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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Labor leaders Labor movement

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Academic literature on the topic 'Labor leaders Labor movement'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 9 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Labor leaders Labor movement"

1

Friedman, Gerald. "Is Labor Dead?" International Labor and Working-Class History 75, no. 1 (2009): 126–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014754790900009x.

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AbstractThe Labor Movement has entered a crisis. Declining support for unions and for socialist political movements reflects the exhaustion of a reformist growth strategy where capitalists and state officials accepted unions in exchange for labor peace. While winning real gains for workers, this strategy undermined labor and its broader democratic aspirations by establishing unions and union and party leaders as authorities over the workers themselves. In the upheavals of the late-1960s and the 1970s, dissident movements, directed as much against reformist leaders as against employers and state officials, pushed protest beyond traditional limits toward demands for popular empowerment and democracy. Union decline began then, not because workers had lost interest in collective action but because employers and state officials abandoned collective bargaining to find alternative means of controlling unrest. Capitalism entered a new post-union era, when national leaders like Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan used policies of open trade and capital flows and high unemployment to discipline labor. Abandoned by their capitalist bargaining partners, reformist unions and political parties have withered. Now, without social space for reformist movements, the labor movement can only advance by openly avowing its original goals of popular empowerment and the establishment of economic democracy.

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Collomp, Catherine. "The Jewish Labor Committee, American Labor, and the Rescue of European Socialists, 1934–1941." International Labor and Working-Class History 68 (October 2005): 112–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547905000220.

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The Jewish Labor Committee (JLC), founded in New York in 1934, was the vanguard of American labor's anti-Nazi and antifascist activism. The JLC grew out of the Jewish labor movement in the US. In 1940–1941, it achieved the rescue of hundreds of European labor and social-democratic party leaders trapped in France by the invading German army or in Lithuania by the Soviet army. Among these persons were some of the foremost leaders of the Labour and Socialist International and of the International Federation of Trade Unions. Many others were Polish Bundists, the JLC's founders' original political family, doubly exposed to Nazi brutality by their Jewish identity and social-democratic positions. This event is the focal point from which American labor's international solidarity for the labor victims of Nazism and fascism can be observed. In addition, the connection between the JLC and the Emergency Rescue Committee whose agent, Varian Fry, rescued artists and intellectuals, is also established in the paper.

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Notar, Ernest J. "Japan's Wartime Labor Policy: A Search for Method." Journal of Asian Studies 44, no. 2 (1985): 311–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2055925.

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AbstractsThe industrial Patriotic Movement (Sampō) symbolized the suppression of labor unions in prewar Japan, but it also shaped the development of Japan's postwar system of industrial relations. When first launched by officials of the Home Ministry in 1938, Sampō was intended to be a constructive reform movement for reducing conflict and for maintaining an efficient labor market. With the support of the police and of some labor leaders, Sampō encouraged formation of factory committees with elected worker representatives for negotiating wages and working conditions. The resistance of business leaders led to the assertion of direct bureaucratic control over the movement, and with army interference in civil administration after 1940, Sampō eventually led to the suppression of unions. Nevertheless, the foundations were laid for the spread of enterprise unionism on a national scale in the postwar era even under military rule.

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House, Jordan, and Paul Christopher Gray. "The Toronto Airport Workers’ Council: Renewing Workplace Organizing and Socialist Labor Education." Labor Studies Journal 44, no. 1 (2019): 8–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x19828468.

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Among the 40,000 workers in Canada’s largest workplace, Lester B. Pearson International Airport in Toronto, a small but significant group of worker-organizers has created the Toronto Airport Workers’ Council (TAWC), a nonunion organization open to all Pearson workers. In this paper, we discuss the capitalist context of Canadian labor relations and the neoliberal restructuring that has attacked working conditions and workers’ solidarity across the airline industry. Then, after examining the insufficient responses by the twelve Pearson unions, we explain how workers formed the TAWC, whose participatory structures, direct action strategy, and broader class focus have achieved considerable successes, despite tensions with union leaders wary of potential “dual unionism.” We also discuss how the TAWC provides a space for socialist-led workplace organizing training and political education by the Toronto Labour Committee. Finally, we explore the possible roles of this council model in labor movement renewal and labor education in socialist movement renewal.

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Roberts, Danny, and Lauren Marsh. "Labor Education in the Caribbean: A Critical Evaluation of Barbados, Jamaica and Trinidad." International Labor and Working-Class History 90 (2016): 186–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547916000132.

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The achievements of the labor movement in the Caribbean are generally historicized without highlighting the contribution of labor colleges to the function and survivability of trade unions. For more than fifty years, labor colleges have played a critical role in developing the knowledge and skill sets of union members who had an interest in labor studies. Many will attribute the heydays of the Caribbean labor movement in the mid-1900s to the intellectual thrust given to the trade union movement by labor colleges. During this period, trade unions relied heavily on labor colleges for intellectual support and advice primarily on matters that required in-depth academic investigation. Support from the labor colleges enhanced the reputation of the labor movement by shifting popular notions that the trade union movement consisted only of the poor and illiterate working class. The effects of these parallel training activities have been positive for both the leadership of the trade union movement and the overall impact they have had on labor-management relationships. There has been a noted change in the pattern of trade union leadership where “the first generation leaders, considered by many as demagogic and messianic, have given way increasingly to a younger and more formally educated second and third generation leadership”.

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Kafkafi, Eyal. "Segregation or Integration of the Israeli Arabs: Two Concepts in Mapai." International Journal of Middle East Studies 30, no. 3 (1998): 347–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800066216.

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With the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire and the establishment of British rule in Palestine, the nascent Zionist labor movement, shortly to become the backbone of the Zionist undertaking in Palestine, found itself confronted by a series of fundamental questions. The purpose of this paper is to show that there was never a consensus within the Zionist labor movement; that the leadership was divided on vital issues; that Israel's leader, David Ben-Gurion, represented only one approach within labor Zionism, and that even after his approach had prevailed, following drawn-out disputes, and he had risen to a position of commanding authority, his policies continued to be challenged by successive leaders during the decades preceding and following the establishment of the State of Israel.

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Adhisti, Mita. "Free Movement of Skilled Labor Within the Asean Economic Community." Economics Development Analysis Journal 6, no. 2 (2018): 192–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/edaj.v6i2.22217.

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This study discusses how the free movement of skilled labor policy under the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) scenario enhances opportunities for labor mobility from low-skilled labor countries, what challenges will be faced, and how this policy impacts their economies. The implementation of the AEC’s free movement of skilled labor policy is projected to face challenges such as mismatched labor qualifications, fulfilling ASEAN commitment, time for implementation of ASEAN commitments, and controlling the flow of illegal migrant workers. However, ASEAN leaders already set some supporting policies to overcome challenges from this system by improving labor market information, encouraging language and skills training, managing government and public supports, expanding mutual recognition arrangements and enhancing social protection for migrant workers. If these supporting policies can be implemented, the AEC’s free movement of skilled labor policy will improve the quality of human resources in ASEAN, especially from lower-middle income countries including Indonesia, Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam, the Philippines, and Thailand. As the results, those six countries are expected to increase the high-skilled employment rates by 0.3 to 1.4 percent and the wage rates up to 10-20 percent in 2025. Thus, the projected increases in the employment and wage rates of ASEAN skilled labor will induce an expansion of the ASEAN economic growth to 7.1 percent in 2025.

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Hijar, Andrés. "There are no Communists Here." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 37, no. 2 (2021): 263–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2021.37.2.263.

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Workers’ unions and political projects in postrevolutionary Chihuahua, specifically the border city of Ciudad Juárez, have remained largely unexamined by historians. Existing research in this state has mainly focused on the role of political and economic elites. In this article, I examine the rise of a radical labor wing spearheaded by the communist-leaning Cámara Sindical Obrera in the political, social, and economic milieu on the border throughout the 1930s. This wing encouraged a sense of internationalism and mass direct action. Once the Cárdenas regime ended, workers experienced significant setbacks at both the national and local levels. Scholars examining workers’ movements during the same period have identified divisions within the labor movement as the main reason behind the demise of communist unions within organized labor. I argue that the gradual co-optation of the radical wing of the labor movement, beginning in the 1940s, had more to do with the violence perpetrated against these unions by emergent statewide elites than with fractures within the movement. I demonstrate that violence, arrests, and outright murder of key leaders weakened communist unions by altering their internal mechanisms designed to remain independent. In this difficult context, organized labor responded to the challenge with different degrees of success.

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Dixon, Marc. "Limiting Labor: Business Political Mobilization and Union Setback in the States." Journal of Policy History 19, no. 3 (2007): 313–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2007.0015.

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The 1940s were heady times for the American labor movement. The tight wartime labor market and the backing of the federal government in defense industries facilitated impressive membership gains for both AFL and CIO unions. By 1945, labor unions represented almost 35 percent of the workforce—a more than fivefold increase from the early 1930s. What is more, union membership gains penetrated previously unorganized and resistant regions like the South. Unions indeed appeared on the verge of recruiting millions of new members and establishing a truly national social movement. Critics and supporters alike viewed unions as the most powerful institutions of the day. Following the war,Fortune Magazineforesaw little resistance to unionism and to the postwar southern labor organizing drives, while sympathetic scholars like C. Wright Mills viewed labor leaders as the “new men of power.”

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Robinson, Joanna L. "BUILDING A GREEN ECONOMY: ADVANCING CLIMATE JUSTICE THROUGH ENVIRONMENTAL-LABOR ALLIANCES*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 25, no. 2 (2020): 245–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-25-2-245.

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This article explores the role of environmental-labor coalitions in creating opportunities to promote green jobs and to shape climate change policies. The development of a green economy is critical for combating climate change, as well as for addressing rising unemployment and the expansion of precarious work. My research is based on a qualitative study of environmental-labor coalitions in California, United States, and British Columbia, Canada, including fifty-six in-depth digitally recorded interviews with environmental and labor movement leaders and policymakers. The findings point to the importance of three key mechanisms that shape the success of these coalitions: (1) drawing on the strength of organizational diversity, (2) fostering relationships of trust that allow organizations to adopt flexible ideologies, make concessions and tradeoffs, and create hybrid identities, and (3) frame bridging by local social justice organizations to mitigate conflict between environmental and labor movements.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Labor leaders Labor movement"

1

Wan, Ho-in Eric. "A study of the political participation of Hong Kong's labour movement leadership in the transitional period /." [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1993. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B13465120.

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Yang, Xuehui. "Labor NGOs : labor movement agencies in China." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2016. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/600.

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Prevailing literature on Chinese labor non-governmental organizations (NGOs), which focuses largely on their relations with the authoritarian state and strategies for survival, mainly views that these labor groups, in order to survive, tend to confine their work to social service provisions and legal consultations that are permitted, or, at least, not prohibited, by the state. Hence, they hardly become the agencies of social change to build a labor movement in China. However, based my observations between 2013-2015 in the Guangdong Province, I argue that a small group of labor NGOs have stepped beyond their supposed roles and become labor movement agencies in China; they actively assist and organize striking workers to negotiate with employers, and have hatched several informal labor groups in industrial zones. To explain this new development of labor NGOs in China, first, I argue that the state exerts its control on labor NGOs through a differentiated process, which creates a certain space for movement-oriented labor NGOs to survive. On the one hand, the state's need for NGOs in relieving its social welfare obligations gives them a chance to "disguise" as an ostensible social service provider by employing strategies. One the other hand, the different functions, power bases and vested interests of labor NGO-related state organstrade unions, public and national security agencies, and civil affairs bureaususually lead to less coordinated efforts in containing these groups. Second, the movement-oriented labor NGOs are able to develop strong ties to workers and facilitate labor organizing. During workers' collective struggles, they organize training to enhance workers' right consciousness and transmit the idea of collective bargaining to them; they also help elect and train worker representatives, offer tactics to them, and are even present on bargaining tables on workers' behalf. By hatching informal labor groups, these labor groups network and educate workers in communities to build solidarity, and encourage them to run group activities and learn self-organization skills. Particularly, worker-turned NGO activists, who previously experienced labor disputes and with leadership skills, notably facilitate these activities due to their deep understanding of workers' circumstance and demands, and profound knowledge of their language and labor dispute settlement. This research demonstrates that, although movement-oriented labor NGOs are probably transitional forms in China and not able to replace genuine trade unions, they have taken up some roles that trade unions were supposed to play, significantly contributing to improving the organizational capacity of Chinese workers.

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Yang, Xuehui. "Labor NGOs: labor movment agencies in China." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2016. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/338.

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Prevailing literature on Chinese labor non-governmental organizations (NGOs), which focuses largely on their relations with the authoritarian state and strategies for survival, mainly views that these labor groups, in order to survive, tend to confine their work to social service provisions and legal consultations that are permitted, or, at least, not prohibited, by the state. Hence, they hardly become the agencies of social change to build a labor movement in China. However, based my observations between 2013-2015 in the Guangdong Province, I argue that a small group of labor NGOs have stepped beyond their supposed roles and become labor movement agencies in China; they actively assist and organize striking workers to negotiate with employers, and have hatched several informal labor groups in industrial zones. To explain this new development of labor NGOs in China, first, I argue that the state exerts its control on labor NGOs through a differentiated process, which creates a certain space for movement-oriented labor NGOs to survive. On the one hand, the state's need for NGOs in relieving its social welfare obligations gives them a chance to "disguise" as an ostensible social service provider by employing strategies. One the other hand, the different functions, power bases and vested interests of labor NGO-related state organstrade unions, public and national security agencies, and civil affairs bureaususually lead to less coordinated efforts in containing these groups. Second, the movement-oriented labor NGOs are able to develop strong ties to workers and facilitate labor organizing. During workers' collective struggles, they organize training to enhance workers' right consciousness and transmit the idea of collective bargaining to them; they also help elect and train worker representatives, offer tactics to them, and are even present on bargaining tables on workers' behalf. By hatching informal labor groups, these labor groups network and educate workers in communities to build solidarity, and encourage them to run group activities and learn self-organization skills. Particularly, worker-turned NGO activists, who previously experienced labor disputes and with leadership skills, notably facilitate these activities due to their deep understanding of workers' circumstance and demands, and profound knowledge of their language and labor dispute settlement. This research demonstrates that, although movement-oriented labor NGOs are probably transitional forms in China and not able to replace genuine trade unions, they have taken up some roles that trade unions were supposed to play, significantly contributing to improving the organizational capacity of Chinese workers.

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4

O'Discin, Liam Sean. "Philip Murray : the triumph and tragedy of the industrial labour movement." Thesis, Ulster University, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669662.

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This dissertation presents a biographical study of Philip Murray (1886-1952) who was one of America's premier labour leaders of the twentieth century. The work examines the major influences and historical events that shaped Murray's career. The thesis argues that Murray's career has been unfairly dismissed. It explains how the enduring effects of his formative years in Lanarkshire, Scotland, shaped his character as a trade unionist. It examines his early role as an official of the United Mineworkers of America (UMW A) in the 1920s and 1930s; his leadership of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) during the stormy era of its organising drive of America's industrial workers and of the Steelworkers Organizing Committee (SWOC); and his subsequent presidency of both the United Steelworkers of America (USWA) and the CIO during and after the Second World war. Murray's Catholicism and his relationship with Communists occupy a central position in the historical narrative. This thesis contends that Murray's motivations were not based on the crude antiCommunism of the McCat1hyism period following his death, and it seeks to prove the hypothesis that, in spite of his purging of the left-led unions inside the CIO, ironically, Murray throughout his life consistently strove to adhere to his class consciousness and uphold his convictions as a sincere advocate for labour's adversarial role inside capitalism. This thesis questions Murray's purported belief in class collaboration, as advocated in the papal encyclicals Rerum Novarum (1891) and Quadragessimo Anno (1931), and argues that, even if Murray agreed with the sentiments of the encyclicals' support and sympathy for the rights of workers and trade unions, he was never naive enough to reject the social and political reality of class struggle as an intrinsic, or motive, force in capitalist society.

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Haseeb, Dina Khair El-din. "Intra-Arab labor movement 1973-1985." Thesis, Kansas State University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/9915.

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Niazi, Golrokh. "Militant Workers, Coopted Leaders: A Critical Assessment of Workers’ Collective Action Through Organized Labour in Tunisia." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/42775.

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This dissertation explores the dynamics of workers’ collective political engagement through organized labour in an authoritarian environment and a regime in transition. While the literature on social movements and organized labour in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) has captured the characteristics and impact of repression and corporatist systems on a union structure and elite strategies, this research contributes to a body of work that position the activities, networks and calculations of unionized workers at the centre of analysis. Using the Tunisian General Labour Union as an in-depth case-study, it will show that to fully comprehend the important role of a labour union as a vehicle for political engagement, one must pay close attention to the networks, strategies, and tactics of its militant base. By adopting a conceptual framework that gives attention to interactions of structures and agents, and therefore not privileging one over the other, it shows how in a region in which unions were conventionally labelled as “inconsequential” and “empty shells,” unionized workers, particularly those belonging to more militant sectors, have repeatedly seized on their personal networks and relationships, while drawing on systems of meaning making and shared collective memory to engage in various forms of activism. By doing so, it underscores the limitations of cooptation as a political strategy for ensuring obedience and compliance. Moreover, to better understand workers’ activism and political engagement in MENA, this dissertation calls for a change in how “successful mobilization” is measured and assessed. In particular, it draws attention to the objectives and goals of workers’ collective action, aims that cannot always be equated with the pursuit of a standardized path to democracy developed largely by institutions located in the West.

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7

Rothermel, Jonathan Christopher. "Solidarity Sometimes: Globalization, Transnationalism, and the Labor Movement." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2010. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/70450.

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Political Science<br>Ph.D.<br>This dissertation investigates the role of global labor in international relations. I argue that global labor is mainly comprised of two parts: national union organizations and Global Unions. Global Unions are transnational labor organizations (TLOs) with a worldwide membership that were created by national union organizations to represent their interests internationally. I contend that Global Unions perform five interrelated functions for national unions. However, due to the inherent structural weaknesses of Global Unions, it is the national unions that, in fact, remain the critical force behind global labor. Therefore, I focus on the transnational activities of national unions. I identify three conditions that result in incentives for unions to choose strategies of labor transnationalism: the shrinking of national political opportunity structures, the increasing availability of international political opportunity structures, and the adoption of a social union or social movement unionism paradigm for union revitalization. Additionally, I identify three factors that inhibit labor transnationalism among national unions: diminishing resources, turf wars, and cultural barriers. I introduce the concept of complex labor transnationalism as an alternative approach to the more limited traditional practice of labor transnationalism. I disaggregate the activities associated with complex labor transnationalism into six types: communicative transnationalism, political transnationalism, steward transnationalism, protest transnationalism, collaborative transnationalism, and steward transnationalism. Furthermore, I conduct a case study on the state of labor transnationalism in the United States concluding that while most unions take a traditional approach towards labor transnationalism there is some evidence of complex labor transnationalism. Finally, I draw several conclusions about the role of global labor in international relations and outline three areas of potential growth.<br>Temple University--Theses

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Schmutte, Ian. "International union activity politics of scale in the Australian labour movement /." Connect to full text, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/719.

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Thesis (M. Phil.)--University of Sydney, [2004?].<br>Title from title screen (viewed 30 May 2008). Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Philosophy to the Discipline of Work and Organisational Studies. Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print form.

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9

Mcmurray, Alan R. "Leadership Decisions: Situational Dimensions and Leaders' Responses in Labor Intensive Industries." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 1987. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/2727.

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The problem of this study was to determine whether a relationship exists between situational leadership effectiveness of administrators in hospitals and principals in high schools in a selected geographical area. The data-gathering instruments were the Leader Effectiveness & Adaptability Description (LEAD-Self) and a one-page demographic sheet. The LEAD-Self provides a measurement of situational leadership style and leadership effectiveness based upon responses to 12 administrative decisions. Descriptive statistics were used to analyze the data gathered, with the Eta and Pearson's product-moment being the correlation studies used. Six research questions were explored, dealing with the relationship between the effectiveness score and the following variables: age, number of employees reporting directly to the administrator, educational level of respondents, number of hours of monthly inservice or continuing education related to administration, years of administrative experience, and job position (hospital administrator or high school principal). The descriptive analysis of the study warranted the following conclusions: (1) The Pearson's correlational studies revealed little or no relationship between effectiveness and respondents' age, number of employees reporting directly, monthly inservice/continuing education, and years of administrative experience. (2) The Eta correlational studies revealed little to no relationship between effectiveness and respondents' position or educational level.

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Aveling, Rebecka, and Louise Brygt. "Sense or sensibility? : Emotional labor from the perspective of female leaders." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Företagsekonomi, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-160568.

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Emotional labor is the unpaid and often unnoticed emotion work that foremost women carry out, not only in the home life but at the workplace as well. Emotional labor is highly associated with femininity according to previous research and often involves being attentive to others, creating a good ambiance, and to be warm and caring. From previous studies, it is implied that emotional labor creates stress as women often have to manage other people’s emotions as well as their own and that there is an expectancy on women to do so. What is implied from those circumstances in relation to work life is that the opportunities for women to climb the work ladder decreases, as women perform emotional labor in addition to, or instead of, their regular work tasks. There is no previous research to be found on what type of impact emotional labor has on women in leading positions, or on female leaders in the private sector in Sweden. The main purpose of the thesis is to find how emotional labor impacts female leaders in their leadership role and to find how widespread emotional labor is amongst companies in the Swedish private sector. We aim to shed light on the often unnoticed, or invisible, emotion work foremost women perform in their workplaces, which leads to the research question: What impact does emotional labor have on women in their leadership role? The theoretical framework is mainly based on previous research on emotional labor and leadership theories. Carefully chosen theories on expectations in male and female leadership are added to broaden the background. Further, facts on gender equality are provided as support. The chosen research method for the thesis is qualitative with an exploratory research design and an inductive approach. In line with the chosen method, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 12 participants from a purposive, homogeneous sampling. The interviews were further transcribed, analyzed and presented through a thematic analysis. The key findings imply that emotional labor is highly present among women in leadership positions. The findings imply that emotional labor is expected from women to perform, although not outspoken. Further, the findings imply that there is different expectations on leadership and leadership style from the employees, the board and the leaders themselves. With an expectancy from employees to lead with an emotional leadership, an expectancy from the board to lead to make results and a confusion in their own leadership, it will lead to stress in the leaders too. The conclusion of the thesis is: Women are affected by emotional labor in their leadership role as they feel an obligation to perform it, while still not doing it too much since that would, according to expectations from society, present them as poor leaders. If they, on the other hand, do not perform any emotional labor at all, they are not considered to be team players.

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Books on the topic "Labor leaders Labor movement"

1

Streissguth, Thomas. Legendary labor leaders. The Oliver Press, 1998.

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Chŏn, Tʻae-il. Nae chugŭm ŭl hŏttoei malla: Ilgi, sugi, pʻyŏnji moŭm : Chŏn Tʻae-il chŏnjip. Tol Pegae, 1988.

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1957-, Sim Pok-ja, ред. Uri sidae ŭi hŭimang chʻatki: Inʾgan ŭi taeji rŭl kakkunŭn pubu ilkkun Yi Tʻae-bok, Sim Pok-ja ŭi sam kwa kkum. Tongnyŏk, 1996.

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1952-, Chʻoe Yŏng-gi, and Yun Ki-sŏl, eds. Nodong undong, sangsaeng in'ga kongmyŏl in'ga: Nodong chŏnmun'ga 3-in ŭi taedam. Wijŭdŏm Hausŭ, 2010.

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1952-, Chʻoe Yŏng-gi, and Yun Ki-sŏl, eds. Nodong undong, sangsaeng in'ga kongmyŏl in'ga: Nodong chŏnmun'ga 3-in ŭi taedam. Wijŭdŏm Hausŭ, 2010.

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Labor will rule: Sidney Hillman and the rise of American labor. Cornell University Press, 1993.

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Fraser, Steve. Labor will rule: Sidney Hillman and the rise of American labor. Free Press, 1991.

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Kompromis ili revolucija: Sa osvrtom na radnički pokret i tridesetogodišnji aktivan rad u njemu. Pešić i sinovi, 2003.

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1956-, Kim Kyŏng-il, ed. Yi Chae-yu: Na ŭi sidae, na ŭi hyŏnmyŏng. Pʻurŭn Yŏksa, 2007.

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Affortunati, A. Sotto la rossa bandiera: Profili di dirigenti del movimento operaio pratese. Camera del lavoro di Prato, 1996.

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Book chapters on the topic "Labor leaders Labor movement"

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Ho, Ming-Sho. "Labor movement." In Routledge Handbook of Contemporary Taiwan. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315769523-19.

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Çelik, Aziz, and interviewed by Emrah Altındiş. "The Labor Movement." In Authoritarianism and Resistance in Turkey. Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76705-5_14.

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Cornfield, Daniel B., and Bill Fletcher. "The U.S. Labor Movement." In Sourcebook of Labor Markets. Springer US, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4615-1225-7_3.

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Li, Xiaochun, Yuanting Xu, and Dianshuang Wang. "Environment and Labor Movement of Skilled Labor and Unskilled Labor Between Sectors." In New Frontiers in Regional Science: Asian Perspectives. Springer Singapore, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-3569-2_8.

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Fantasia, Rick, and Judith Stepan-Norris. "The Labor Movement in Motion." In The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements. Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470999103.ch24.

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Bauder, Harald. "Institutionalized Labor Devaluation." In Labor Movement. Oxford University Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195180879.003.0012.

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At the 2004 Law and Diversity Conference in Toronto on the accreditation of foreign-trained immigrants in Canada, speaker Naomi Alboim called Canadian immigration policy “one of seduction and abandonment.” Seduction because skilled workers are selected as immigrants based on their high levels of education and experience, which leads them to expect that they will be able to apply these skills and experience in the Canadian labor market. Abandonment because, once in Canada, the immigrant workers receive little help with the accreditation of their education and professional certification, preventing them from applying their skills. Immigrants in regulated trades and professions such as the electrical trade, engineering, law, medicine, nursing, and teaching often lose access to the occupations they previously held—an effect commonly known as “deskilling.” The abandonment of immigrants is not simply the result of inadvertent neglect and the failure of policy. It can also be interpreted as a systematic process of distinction and subordination. By excluding many skilled, foreign-trained immigrants from high-status occupations in Canada, the regulation of educational and professional credentials enables domestic-educated workers to dominate these occupations. The level of education among Canadian immigrants has steadily increased since the 1950s (Akabari 1999). Nevertheless, immigrants have failed to benefit from their educational attainments and have lower returns on their education than Canadian-born workers (Reitz 2001a, 2001b). Level of education, in fact, fails as an accurate predictor of labor market performance among immigrants (E. N. Thompson 2000). Similarly, the benefits immigrants receive for foreign work experience have deteriorated. In the 1960s, one year of foreign work experience was rewarded with an average 1.5 percent increase in earnings for immigrants. By the late 1990s, this wage increase dropped to only 0.3 percent (Statistics Canada 2004: 5). Furthermore, skilled immigrants require an increasing amount of time to catch up with the wages of Canadian workers with similar skills and education, if they catch up at all (Ley 1999). These national trends also apply to immigrants in Vancouver. Three-fourths of all immigrant professionals from India who settled in Vancouver experienced occupational downward mobility after their arrival in Canada.

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McGreevey, Robert C. "Labor Networks." In Borderline Citizens. Cornell University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501716140.003.0004.

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This chapter explores how many in the Puerto Rican working class sought to become recognized as full citizens of the United States in order to win labor protections. Labor leaders on the mainland and island such as Samuel Gompers and Santiago Iglesias adopted long-distance strategies to develop a labor movement on the island despite holding different aims. Iglesias allied with the American Federation of Labor (AFL) in order to protect the nascent labor movement in Puerto Rico from repressive island elites. Gompers, meanwhile, sought to improve the labor practices on the island in an attempt to stem the migration of impoverished “foreign” workers to the mainland who would compete with the native-born.

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Malcolm, Elizabeth, and Dianne Hall. "Catholic Irish Australia and the Labor Movement." In Frontiers of Labor. University of Illinois Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041839.003.0008.

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The Australian and American labor movements attracted the support of many Irish Catholic immigrants. Yet in Australia, the relationship between the Catholic community and organized labor was never an easy one. State funding of church schools was a perennial problem: Catholic leaders demanded it, while the Australian Labor Party (ALP) equivocated over the issue. This chapter investigates two further issues that also seriously tested the relationship: one involving race, the other nationalism. In the 1890s, the labor movement supported a ban on “colored” immigration, yet the Catholic Church aspired to play a leading role in missions to China. In debates around immigration restriction, Cardinal Moran of Sydney therefore sought to avoid offending the Chinese by attacking instead British attempts to dictate Australia’s immigration policy. During World War I, the ALP, which supported Britain and the empire, found the rise of anti-British republicanism in Ireland a difficult issue to manage. As a result, although sympathetic to Irish grievances, labor newspapers were very selective in their reporting and sought to impose a class, rather than a nationalist, interpretation on events. In both these cases conflict was contained, and it was not until the 1950s that a major split involving Catholics and the ALP occurred, this time over the issue of communism.

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Howard, Adam M. "Origins of the Jewish Labor Movement." In Sewing the Fabric of Statehood. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041464.003.0002.

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In 1917, the AFL endorsed the British government’s Balfour Declaration, which called for a Jewish homeland in Palestine. This marked the first time that the American labor movement engaged with the issue of a Jewish homeland in Palestine. However, most Jewish trade unionists, centered in the garment industry, did not support the AFL’s endorsement of the Declaration as they rejected the nationalist overtones associated with it. Most Jewish trade unionists descended from the Bund, the General Federation of Jewish Workers of Lithuania, Poland, and Russia. Bundists viewed Zionist support for a Jewish homeland in Palestine as anathema to their socialist views, and they bitterly clashed with Zionists over the issue of Palestine. However, the creation of Histadrut, the General Federation of Jewish Workers in Palestine in 1920 altered the dynamic. By the early 1920s, a small number of labor leaders who were either Labor Zionists or Bundists who viewed Histadrut as a fellow labor movement worth supporting. Led by Max Pine, the leader of the United Hebrew Trades, these labor activists started raising funds for Histadrut in 1923 through the Gewerkschaften campaign. These fundraising drives continued through the 1920s and marked the true engagement of American labor with Jewish labor in Palestine.

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Hower, Joseph E. "“A Threshold Moment”." In Reconsidering Southern Labor History. University Press of Florida, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813056975.003.0014.

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This chapter reframes the 1968 Memphis sanitation strike by placing it at the intersection of a long civil rights movement and a burgeoning public sector labor movement. In the decade that followed, AFSCME carved out significant strongholds in Florida and Louisiana and made inroads into anti-union bulwarks like Arkansas and North Carolina by drawing on the same potent combination of black public workers and a community-oriented civil rights unionism. These victories set the stage for explosive standoffs with the new generation of black political leaders that came to power in the mid-1970s and provide a crucial thread of continuity between the classic era of black protest and more recent manifestations of civil rights unionism.

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Conference papers on the topic "Labor leaders Labor movement"

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Korovkin, Andrey. "Labor Force Intersectoral Movement As A Factor Of Russian Labor Market Development." In IV International Scientific Conference "Competitiveness and the development of socio-economic systems" dedicated to the memory of Alexander Tatarkin. European Publisher, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2021.04.62.

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Torland, Monica. "Managing Emotions at Work: Adventure Tour Leaders’ Application of Emotional Labor." In Annual International Conference on Tourism and Hospitality Research (THoR 2016). Global Science & Technology Forum (GSTF), 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2251-3426_thor16.7.

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Umarova, Mukaddas. "The Issues of Statistical Observation of Labor Force Migration." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c10.02071.

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Objective statistical information allows to provide the effective performance of government acts on migration, evaluate their consequence and results, and compare migration follows in different regions of the world. In international standards there is no unique comments and recommendations on information sources of statistical indicators about employment, unemployment, economic activeness and territorial movement of population. Observation of households is the most flexible method of collection of all information.

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Karaman, Ana. "AN EVOLUTION OF THE ISSUE OF REDUCING WORK HOURS IN THE US LABOR MOVEMENT." In 21st International Academic Conference, Miami. International Institute of Social and Economic Sciences, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.20472/iac.2016.021.018.

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Ugryumova, Alexandra, Mikhail Zamakhovski, Lyudmila Pautova, and Denis Olgarenko. "FORMATION OF HUMAN RESOURCES POLICY AND LABOR POTENTIAL OF THE MELIORATIVE INDUSTRY OF THE AGRICULTURAL INDUSTRY OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION." In GEOLINKS International Conference. SAIMA Consult Ltd, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/geolinks2020/b1/v2/25.

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Scientifically substantiated personnel industry policy contributes to the implementation of an innovative development scenario, provides better results with reduced production costs, which determines the relevance of the studying. The main goal of the work was identified factors and indicators which have regulatory influence on the state and development of the personnel potential of the industry. Diagnostics of the labor potential of land reclamation by federal districts revealed leaders and outsiders of sectoral development. The studying made it possible to justify the steady trend of the shortage of reclamation personnel in comparison with the calculated indicators. Objective and subjective reasons and factors that hinder the effective using of the industry’s personnel potential are distinguished. The concept of industry’s labor potential is clarified. The studying of changes in labor productivity in agriculture has confirmed a twofold increasing in this indicator for the period from 2014 to 2018. Methodological approaches to the indicators of assessing the labor potential of the reclamation industry are substantiated. The groups of socio-economic indicators of the reclamation industry’s effectiveness are identified. The methodology for determining the quantitative characteristics of labor potential on irrigated lands is specified, which is depended on the area of irrigated lands. The labor potential of the reclamation industry in terms of staffing the industry is studied. The main positive and negative trends of the personnel policy and the labor potential’s formation of the agro-industrial complex’s reclamation sector of the Russian Federation are specified, the industry personnel policy is assessed as passive, which does not allow predicting the needs for industry personnel, evaluate staff activities and analyze personnel problems. Highlighted characteristic trends in personnel potential in the federal district and regions of the Russian Federation allow: to develop unified approaches to manage this industry development factor; to develop recommendations to improve the efficiency of advanced training and retraining of personnel in irrigated agriculture. The implementation of the recommendations will contribute to increase the efficiency of the managing the human potential’s process of irrigated agriculture at the level of federal, regional and municipal authorities of the reclamation sector of the agro-industrial complex of Russia.

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Laska, Adam. "THE PROBLEM OF NATIONAL MINORITIES IN THE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF THE NATIONAL LABOR MOVEMENT IN POLAND IN THE YEARS 1920-1937." In 2nd International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2015. Stef92 Technology, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2015/b31/s10.063.

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Ibrahim, Mohamed Isse. "Foreign Direct Investment as an Important Source of External Development Financing: New Evidence in Turkey." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02247.

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Foreign direct investment is a critical source of external instruments for financing development for Turkey, FDI can contribute to technology diffusion, Economic growth, Employment generation and Sustainable development. However; the Objective of this research is to examine whether foreign direct investment as an external source of financing effects economic growth in Turkey, based on time series data from 2003 to 2016 during the Erdoğan administration. This study employed Harrod-domar growth model using under OLS method. The paper considerate main variables foreign direct investment, Exchange rate and labor force. Based on empirically investigated the study confirmed that foreign direct investment and Labor force has a positive significant relationship to economic growth in Turkey while exchange rate has a negative significant relationship to economic growth in Turkey. So this paper recommends that movement of Turkey should promote policies encourage and creation of a good microeconomic and macroeconomic a friendly environment and utilization of the careful of loose monetary policy to economic performance.

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Antani, Kavit, Alireza Madadi, Mary E. Kurz, Laine Mears, Kilian Funk, and Maria E. Mayorga. "Robust Work Planning and Development of a Decision Support System for Work Distribution on a Mixed-Model Automotive Assembly Line." In ASME 2012 International Manufacturing Science and Engineering Conference collocated with the 40th North American Manufacturing Research Conference and in participation with the International Conference on Tribology Materials and Processing. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/msec2012-7350.

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Line balancing is a very resource-intensive and time consuming process which is highly reliant on the experience and expertise of a few employees. Line balancing is made even more complex due to the high level of option content in premium automobiles. The current phase of this study involves hands-on training on the automotive assembly line, precedence relationship mapping of all the tasks involved on a pilot assembly line, identification of constraints, and development of a strategy to manage option content and constraints. The second phase will include the generation of an optimal line balance through optimization on expected station utilization. The current line balancing process relies significantly on the experience level of the utility workers and team leaders. Although initially labor intensive, the precedence mapping exercise and option coding strategy will facilitate the development of a decision support system to aid the human decision-maker in making data-driven decisions about work distribution.

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Sodeyama, Hiroshi, Hiroyuki Mizuma, and Masanobu Nakatsu. "Investigation on Restraint Capability of Pipe Support Used as Anchor in Piping System." In ASME 2014 Pressure Vessels and Piping Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/pvp2014-28857.

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The authors have developed a new pipe support, which is intended for use as an anchor of piping system in power plants. This anchor type support takes a pipe between two-tiered metal blocks and ideally restraints the pipe movement with six degrees of freedom, namely all directions of the piping movement. The four bolts adequately join the two-tiered metal block of the anchor type support with the pipe that is not subjected to unnecessary stress. The internal shape of the two-tiered metal block is designed to stabilize the pipe firmly by increasing area of contact between the pipe and the support. Developing the four-point support design for the internal shape of the blocks has also reduced the stress on the pipe. The restraint forces and restraint moments of the support have been investigated and the verification testing has been conducted for the restraining capability. The relaxation of the bolted joint over time and thermal influence on the relaxation has been also studied experimentally. Since no welding operation on the pipe is required for installation of this anchor support, reduction of time and labor is expected for both a combination of planning and construction of an anchor on piping system.

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Cho, Myoung-Ock, Hyo Mi Chang, Yeon Gyu Yu, Hwataik Han, and Jung Kyung Kim. "Selective and Automated Detection of Airborne Asbestos Fibers Using Chrysotile-Adhesive Protein and High-Throughput Microscopy (HTM)." In ASME 2011 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. ASMEDC, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2011-63721.

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There are several methods to detect asbestos including phase contrast microscopy (PCM), polarized light microscopy, X-ray diffraction, and electron microscopy. Although the PCM method is widely used due to its simple process and relatively low cost, it is a time-consuming and laborious process that is manually performed by a human counter. We developed a high-throughput microscopy (HTM) system for automated counting of airborne asbestos fibers to automate the conventional PCM method. Our results show that automatic image acquisition by synchronization of charge-coupled device (CCD) camera with movement of stages, and image analysis using image processing software, significantly reduced time consumption and labor. In this study, we used DksA chrysotile-adhesive protein for the selective detection of asbestos. DksA, known as the protein that specifically attaches to chrysotile, was extracted from Escherichia coli through a recombinant protein technique. We tried to detect chrysotile selectively from other fibers or particles, and we developed a highly selective and automated low-cost device for automated identification and enumeration of airborne asbestos fibers based on the HTM method.

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Reports on the topic "Labor leaders Labor movement"

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Eusepi, Stefano, and Bruce Preston. Labor Supply Heterogeneity and Macroeconomic Co-movement. National Bureau of Economic Research, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w15561.

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Callaway, Brantly, and William Collins. Unions, Workers, and Wages at the Peak of the American Labor Movement. National Bureau of Economic Research, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w23516.

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Marion, Amy. An Examination of Non-waged Labor and Local Food Movement Growth in the Southern Appalachians. Portland State University Library, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.6912.

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Zilberman, Mark. Methods to Test the “Dimming Effect” Produced by a Decrease in the Number of Photons Received from Receding Light Sources. Intellectual Archive, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32370/ia_2021_06_22.

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The hypothetical “Dimming effect” describes the change of the number of photons arriving from a receding light source per unit of time. In non-relativistic systems,the "Dimming effect" occurs due to the fact that as light sources move away, the distance between the emitter and the receiver constantly increases, and the photons always take longer to reach the receiver. This reduces the number of photons received per time unit compared to the number of emitted photons per time unit. Negligible for speeds incomparable with the speed of light c, the "Dimming effect" can be very significant for speeds above 0.1c. “Dimming effect” can possibly be tested in a physics labor-atory using a moving light source (or mirror) and photon counters located in the travel direction and in opposite direction. It can possibly also be tested utilizing the orbital movement of the Earth around the Sun. If confirmed, “Dimming effect” would allow astronomers to adjust values of the "Standard Candles", which are critical in cosmological models. Absence of “Dimming effect” will mean that the number of photons arriving per time unit does not depend on the relative speed of light source and observer,which is not so apparent

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