequate safety standards. But conversely, it is our people who provide the solutions to our safety problems. They are the one essential ingredient in the recipe for a safe workplace. Intelligent, trained, and motivated employees are any company’s greatest resource. Our success in safety depends upon the men and women in our plants following procedures, participating actively in training, and identifying and alerting each other and management to potential hazards. By demonstrating a real concern for each employee, management helps establish a mutual respect, and the foundation is laid for a solid safety program. This, of course, is also the foundation for good employee relations. An important lesson learned in DuPont is that the majority of injuries are caused by unsafe acts and at-risk behaviors rather than unsafe equipment or conditions. In fact, in several DuPont studies it was estimated that 96 percent of injuries are caused by unsafe acts. This was particularly revealing when considering safety audits — if audits were only focused on conditions, at best we could only prevent four percent of our injuries. By establishing management systems for safety auditing that focus on people, including audit training, techniques, and plans, all incidents are preventable. Of course, employee contribution and involvement in auditing leads to sustainability through stakeholdership in the system. Management safety audits help to make manage the “behavioral balance.” Every job and task performed at a site can do be done at-risk or safely. The essence of a good safety system ensures that safe behavior is the accepted norm amongst employees, and that it is the expected and respected way of doing things. Shifting employees norms contributes mightily to changing culture. The management safety audit provides a way to quantify these norms. DuPont safety performance has continued to improve since we began keeping records in 1911 until about 1990. In the 1990–1994 time frame, performance deteriorated as shown in the chart that follows: This increase in injuries caused great concern to senior DuPont management as well as employees. It occurred while the corporation was undergoing changes in organization. In order to sustain our technological, competitive, and business leadership positions, DuPont began re-engineering itself beginning in about 1990. New streamlined organizational structures and collaborative work processes eliminated many positions and levels of management and supervision. The total employment of the company was reduced about 25 percent during these four years. In our traditional hierarchical organization structures, every level of supervision and management knew exactly what they were expected to do with safety, and all had important roles. As many of these levels were eliminated, new systems needed to be identified for these new organizations. In early 1995, Edgar S. Woolard, DuPont Chairman, chartered a Corporate Discovery Team to look for processes that will put DuPont on a consistent path toward a goal of zero injuries and occupational illnesses. The cross-functional team used a mode of “discovery through learning” from as many DuPont employees and sites around the world. The Discovery Team fostered the rapid sharing and leveraging of “best practices” and innovative approaches being pursued at DuPont’s plants, field sites, laboratories, and office locations. In short, the team examined the company’s current state, described the future state, identified barriers between the two, and recommended key ways to overcome these barriers. After reporting back to executive management in April, 1995, the Discovery Team was realigned to help organizations implement their recommendations. The Discovery Team reconfirmed key values in DuPont — in short, that all injuries, incidents, and occupational illnesses are preventable and that safety is a source of competitive advantage. As such, the steps taken to improve safety performance also improve overall competitiveness. Senior management made this belief clear: “We will strengthen our business by making safety excellence an integral part of all business activities.” One of the key findings of the Discovery Team was the identification of the best practices used within the company, which are listed below: ▪ Felt Leadership – Management Commitment ▪ Business Integration ▪ Responsibility and Accountability ▪ Individual/Team Involvement and Influence ▪ Contractor Safety ▪ Metrics and Measurements ▪ Communications ▪ Rewards and Recognition ▪ Caring Interdependent Culture; Team-Based Work Process and Systems ▪ Performance Standards and Operating Discipline ▪ Training/Capability ▪ Technology ▪ Safety and Health Resources ▪ Management and Team Audits ▪ Deviation Investigation ▪ Risk Management and Emergency Response ▪ Process Safety ▪ Off-the-Job Safety and Health Education Attention to each of these best practices is essential to achieve sustained improvements in safety and health. The Discovery Implementation in conjunction with DuPont Safety and Environmental Management Services has developed a Safety Self-Assessment around these systems. In this presentation, we will discuss a few of these practices and learn what they mean. Paper published with permission.