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Academic literature on the topic 'Labor's Education Political Action Committee'
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Journal articles on the topic "Labor's Education Political Action Committee"
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Battistoni, Richard M. "Should Political Scientists Care about Civic Education?" Perspectives on Politics 11, no. 4 (December 2013): 1135–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592713002867.
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For the past decade, concern about a crisis in civic education and engagement, especially among young people, has been rampant. In 2003, The Civic Mission of Schools report sounded a clarion call for greater attention to citizenship education in K–12 schools and touched off a national campaign, joined by such luminaries as Justice Sandra Day O'Connor, advocating improvements in the way we educate American youth for participation in democracy. Two years later, the work of the American Political Science Association's Committee on Civic Education and Engagement culminated in the publication of Democracy at Risk, which examined growing trends toward civic disengagement and proposed reforms to reinvigorate political participation in the United States. Just last year, a joint effort by the US Department of Education and the Association of American Colleges and Universities produced A Crucible Moment: College Learning and Democracy's Future, once again chronicling a “civic recession” across the land and issuing a “National Call to Action” for higher education to do more to educate young citizens for democracy.
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Slawson, Douglas J. "The National Catholic Welfare Conference and the Church-State Conflict in Mexico, 1925-1929." Americas 47, no. 1 (July 1990): 55–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006724.
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Established in 1919 to be the Catholic voice of America, to look after church interests, and to offset the political influence of the Protestant Federal Council of Churches, the National Catholic Welfare Conference (NCWC) was a voluntary association of the American hierarchy meeting annually in convention. It implemented decisions through an administrative committee of seven bishops which operated a secretariat, also known as the NCWC, located in Washington, D.C. This headquarters had five departments (Education, Lay Activities, Legislation, Press, and Social Action) each with a director and all under the supervision of Reverend John J. Burke, C.S.P., the general secretary of the administrative committee and its representative at the capital.
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Harroff-Tavel, Marion. "Violence and humanitarian action in urban areas: new challenges, new approaches." International Review of the Red Cross 92, no. 878 (June 2010): 329–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383110000421.
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AbstractA number of states are faced with the challenge of ensuring the harmonious development of rapidly expanding cities and of offering a growing population public services worthy of the name in the fields of security, health, and education. That challenge is even more difficult and more pressing because violence may erupt (hunger riots, clashes between territorial gangs or ethnic communities, acts of xenophobic violence directed against migrants, and so on) – violence that does not generally escalate to the point of becoming an armed conflict but that is murderous nevertheless.On the basis of the experience of the International Committee of the Red Cross and of its partners, as well as reports by academic specialists, this article describes the vulnerability of the poorest and of migrants in urban areas. It presents the difficulties with which humanitarian organizations, which are often accustomed to working in rural areas, have to contend. Lastly, it describes innovative responses, from which much can be learned: income-generating micro-projects, aid in the form of cash or vouchers, urban agriculture, and the establishment of violence-prevention or health-promotion programmes to protect those affected by armed violence in disadvantaged areas.
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House, Jordan, and Paul Christopher Gray. "The Toronto Airport Workers’ Council: Renewing Workplace Organizing and Socialist Labor Education." Labor Studies Journal 44, no. 1 (March 2019): 8–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x19828468.
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Among the 40,000 workers in Canada’s largest workplace, Lester B. Pearson International Airport in Toronto, a small but significant group of worker-organizers has created the Toronto Airport Workers’ Council (TAWC), a nonunion organization open to all Pearson workers. In this paper, we discuss the capitalist context of Canadian labor relations and the neoliberal restructuring that has attacked working conditions and workers’ solidarity across the airline industry. Then, after examining the insufficient responses by the twelve Pearson unions, we explain how workers formed the TAWC, whose participatory structures, direct action strategy, and broader class focus have achieved considerable successes, despite tensions with union leaders wary of potential “dual unionism.” We also discuss how the TAWC provides a space for socialist-led workplace organizing training and political education by the Toronto Labour Committee. Finally, we explore the possible roles of this council model in labor movement renewal and labor education in socialist movement renewal.
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Tedesco, John C., and Scott W. Dunn. "Political Advertising in the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election: Ad Hominem Ad Nauseam." American Behavioral Scientist 63, no. 7 (February 14, 2018): 935–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218756919.
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Political advertisements ( N = 136) from the 2016 U.S. presidential election are content analyzed in this study that investigates message strategy used by Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton in their televised ads. The negative nature of the campaign, and the high negative views voters held for Trump and Clinton, seems to have influenced the tone and focus of the ads. Despite Trump’s reputation for ad hominem attacks throughout the primary and general election phases of the presidential campaign, it was Clinton who waged more ad hominem attacks in her advertisements, mostly focused on labeling Trump as unfit for office. Trump and his supportive political action committee groups were more likely to run contrast ads to compare differences between his policies and Clinton’s policies, but Clinton’s campaign failed to use a full range of message strategies to contrast her policies with Trump’s and to bolster her own image through her campaign ads.
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Riley, Ann T., Kirby Bewley, Renea L. Butler-King, Lisa G. Byers, Christina R. Miller, Jennifer E. Dell, and Charlotte J. Kendrick. "Finding Shelter in the Storm." Advances in Social Work 21, no. 2/3 (September 23, 2021): 898–919. http://dx.doi.org/10.18060/24117.
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This paper presents the case study of a 100+ year old school of social work recently shaken by acts of racial aggression targeted toward our Black/African American community. Following campus incidents that received national attention, minority social work students urged faculty to organize action to voice values of equity and justice, and to provide an intentional safe space within our school. In response, a volunteer faculty committee dedicated themselves to the group’s formation and implementation of the Undoing Racism Principles from the People’s Institute for Survival and Beyond (PISAB, n.d.), beginning internally and expanding outward. Representing multiple identities and positionalities of power, committee members use these principles to process our privilege. We reflect on our journeys with racism as social work educators and as individuals who are, and have been, influenced by internalized historical and contemporary racism. Guided by Pedagogy of the Oppressed (Freire 1970/ 2002) and Critical Race Theory (Sulé, 2020), the praxis of reflecting in-and-on our work has evolved (Schön, 1983, 1987). Authors share their personal experiences, professional impacts, and efforts to implement anti-racist pedagogy. Contextual implications for schools of social work that aim to become anti-racist within their implicit and explicit curricula are provided by this case study.
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Albritton, Travis, Charity S. Watkins, Allison De Marco, JP Przewoznik, and Andrew Heil. "Social Work Education in the Shadow of Confederate Statues and the Specter of White Supremacy." Advances in Social Work 21, no. 2/3 (September 23, 2021): 934–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.18060/24105.
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Driven by our code of ethics and our call to reckon with our embeddedness within a white supremacist institution in the US South, the UNC-Chapel Hill School of Social Work re-visioned our approach to the MSW curriculum. Using case study methods, we trace our history and on-going work through interviews, document review, and community conversations, centering student voices. Students interviewed spoke about activism prompted by racist events on campus and nationally, and the inadequate response from the administration. Their efforts led to school-wide initiatives including curriculum shifts and accountability and action. The first-year generalist course, Confronting Oppression and Institutional Discrimination was restructured and resituated. Critical Race Theory was infused across the coursework. Two new working groups were created: The Anti-Racism Task Force and Reconciliation Standing Committee. Efforts to address racism and white supremacy in academic spaces require sustained activism to expose how racism is embedded within our institutions. While much work remains in the practice of becoming an antiracist institution, this model can serve as a prototype for others as they work to create programs that are site-specific and universally reflective of the institutional changes we need.
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Shahin, Saif, and Zehui Dai. "Understanding Public Engagement With Global Aid Agencies on Twitter: A Technosocial Framework." American Behavioral Scientist 63, no. 12 (March 6, 2019): 1684–707. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764219835248.
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This study develops a technosocial framework for assessing the efficacy of global aid agencies’ use of Twitter’s algorithmic affordances for participatory social change. We combine computational and interpretive methods to examine tweets posted by three global aid agencies—U.S. Agency for International Development, Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency, and the International Committee of the Red Cross—as well as public tweets that mention these agencies ( N = ~100,000). Results indicate that when an agency (a) replies to or retweets public tweeters, (b) includes publicly oriented hashtags and hyperlinks in its tweets, and (c) tweets about topics that the public is also interested in and tweeting about, the social network that develops around the agency is more interconnected, decentralized, and reciprocal. Our framework can help development institutions build more participatory social networks, with multiple voices helping determine collective goals and strategies of collective action for sustainable social change. We also discuss the theoretical implications and methodological significance of our approach.
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Généreux, Mélissa, Marie-Claude Maillet, Elise Nault-Horvath, and Cindy Stewart. "Supporting and Accompanying Young People After the Lac-Mégantic Train Derailment (Quebec, Canada)." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 34, s1 (May 2019): s70—s71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x19001547.
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Introduction:In July 2013, a train transporting oil derailed and exploded in Lac-Mégantic, causing major human, environmental, and economic impacts. A community-based survey of people aged 10-25, conducted in 2017, revealed that many young people suffer in silence and report feeling isolated. These observations led to the conclusion that we must make room for young people, and that opportunities for engagement and participation must be provided within the community.Aim:The Public Health Direction of Estrie aimed to identify strategies to promote health and wellbeing for young people living in and around Lac-Mégantic.Methods:A collective reflection half-day was hosted with sixty key stakeholders (school board, other education institutions, health and social services, community sector, municipal/political sector, parents, youth). Throughout the event, participants were invited to build on and learn from accomplishments and experiential knowledge, and develop a common vision of the solutions to be pursued or implemented. All qualitative data sources (verbal and written data from large- and sub-group activities) were analyzed through a content analysis.Results:Several themes (i.e. potential solutions) emerged from the analysis: common venue, diversified activities, communication, collaboration, involvement, support for at-risk youth, intergenerational component, etc. Participants agreed on four priorities for action: 1) creating a gathering place, 2) establishing a Youth Committee, 3) supporting adults working with youth, and 4) fostering a better flow of information.Discussion:Several positive outcomes of the collective reflection half-day were observed, including the mobilization of the participants who greatly appreciated the event, and many promising ideas launched by stakeholders. A social worker is now fully dedicated to supporting youth wellbeing and engagement in Lac-Mégantic. A Youth Committee has been established and projects by and for youth are being implemented. Bottom-up approaches to identify solutions to complex situations are not only effective but also respectful of the local culture.
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Koliesnik, Tetiana. "MODERN APPROACHES TO ENSURING GENDER BALANCE IN THE EXERCISE OF THE RIGHT TO WORK." Law Journal of Donbass 73, no. 4 (2020): 53–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.32366/2523-4269-2020-73-4-53-59.
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The purpose of this article is to analyze the challenges in complying with principles of gender balance in the exercise of the right to work in the framework of international gender standards adopted by Ukraine. Given current development stage of Ukrainian society along with issues of economic stabilization, it is equally important to ensure Ukraine's transition to sustainable social development, which in turn requires public policy making with due regard given to gender component, i.e., evaluation of public policy strategy in terms of gender equality. Shaping and improving public's understanding of the objectives of state policy in the field of gender equality contributes to achieving Global Sustainable Development Goals proclaimed by the UN and supported by Ukraine in accordance with the Decree of the President of Ukraine "On Sustainable Development Goals until 2030". National Action Plan for the Implementing Recommendations Set Out in the Final Observations of UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women to the Eighth Periodic Report of Ukraine on the Implementation of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women for 2021 was approved. According to Global Report of the World Economic Forum, in 2019 Ukraine ranked 59th (out of 153 countries) as to gender gap index. Education and health indicators are high, but political involvement and economic opportunities are declining. Manifestations of inequality, gender discrimination and violence are present in public life - these are gender stereotypes that are often played down in Ukrainian society, which is a negative trend. Along with having strong women's movement and women's organizations in Ukraine, it is necessary to recognize insufficient number of organizations focusing on protection of men's rights, which may be a consequence of de facto absence public discussions about discrimination against men. In view of the above, it should be noted that achieving gender balance is not only an international legal obligation, it is also necessary to achieve the goals of national development of our state. Implementation of basic principles of gender issues is a fundamental factor in protecting labor rights as well as the basis for building a safer society and strengthening the rule of law. Based on the results of the analysis, a number of respective measures aimed at ensuring gender balance in Ukraine were identified. The norms of the current legislation, the ILO Convention and EU anti-discrimination directives related to gender issues are analyzed. Indicators of gender inequality in Ukraine were studied in accordance with UN and the State Statistics Committee data.
Books on the topic "Labor's Education Political Action Committee"
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United States. Congress. House. Committee on Education and Labor. Subcommittee on Employment Opportunities. Oversight review of the Department of Labor's Office of Federal Contract Compliance Programs and affirmative action programs: Hearing before the Subcommitte on Employment Opportunities of the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, Ninety-ninth Congress, first session, hearing held in Washington, DC, September 18, 1985. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1986.
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Nations, United. The United Nations and the advancement of women, 1945-1996. New York: Dept. of Public Information, United Nations, 1996.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Labor's Education Political Action Committee"
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Charnock, Emily J. "A Labor-Liberal Constellation." In The Rise of Political Action Committees, 168–96. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190075514.003.0007.
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This chapter traces the initial diffusion of the PAC concept from the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) to other labor organizations, including the American Federation of Labor (AFL) and liberal ideological groups. Though the AFL had previously opposed the CIO’s partisan electoral strategy and the formation of P.A.C., it came to emulate both following passage of the Taft-Hartley Act by a Republican Congress in 1947, forming Labor’s League for Political Education (LLPE) to engage in elections. That same year, two avowedly “liberal” groups were created to bolster the anti-Communist Left and champion liberal Democrats: the Americans for Democratic Action (ADA) and the National Committee for an Effective Congress (NCEC). The chapter traces the intertwined electoral efforts and tactical innovations of these liberal and labor organizations through the AFL-CIO merger in 1955, the subsequent creation of their joint PAC, the Committee on Political Education (COPE), and the latter’s activities in the 1956 elections.
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Woloch, Isser. "Postwar Prospects in the U.S." In The Postwar Moment, 210–52. Yale University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300124354.003.0006.
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This chapter explores the launching of progressive visions for the postwar in the U.S. As the CIO-PAC (CIO-Political Action Committee) produced a flurry of electoral activism, it also crystalized a progressive program for postwar America. Its principal manifesto, The People's Program for 1944, raised a progressive standard for renewal in the postwar moment. The manifesto demanded jobs for all with adequate wages; affordable housing; provision for all of adequate medical care; equality of educational opportunity; and improved protection from the economic perils of old age, sickness, accident, or unemployment. The chapter then considers Franklin Roosevelt's re-election campaign; Harry Truman's approach to reconversion after V-J Day; the conflicts between big business and big labor during the postwar moment; the impact of the G.I. Bill of Rights; and the Republican sweep of Congress in the election of 1946 and its direct result: passage of the anti-union Taft–Hartley labor law.
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Fitzgerald, Joseph R. "Shock Therapy, Round One." In The Struggle Is Eternal, 69–87. University Press of Kentucky, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813176499.003.0006.
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Commencing in early 1962, the Cambridge movement took shape with the aid of college students from beyond Maryland’s Eastern Shore who belonged to the bourgeoning student movement of the early 1960s. These students subscribed to the political philosophy of participatory democracy, whereby local people organized their own campaigns for black liberation. The most important student organization that assisted local movements was the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), which worked directly with Gloria Richardson and the Cambridge Nonviolent Action Committee (CNAC), the organization that led the Cambridge movement. CNAC’s agenda, which was established through a needs assessment survey created by Richardson, identified a lack of access to jobs, poor housing, and segregated schools as the community’s main concerns. CNAC initiated voter education and registration drives to build community support for its freedom campaign, which white residents and white leaders resisted at every turn.