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Journal articles on the topic 'Labor leaders Labor movement'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 9 February 2022

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1

Friedman, Gerald. "Is Labor Dead?" International Labor and Working-Class History 75, no. 1 (2009): 126–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014754790900009x.

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AbstractThe Labor Movement has entered a crisis. Declining support for unions and for socialist political movements reflects the exhaustion of a reformist growth strategy where capitalists and state officials accepted unions in exchange for labor peace. While winning real gains for workers, this strategy undermined labor and its broader democratic aspirations by establishing unions and union and party leaders as authorities over the workers themselves. In the upheavals of the late-1960s and the 1970s, dissident movements, directed as much against reformist leaders as against employers and stat

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Collomp, Catherine. "The Jewish Labor Committee, American Labor, and the Rescue of European Socialists, 1934–1941." International Labor and Working-Class History 68 (October 2005): 112–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547905000220.

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The Jewish Labor Committee (JLC), founded in New York in 1934, was the vanguard of American labor's anti-Nazi and antifascist activism. The JLC grew out of the Jewish labor movement in the US. In 1940–1941, it achieved the rescue of hundreds of European labor and social-democratic party leaders trapped in France by the invading German army or in Lithuania by the Soviet army. Among these persons were some of the foremost leaders of the Labour and Socialist International and of the International Federation of Trade Unions. Many others were Polish Bundists, the JLC's founders' original political

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Notar, Ernest J. "Japan's Wartime Labor Policy: A Search for Method." Journal of Asian Studies 44, no. 2 (1985): 311–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2055925.

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AbstractsThe industrial Patriotic Movement (Sampō) symbolized the suppression of labor unions in prewar Japan, but it also shaped the development of Japan's postwar system of industrial relations. When first launched by officials of the Home Ministry in 1938, Sampō was intended to be a constructive reform movement for reducing conflict and for maintaining an efficient labor market. With the support of the police and of some labor leaders, Sampō encouraged formation of factory committees with elected worker representatives for negotiating wages and working conditions. The resistance of business

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House, Jordan, and Paul Christopher Gray. "The Toronto Airport Workers’ Council: Renewing Workplace Organizing and Socialist Labor Education." Labor Studies Journal 44, no. 1 (2019): 8–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x19828468.

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Among the 40,000 workers in Canada’s largest workplace, Lester B. Pearson International Airport in Toronto, a small but significant group of worker-organizers has created the Toronto Airport Workers’ Council (TAWC), a nonunion organization open to all Pearson workers. In this paper, we discuss the capitalist context of Canadian labor relations and the neoliberal restructuring that has attacked working conditions and workers’ solidarity across the airline industry. Then, after examining the insufficient responses by the twelve Pearson unions, we explain how workers formed the TAWC, whose partic

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Roberts, Danny, and Lauren Marsh. "Labor Education in the Caribbean: A Critical Evaluation of Barbados, Jamaica and Trinidad." International Labor and Working-Class History 90 (2016): 186–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547916000132.

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The achievements of the labor movement in the Caribbean are generally historicized without highlighting the contribution of labor colleges to the function and survivability of trade unions. For more than fifty years, labor colleges have played a critical role in developing the knowledge and skill sets of union members who had an interest in labor studies. Many will attribute the heydays of the Caribbean labor movement in the mid-1900s to the intellectual thrust given to the trade union movement by labor colleges. During this period, trade unions relied heavily on labor colleges for intellectua

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Kafkafi, Eyal. "Segregation or Integration of the Israeli Arabs: Two Concepts in Mapai." International Journal of Middle East Studies 30, no. 3 (1998): 347–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800066216.

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With the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire and the establishment of British rule in Palestine, the nascent Zionist labor movement, shortly to become the backbone of the Zionist undertaking in Palestine, found itself confronted by a series of fundamental questions. The purpose of this paper is to show that there was never a consensus within the Zionist labor movement; that the leadership was divided on vital issues; that Israel's leader, David Ben-Gurion, represented only one approach within labor Zionism, and that even after his approach had prevailed, following drawn-out disputes, and he h

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Adhisti, Mita. "Free Movement of Skilled Labor Within the Asean Economic Community." Economics Development Analysis Journal 6, no. 2 (2018): 192–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/edaj.v6i2.22217.

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This study discusses how the free movement of skilled labor policy under the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) scenario enhances opportunities for labor mobility from low-skilled labor countries, what challenges will be faced, and how this policy impacts their economies. The implementation of the AEC’s free movement of skilled labor policy is projected to face challenges such as mismatched labor qualifications, fulfilling ASEAN commitment, time for implementation of ASEAN commitments, and controlling the flow of illegal migrant workers. However, ASEAN leaders already set some supporting policies

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Hijar, Andrés. "There are no Communists Here." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 37, no. 2 (2021): 263–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2021.37.2.263.

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Workers’ unions and political projects in postrevolutionary Chihuahua, specifically the border city of Ciudad Juárez, have remained largely unexamined by historians. Existing research in this state has mainly focused on the role of political and economic elites. In this article, I examine the rise of a radical labor wing spearheaded by the communist-leaning Cámara Sindical Obrera in the political, social, and economic milieu on the border throughout the 1930s. This wing encouraged a sense of internationalism and mass direct action. Once the Cárdenas regime ended, workers experienced significan

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Dixon, Marc. "Limiting Labor: Business Political Mobilization and Union Setback in the States." Journal of Policy History 19, no. 3 (2007): 313–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2007.0015.

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The 1940s were heady times for the American labor movement. The tight wartime labor market and the backing of the federal government in defense industries facilitated impressive membership gains for both AFL and CIO unions. By 1945, labor unions represented almost 35 percent of the workforce—a more than fivefold increase from the early 1930s. What is more, union membership gains penetrated previously unorganized and resistant regions like the South. Unions indeed appeared on the verge of recruiting millions of new members and establishing a truly national social movement. Critics and supporter

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Robinson, Joanna L. "BUILDING A GREEN ECONOMY: ADVANCING CLIMATE JUSTICE THROUGH ENVIRONMENTAL-LABOR ALLIANCES*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 25, no. 2 (2020): 245–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-25-2-245.

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This article explores the role of environmental-labor coalitions in creating opportunities to promote green jobs and to shape climate change policies. The development of a green economy is critical for combating climate change, as well as for addressing rising unemployment and the expansion of precarious work. My research is based on a qualitative study of environmental-labor coalitions in California, United States, and British Columbia, Canada, including fifty-six in-depth digitally recorded interviews with environmental and labor movement leaders and policymakers. The findings point to the i

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Rom-Jensen, Byron Z. "Yellow-Blue Collars: American Labor and the Pursuit of Swedish Policy, 1961-1963." American Studies in Scandinavia 50, no. 2 (2018): 43–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/asca.v50i2.5777.

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This article studies the Kennedy administration’s labor market policies as a case of lesson drawing during a transnational moment in the early 1960s. With the election of Kennedy, leaders in the labor movement rose to positions of policymaking influence, in the process reimagining the United States’ political and economic landscape. This spirit of reform led to the embrace of Sweden’s solidarity wage policy and Rehn-Meidner model as lessons on how to balance full employment, economic growth, and a powerful labor movement. However, Secretary of Labor Arthur Goldberg and Walter Reuther of the Un

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Gerteis, Christopher. "Labor’s Cold Warriors: The American Federation of Labor and “Free Trade Unionism” in Cold War Japan." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 12, no. 3-4 (2003): 207–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656103793645252.

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AbstractDuring the 1950s, the American Federation of Labor (AFL) led a global covert attempt to suppress left-led labor movements in Western Europe, the Mediterranean, West Africa, Central and South America, and East Asia. American union leaders argued that to survive the Cold War, they had to demonstrate to the United States government that organized labor was not part-and-parcel with Soviet communism. The AFL’s global mission was placed in care of Jay Lovestone, a founding member of the American Communist Party in 1921 and survivor of decades of splits and internecine battles over allegiance

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Cobble, Dorothy Sue. "International Women's Trade Unionism and Education." International Labor and Working-Class History 90 (2016): 153–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547916000089.

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AbstractThis keynote address, delivered in December 2015 at the International Federation of Workers’ Education Association General Conference in Lima, Peru, refutes the standard trope of labor movement decline and provides evidence for the global rise and feminization of labor movements worldwide. Trade union women’s commitment to emancipatory, democratic worker education helped spur these changes. The origins and effects of two historical examples are detailed: the Bryn Mawr Summer School for Women Workers held in the United States annually from 1921 to 1938 and the first International Women’

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Minkoff-Zern, Laura-Anne. "Challenging the Agrarian Imaginary: Farmworker-Led Food Movements and the Potential for Farm Labor Justice." Human Geography 7, no. 1 (2014): 85–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/194277861400700107.

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This article addresses the need for more engagement between the alternative food movement and the food labor movement in the United States. Drawing on the notion of agrarian imaginary, I argue for the need to break down divides between producer and consumer, rural and urban, and individual and community based approaches to changing the food system. I contend that farmworker-led consumer-based campaigns and solidarity movements, such as the Coalition of Immokalee Workers’ (CIW) current Campaign for Fair Food, and The United Farmworkers’ historical grape boycotts, successfully work to challenge

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Matthews, Weldon C. "The Kennedy Administration, the International Federation of Petroleum Workers, and Iraqi Labor under the Ba‘thist Regime." Journal of Cold War Studies 17, no. 1 (2015): 97–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00532.

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The International Federation of Petroleum Workers (IFPW) was an international trade secretariat based in the United States and secretly funded by the U.S. government. The federation supported the Kennedy administration's policy of rapprochement with Iraq during the country's first Ba’thist regime by defending the regime against criticism of its violent suppression of the Iraqi Communist Party and by fostering the development of Ba’thist-led Iraqi labor unions, free of Communist influence. Simultaneously, left-wing Ba’thist union leaders strove to establish an autonomous, radically democratic,

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Olmsted, Kathryn S. "The 1930s Origins of California’s Farmworker-Church Alliance." Pacific Historical Review 88, no. 2 (2019): 240–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2019.88.2.240.

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In the 1930s, Social Gospel ministers in the Los Angeles area organized to help farmworkers in Southern California. The reformist pastors worked across class, denominational, and racial lines and transcended language barriers as they built urban, coastal support for immigrant farmworkers in interior valleys. In the end, they failed, largely because employers were able to use the Communist affiliations of the farmworker union leaders to Red-bait and intimidate the ministers. Only when a later generation of labor leaders distanced their movement from Communism and grounded it in Christian rhetor

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Clark, Paul F. "Organizing the Organizers: Professional Staff Unionism in the American Labor Movement." ILR Review 42, no. 4 (1989): 584–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979398904200408.

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This study summarizes the history of bargaining units formed to represent professional employees of American unions and presents the results of a 1987–88 survey of officers of 40 such professional staff unions. These special unions, which date to the early 1950s, resemble conventional unions in the bargaining issues that are most important to them (job security and salaries), as well as in their relationships with management (in this case, union leaders), which range from amicable to antagonistic. They differ sharply, however, in their infrequent use of strikes. Professional staff unionism is

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Volk, Terese M. "Little Red Songbooks: Songs for the Labor Force of America." Journal of Research in Music Education 49, no. 1 (2001): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3345808.

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Since the early part of the twentieth century, there have been selected colleges in the United States dedicated to the training of future leaders for labor unions. Four of the most prominent are Work Peoples' College, Duluth, Minnesota; Brookwood College, Katonah, New York; Commonwealth College, Mena, Arkansas; and Highlander College, Monteagle, Tennessee. Education at these colleges, including music education, ran counter to the educational establishment of their time. Issues of labor versus management, traditional versus nontraditional education, and structured (formal) curricula versus prac

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Glende, Philip M. "Labor Makes the News: Newspapers, Journalism, and Organized Labor, 1933–1955." Enterprise & Society 13, no. 1 (2012): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1467222700010922.

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Labor Makes the Newsexamines newspaper coverage of organized labor during the burst of union activity that began in the early 1930s. For activists and sympathizers, it was an article of faith that newspapers were deliberately unfair. However, publishers and their employees responded to the labor movement with great diversity, in part because publishers recognized that many readers were union members. For reporters, covering labor tested the boundary between personal and political interests and the professional ideal of neutrality on news pages. While publicly condemning the press, labor offici

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Tjandraningsih, Indrasari. "Working, Housekeeping and Organizing: The Patriarchal System in Three Women’s Living Spaces." Jurnal Perempuan 23, no. 4 (2018): 227. http://dx.doi.org/10.34309/jp.v23i4.273.

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<p>This paper discusses women's labor activities in trade union and the obstacles they encounter. The discussion focuses on the three roles caried out by women factory workers in domestic space as mothers and wives and in public space as laborers as well as activists of labor organizations. The information in this paper derived from observations of women factory workers’ activities in union organization and two ethnographic books on factory workers’ resistance. The subject was chosen because for more than two decades there was no significant changes in the position of women in the labor

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Väänänen, Pentti. "Fostering peace through dialogue The international social democratic movement and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict." Regions and Cohesion 2, no. 3 (2012): 166–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/reco.2012.020310.

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The Socialist International (SI), the worldwide forum of the socialist, social democratic, and labor parties, actively looked for a solution to the Jewish-Palestinian conflict in the 1980s. At that time, the Israeli Labour Party still was the leading political force in Israel, as it had been historically since the foundation of the country. The Labour Party was also an active member of the SI. The Party’s leader, Shimon Peres, was one of its vice-presidents. At the same time, the social democratic parties were the leading political force in Western Europe. Several important European leaders, m

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Buturlimova, O. "EVOLUTION AND ACTIVITIES OF THE BRITISH LABOR PARTY (1893-1931): A HISTORIOGRAPHY." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 145 (2020): 21–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2020.145.4.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the historiography of the British Labour Party in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The author tries to systematize an array of scientific literature on this theme based on the problem-chronological approach. The works were divided into four main groups: 1) the works of theorists and the Labour movement activists, 2) the studies devoted to the general history of the formation and activities of the Labour Party of this period, 3) the works devoted to the history of the relationship between church organizations and British Labour Party 4) Ukrainian

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Mello, William. "Robert W. Cherny, William Issel, and Kieran Walash Taylor, eds.,American Labor and the Cold War: Grassroots Politics and Post War Political Culture. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2004. 320 pp. Paper $23.95." International Labor and Working-Class History 67 (April 2005): 177–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547905210153.

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Would the existing powerlessness of American unions be much different had organized labor not been the focus of cold-war repression in the late 1940s and 1950s? How did workers experience the anticommunist upsurge and reshape their political alliances in light of what some have called America's darkest political hour? American Labor and the Cold War is a collection of smart and challenging essays that examine the impact of cold war politics on organized labor and the labor-left. The authors explore the historical impact of the cold war and the constraints placed on working class political powe

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Montgomery, David. "Workers' Movements in the United States Confront Imperialism: The Progressive Era Experience." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 7, no. 1 (2008): 7–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400001717.

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In 1898, the American Federation of Labor feared that colonial expansion would militarize the republic and undermine the living standards of American workers. Subsequent expansion of industrial production and of trade union membership soon replaced the fear of imperial expansion with an eagerness to enlarge the domain of American unions internationally alongside that of American business. In both Puerto Rico and Canada important groups of workers joined AFL unions on their own initiative. In Mexico, where major U.S. investments shaped the economy, anarcho-syndicalists enjoyed strong support on

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Fones-Wolf, Ken. "Religion and Trade Union Politics in the United States, 1880–1920." International Labor and Working-Class History 34 (1988): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900005020.

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More than three decades have passed since Marc Karson analyzed the Catholic church's critical role in impeding the growth of socialism in the American labor movement. He was not the first to make the argument; Progressive Era socialists were acutely aware of Catholics' outspoken opposition, and David Saposs outlined Karson's arguments as early as 1933. However, the evidence marshaled by Karson, first in a 1951 article and later inAmerican Labor Unions and Politics, 1900–1918, so clearly detailed facets of Catholic antisocialism that his thesis has become the conventional wisdom. With few excep

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Dion, Gérard. "Trade Unions in a Free Society." Relations industrielles 11, no. 4 (2014): 244–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1022609ar.

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Summary In an industrial and democratic civilization, labor unionism appears as a normal and essential institution. Born of democracy, it helps to preserve and develop democratic life. There is, however, an essential condition. It must be itself an institution that really represents the workers and gives them the opportunity of expressing their aspirations while safeguarding their economic and professional interests. Union democracy is a necessity for the national welfare. But, above all, democracy in the labor movement is the direct responsability of union leaders who must ensure its maintena

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Agarwala, Rina, and Shiny Saha. "The Employment Relationship and Movement Strategies among Domestic Workers in India." Critical Sociology 44, no. 7-8 (2018): 1207–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920518765925.

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This article examines how paid domestic workers in India fight to reproduce themselves by attaining recognition for their employment relationship and struggling to advance their labor rights. We find a striking convergence toward female-dominated unions that articulate the recipient of domestic services as “employers,” their employment relationship as an exploitative one in terms of time and dignity, and the household as a place of work and profit. To ensure a focus on women members and leaders, domestic workers’ have developed different union types including politically-affiliated and indepen

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Silverman, Victor. "Popular Bases of the International Labor Movement in the United States and Britain, 1939–1949." International Review of Social History 38, no. 3 (1993): 301–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000112106.

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SummaryThis paper examines the working class in the United States and Britain in order to find a new perspective on the origins and break-up of the World Federation of Trade Unions. While most previous works have focused on the roles of institutions and leaders, this research uncovers the important role played by the thoughts, actions, and inactions of average workers in international affairs. American and British workers, as key constituents of two of the most important organizations making up the WFTU, were not passive observers of world events. Rather, they were critical not only of how the

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Krüggeler, Thomas. "Indians, Workers, and the Arrival of “Modernity”: Cuzco, Peru (1895-1924)." Americas 56, no. 2 (1999): 161–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008111.

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This article is about the relationship between the early labor movement of the Andean town of Cuzco and a local student movement that emerged during the first two decades of the twentieth century and which produced some of Peru's most distinguished indigenistas. At the turn of the century signs of “progress” and “modernity” made their appearance in the city of Cuzco and both indigenistas and labor leaders were fascinated by these vague liberal concepts. The article seeks to explore the role these two groups played in local urban society and to analyze forms of cooperation and conflicts that ch

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Lai, Yan-ho, and Ming Sing. "Solidarity and Implications of a Leaderless Movement in Hong Kong." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, no. 4 (2020): 41–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2020.53.4.41.

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In 2019, what began in Hong Kong as a series of rallies against a proposal to permit extraditions to mainland China grew into a raft of anti-authoritarian protests and challenges to Beijing’s grip on the city. Given the gravest political crisis confronting Hong Kong in decades, this research investigates why the protests have lacked centralized leaders and why the solidarity among the peaceful and militant protesters has been immense. This article also examines the strengths and limitations of this leaderless movement with different case studies. The authors argue that serious threats to the c

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Jit, Ravinder. "Challenges of Trade Union Movement in India." Global Journal of Enterprise Information System 8, no. 2 (2017): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.18311/gjeis/2016/7656.

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The trade union movement in India is facing many challenges. The finances of the unions are generally in a bad shape. Multiplicity of unions and inter-union rivalry makes it difficult to take a constructive approach to problems and issues. Heterogeneity of membership renders the unions unstable, weak, fragmented, uncoordinated and amorphous. Besides this, majority of unions are managed by professional politicians and lawyers who have no experience of physical work and no commitment to the organization. These outside leaders may give precedence to their personal interests and prejudices than we

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Darmawan, Arif, and Qisty Anzilni Desiera. "Pengaruh Brain Circulation untuk Memperkuat Pasar Tenaga Kerja dalam Masyarakat ASEAN 2015." Insignia Journal of International Relations 1, no. 01 (2014): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.20884/1.ins.2014.1.01.429.

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ASEAN Community 2015 became one of its own products made by ASEAN leaders to ease the creation of a variety of access both in the economic, political, social, cultural, defense and security. Within the ASEAN Community 2015, becoming one of its own steps to open markets more freely so that the movement of the mobility of goods and services can be channeled properly not only in the country in each of the ASEAN countries, however, can be transferred to all other countries. One of the constraints in this regard is how the readiness of the government of a country in ASEAN to face of fierce competit

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Sun, Raymond C. "“Hammer Blows”: Work, the Workplace, and the Culture of Masculinity Among Catholic Workers in the Weimar Republic." Central European History 37, no. 2 (2004): 245–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916104323121474.

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In the early 1930s German democracy was dying, mired in political gridlock, burdened by four million unemployed, and under assault by Nazis and Communists alike. In the midst of this crisis the Reich Association of Catholic Workers' Clubs and Working Youth (Reichsverband der katholischen Arbeitervereine und der Werkjugend) published a modest anthology entitled Die Arbeit (Work), “dedicated to the poetic glorification of labor.” Editorially justifying the decision to provide Catholic workers with verses at such a time, Ferdinand Göbel, one of the rising young leaders of the Catholic labor movem

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Witwer, David. "The Racketeer Menace and Antiunionism in the Mid-Twentieth Century US." International Labor and Working-Class History 74, no. 1 (2008): 124–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547908000215.

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AbstractIn the postwar era, conservatives manipulated concerns about union corruption and organized crime in order to score political points against New Deal Democrats and to win new legal restrictions on union power. The resulting racketeer menace had much in common with the contemporary red scare. Antiunion conservatives framed the issue of labor racketeering in terms that resembled the language then being mobilized against internal communist espionage and subversion. This rhetoric proliferated in the congressional debates of the postwar era. Proponents of the Taft-Hartley Act invoked the ra

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Martin, Laura Renata. "Fighting for the Working-Class City." Radical History Review 2021, no. 139 (2021): 145–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-8822651.

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Abstract This article examines the opposing sides taken by elderly tenants and labor unions over a major urban renewal project in 1970s San Francisco. Tenant activists sought to block the construction of the Yerba Buena Center and the resulting relocation of thousands of elderly residents of residential hotels. City labor unions lined up in support of the project, even though some of the displaced residents were former industrial workers and union members. By examining the path taken by both sides in the redevelopment struggle, this article grapples with their competing visions of working-clas

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MOLDOVAN, Octavian. "Globalization, Gender (IN) Equality and the Transnational Diffusion of Other Social Movements." Scholedge International Journal of Management & Development ISSN 2394-3378 3, no. 6 (2016): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.19085/journal.sijmd030602.

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<p><em>The aim of this paper is to analyze how globalization has influenced the spread of different social movements, with a peculiar focus on gender issues, the Islamist expansion and the Gandhian nonviolence repertoire and self-immolation. These particular social movements were chosen due to their heterogeneity as they entail different contents (central claims being made) and repertoires (forms of manifestation).</em></p><p><em> If the Islamist movement, the Gandhian repertoire of nonviolence and self-immolation have reached a global level due to conscious

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Chomsky, Aviva, and Steve Striffler. "Empire, Labor, and Environment: Coal Mining and Anticapitalist Environmentalism in the Americas." International Labor and Working-Class History 85 (2014): 194–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547913000525.

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AbstractLatin American political movements linking traditional peasant values of subsistence with a leftist critique of imperialism are contributing to new forms of environmentalism there. While in the United States labor and environmental movements tend to operate within mainstream political and economic models based on privileging high levels of consumption and economic growth, Latin American voices are challenging both the global economic order and traditional concepts of economic development. From indigenous and peasant movements to leftist labor unions to political leaders, Latin American

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Milkman, Ruth. "A New Political Generation: Millennials and the Post-2008 Wave of Protest." American Sociological Review 82, no. 1 (2017): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0003122416681031.

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Building on Karl Mannheim’s theory of generations, this address argues that U.S. Millennials comprise a new political generation with lived experiences and worldviews that set them apart from their elders. Not only are they the first generation of “digital natives,” but, although they are more educated than any previous U.S. generation, they face a labor market in which precarity is increasingly the norm. And despite proclamations to the contrary, they confront persistent racial and gender disparities, discrimination against sexual minorities, and widening class inequality—all of which they un

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Duranowski, W., Yu M. Petrushenko, A. S. Vorontsova, and V. Yu Barvinok. "Analysis of Factors Influencing the Dynamics of Labor Emigration: Case-Study of Ukraine." Mechanism of an Economic Regulation, no. 2 (2020): 61–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/mer.2020.88.05.

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This article analyzes the results of foreign and domestic scientists in the field of labor migration and the factors of this phenomenon. Based on previous researches, factors have been grouped into four main categories, which include all areas of life of existing and potential migrants, such as economic and political, social and climatic. Labor migration is constantly growing. Thus, according to the UN estimates, the number of migrant workers in the world in 2019 amounted to 272 million people, ie 3.5 % of the population, compared to 2010, the figure increased by 56.25 %. Such significant migr

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Mackinnon, Bruce Hearn. "Employer Matters in 2007." Journal of Industrial Relations 50, no. 3 (2008): 463–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185608090000.

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The year 2007 may well be remembered as one being short on major industrial disputation, yet one where industrial relations itself dominated public discussion and political life of the country like no other time in Australia's history. It was a year dominated by the electoral cycle, with both organized labour as well as major employers playing their cards very carefully, lest they provide political ammunition to their political and industrial opponents. Thanks largely to the effectiveness of the union movement's anti Work Choices campaign, major employer groups and their political allies the H

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Teitelbaum, Emmanuel. "India's Weakened Unions Face a Push for Reform." Current History 116, no. 789 (2017): 142–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2017.116.789.142.

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Ironically, the interests and objectives of union leaders may align with those of the ruling coalition: employment growth in the organized sector is essential to the labor movement's survival in the coming decades, just as it is for the survival of the Modi government.

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Croll, Andy. "Strikers and the Right to Poor Relief in Late Victorian Britain: The Making of the Merthyr Tydfil Judgment of 1900." Journal of British Studies 52, no. 1 (2013): 128–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2012.61.

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AbstractDid late Victorian strikers have a right to poor relief? Historians have suggested they did not. Scholars point out that nineteenth-century strikers rarely turned to the Poor Law for assistance, and when they did, during a colliers' strike in South Wales in 1898, Poor Law officials were taken to court by disgruntled coal companies. In the subsequent High Court ruling known as the Merthyr Tydfil judgment of 1900, the Master of the Rolls decided that the policy of relieving the strikers had indeed been unlawful. However, it is argued in this article that the judgment has not been properl

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Hulsether, Lucia. "The Parliament of Empire: Charles Bonney's American Vision." Religion and American Culture 29, no. 1 (2019): 102–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rac.2018.2.

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ABSTRACTThis article places the World's Parliament of Religions in its social-political milieu of Gilded Age Chicago. It takes up the Parliament not to rehash arguments that scholars have made about its particular performance of religion but, rather, to locate its pluralist production in finer-grained material expenditures and extractions that made it possible. It tells this story through an examination of the Parliament's organizer, Charles Carroll Bonney. Employed as a federal judge in Chicago, Bonney's life reflects the coterminous boundaries of capital, state-building, and aspirations for

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Alvarez, Sally M., and Jose F. Alvarez. "Leadership Development as a Driver of Equity and Inclusion." Work and Occupations 45, no. 4 (2018): 501–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0730888418786337.

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Cases presented in this volume highlight the need for innovative leadership development if young worker/activists are to prepare for leadership roles in established institutions that are facing radical economic and workforce changes. Focusing on one successful program in New York, the authors discuss the theoretical underpinnings, development, and outcomes of a multiunion, multisector program, noting its impact on the regional labor movement and analyzing key factors accounting for the program’s successful development of innovative-minded young leaders. The authors examine its usefulness in bu

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Yelikbaev, Kuanysh N. "Trade in services of member states of the Eurasian Economic Union." RUDN Journal of Economics 27, no. 3 (2019): 587–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2019-27-3-587-603.

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The Treaty on the Eurasian Economic Union, which became effective since January 1, 2015, establishes the principles and the purposes of integration consolidation and also provides free movement of goods, services, the capital and labor power in the internal market and coordinated, approved, uniform to policy in the designated spheres of economic activity. In the article, the analysis of foreign and internal trade in services in the Eurasian Economic Union is given. The structure and import volume and export of member countries of EAEU are considered. The relevance of a subject is connected wit

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HARRIS, HOWELL JOHN. "INTERWAR AMERICAN HISTORIES: LEFT, RIGHT, AND WRONG." Historical Journal 42, no. 1 (1999): 293–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x98008401.

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Purchasing power: consumer organizing, gender, and the Seattle labor movement, 1919–1929. By Dana Frank. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994. Pp. xii+349. ISBN 0-521-38367-6. £50.00. Paperback 0-521-46714-4. £16.95.New Deals: business, labor, and politics in America, 1920–1935. By Colin Gordon. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994. Pp. xii+329. ISBN 0-521-45122-1. £40.00. Paperback 0-521-45755-6. £15.95.The long war: the intellectual People's Front and anti-Stalinism, 1930–1940. By Judy Kutulas. Durham: Duke University Press, 1995. Pp. xiv+334. ISBN 0-8223-1526-2. $39.95 Paperback

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Atisah, Atisah. "ROMAN MOETIARA BERLUMPUR DAN PATJAR MERAH KEMBALI KE TANAH AIR KARYA YUSDJA: NASIONALISME ALA AKTIVIS PERGERAKAN MERAH (The Story of Moetiara Berlumpur and Patjar Merah Kembali ke Tanah Air Written Yusdja: Nationalism in Red Movement Activists Version)." METASASTRA: Jurnal Penelitian Sastra 4, no. 1 (2016): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.26610/metasastra.2011.v4i1.15-30.

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Tulisan ini memaparkan tokoh-tokoh Pergerakan Merah dalam memperjuangkan kemerdekaan dari penjajah Belanda dalam roman Moetiara Berlumpur dan Patjar Merah Kembali ke Tanah Air karya Yusdja. Kedua roman tersebut memberi gambaran peran aktivis Pergerakan Merah yang memperjuangkan nasionalisme atau semangat kebangsaan ala Pergerakan Merah yang beraliran komunis. Bentuk nasionalisme ala Pergerakan Merah itu terefleksi dalam perjuangan yang keras (radikal) dan setia kepada partai. Mereka bergerak di lingkungan kaum buruh dan orang-orang kecil (marginal). Perlawanan para aktivis Pergerakan Merah ata

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Dreiling, Michael, and Ian Robinson. "Union Responses to Nafta in the US and Canada: Explaining Intra- and International Variation." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 3, no. 2 (1998): 163–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.3.2.w86063127ht4kj33.

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In this article we ask why some unions in Canada and the United States were more actively opposed to NAFTA than others, and why these "activist" unions differed in the strategies that they adopted for fighting NAFTA and in the alternatives that they offered to it. We ask the same questions about differences between the U.S. and Canadian labor movements as embodied in the rhetoric and behavior of their central federations. We distinguish four union "types" on two dimensions: the inclusiveness of union leaders' collective identity (i.e., the kinds of workers that the union actively seeks to orga

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Bellow, Edgar, Lotfi Hamzi, and Huai Yuan Han. "Sustainability and Multinational Enterprises: The Need for Diffuse Power." Journal of Business and Economics 9, no. 8 (2018): 679–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.15341/jbe(2155-7950)/08.09.2018/005.

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This is a time of global economic and environmental transition, and the balance of power between MNEs and developing communities has yet to be determined. MNEs can take a role in moving the conversation forward, but the issue and disenchantment with the status quo and the polarization between rich and poor needs to be addressed. This is especially true in the United States where shifts in power on a global basis, and the movement of power from the hegemon towards developing nations, are seen to be threats to the established culture of dominance and way of life. With decreases in availability o

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Cook, Vaneesa. "Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Long Social Gospel Movement." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 26, no. 1 (2016): 74–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2016.26.1.74.

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AbstractHistorians have posited several theories in an attempt to explain what many regard as Martin Luther King, Jr.'s radical departure, in the late 1960's, from his earlier, liberal framing of civil rights reform. Rather than view his increasingly critical statements against the Vietnam War and the liberal establishment as evidence of a fundamental change in his thinking, a number of scholars have braided the continuity of King's thought within frameworks of democratic socialism and the long civil rights movement, respectively. King's lifelong struggle for racial justice in America, they ar

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