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Journal articles on the topic 'Labor movement – Russia – History'
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1
Zwahr, Hartmut, Donah Geyer, and Marcel van der Linden. "Class Formation and the Labor Movement as the Subject of Dialectic Social History." International Review of Social History 38, S1 (1993): 85–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000112313.
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As an introduction to this essay, three points need to be made. First, the European labor movements of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, on which we focus here, were part of bourgeois society. Secondly, they were a factor that challenged bourgeois society and thus contributed in several different ways to its change. Thirdly, as a result of this interaction, the labor movements themselves underwent changes. All of those were lasting changes. The systemic changes, imposed by revolutionary or military force, that accompanied the experiment in socialism, were not. In countries where the labor movement pursued socialist aims prior to the First World War on the crumbling foundations of a primarily pre-bourgeois society, such as in eastern and south-eastern Europe, it was the most radical force behind political democratization and modernization (Russia; Russian Poland: the Kingdom of Poland, Bulgaria). But it could not compensate for the society's evident lack of basic civic development, whereas the socialist experiment in Soviet Russia led not only to the demise of democratization but also to a halt of embourgeoisement.
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Bogomolov, Igor K. "The Labor movement and Revolutionary Social Democracy in the borderlands of late Imperial Russia." Rossijskaâ istoriâ, no. 4 (November 6, 2024): 234–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s2949124x24040285.
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A review of a new monograph by Professor Eric Blanc of Rutgers University (USA) is presented. The book is devoted to the history of the labor movement and the development of revolutionary social democracy on the outskirts of the Russian Empire from 1882 (the year of the creation of the first social democratic organization in Poland) to the revolutionary 1917. Blanc focuses specifically on the "non-Russian" socialist parties in the territory of modern Poland, Ukraine, the Baltic States, Georgia and Armenia. The author concludes that the development of the socialist and labor movement in the border areas of late Imperial Russia was characterized by greater radicalism, a more developed structure and popularity among the local working class. At the same time, the situation in Finland with its autonomy and legalized party struggle, which could include socialists, differed from the virtually illegal life of social democracy in Poland and the Caucasus.
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Plieva, Zalina T. "Migration History of Iranians in the North Caucasus." Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, no. 4 (December 25, 2021): 49–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2021-4-49-56.
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The article is devoted to the study of the phenomenon of mass migration of the Persian population to the Russian Empire in the 19th-early 20th centuries, its North Caucasian features. Iranians who migrated to Russia, at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries. constituted an important part of the entire society in the North Caucasus. They participated in the development of industry and business life, in the revolutionary movement, preserving their own community, and interacted with Russian realities. The article analyzes the stages and characteristic features of the migration of the Persian population to the North Caucasus in the 19th century. after the conclusion of international treaties between Russia and Persia (Gulistan 1813, Turkmanchay 1828, Convention on the movement of subjects of both states in 1844). Taking into account the general determinants of migration, for the first time, the existing explanations for the emergence of migrant workers from Persia to the South of the Russian Empire in the English-language literature have been investigated. The origin of labor and social migration in Iran in the 19th century, its orientation towards the Caucasus and its broad consequences are considered in connection with social factors that arose under the influence of political events in Iran, which determined the historical conjuncture. In the study of the characteristics of the Persian resettlement and long-term residence in the settlements of the North Caucasus, the starting points, routes and accommodation of Iranian migrants in the Terek region are of great importance. The Terek region got into the migration history of Iranians as a result of the migration policy of Russia, its geographical location and the peculiarities of the developing economy, which provided more favorable and sparing working conditions. about a large number of Iranians who received passports at the consulates in Urmia and Tabriz. Unlike other movements of the Iranian population in the 19th century, the migration of Persians to Russia at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries had its own differences: it was characterized by regularity, the involvement of a significant number of people of different ages and genders, and was mainly caused by economic reasons. Developing trade relations, economic decline in Persia became the reasons for the ever-increasing migration of the Persians to the Russian borders.
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Hakimian, Hassan. "Wage Labor And Migration: Persian Workers in Southern Russia, 1880–1914." International Journal of Middle East Studies 17, no. 4 (1985): 443–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800029421.
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It is common knowledge of Iranian history that at the turn of the present century iran was undergoing important social transformations. A notable feature of this period that witnessed the rising movement for constitutional reforms was a heightening of social tensions and contradictions in a traditional society that had now become subject to potent forces of change from within and without. The disintegration of the political power of the Qajar dynasty went hand in hand with an accelerating trend of economic decline, while the social fabric of the country at large was unraveled by a growing tendency for outbursts of massive social agitation and popular unrest.
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Nepliuev, P. A. "PUBLIC HISTORY “IN A SOVIET WAY”. REGIONAL BRANCHES OF THE ALL-RUSSIAN SOCIETY FOR THE PROTECTION OF HISTORICAL AND CULTURAL MONUMENTS: “BUREAUCRATIC RULES OF THE GAME” AND HISTORICAL AND CULTURAL AC-TIVISM." Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 3(58) (2022): 79–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2022-3-79-93.
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The idea of searching for a local identity through the study of the culture and history of a place acquired a special scope in the 1960s and 1970s in many countries of the world. During this period, the emergence of public history, local history, microhistory, and oral history has radically changed academic history. The Soviet Union did not stand aside. Here, the traditions of historical and cultural activism were closely tied with the local lore movement (or kraevedenie), rooted in the pre-revolutionary period. To some extent, the traditions of local lore movement in the Soviet Union developed in parallel with public history. Local lore initiatives were restored after their temporary suppression in Stalin's time, movements were created to preserve historical and cultural monuments. Many noted scientists, culturologists, publicists and even Communist Party officials were speaking about traditions and preservation of regional culture. In the 1960s – 1980s, millions of Soviet citizens were included in the activities of the All-Russian Society for the Protection of Monuments of History and Culture (Vserossiyskoe Obshhestvo Ohrany Pamyatnikov Istorii i Kul'tury, or VOOPIK) and search movements for the study and preservation of places of revolutionary, military and labor glory. This research analyzes their activities, on the basis of archival documents of VOOPIK, as well as memoires, official reports and oral interviews of movement activists. Moreover, the question is raised about the possibility of inscribing public history in a longer and larger context. The author analyzes the “letters to the government” from ordinary Soviet citizens as an example of historical and cultural activism. A study of the use of public spaces in Soviet Russia could help us join the broad discussion about Soviet Union and its relation to the world. Was it really a unique, isolated project, unlike the rest of the world community, or a part of this community with similar processes and cultural code?
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Rahbar, E. Kholikova. "FROM THE HISTORY OF THE NATIONAL LIBERATION MOVEMENT IN THE TURKESTAN REGION (LABOR MOBILIZATION AND ITS CONSEQUENCES)." LOOK TO THE PAST 5, Special issue 3 (2020): 21–28. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.6579011.
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The article examines the serious consequences of the First world war, its negative impact on the economy of Turkestan, the essence of the colonial policy of the tsarist authorities, the forced mobilization of the peoples of the region to work at the front and in the vicinity of the front called "labor force", popular uprisings against it, details of the 1916 uprising, its processes and consequences. On the basis of sources and literature ,documents describes the process of a new mobilization of the indigenous population of Turkestan, on the territory of tsarist Russia in the “labor force”, the decree of the tsarist government about taking it to the “working force” and its forced implementation of colonial policies and national oppression of the damage and the multinational people of Turkestan by the decree of the king.
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Krasnozhenova, E. E., and S. V. Kulinok. "Forms and Methods of Combating the Partisan Movement on the Border Territory of Belarus and the North-West of Russia." Modern History of Russia 12, no. 4 (2022): 870–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2022.404.
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The article examines the forms and methods of the Nazi occupation authorities’ struggle against the partisan movement on the border territory of Belarus and the North-West of Russia. From the very first days of the occupation of the region, the German occupation bodies and services paid considerable attention to the development of the most effective forms and methods of combating the partisan movement. The fight against the partisan movement was based on a variety of reconnaissance work: aviation and combat reconnaissance, visual observation, intelligence intelligence work. Agent cadres were trained in special training centers (courses and schools) created by the German special services. Another form of struggle against the partisan movement was the organization and training of pseudo partisan detachments. Committing crimes under the guise of partisans against the civilian population, pseudo-partisan units discredited the partisans in the eyes of the civilian population, thereby depriving the resistance movement of social support and support. The study noted that the most massive and brutal method of fighting the partisan movement was punitive operations aimed at eliminating partisan detachments and brigades, seizing food, mass destruction and seizure of civilians for subsequent forced labor. It is shown that under the guise of fighting partisans, the Nazis punished not only adults, but also children and adolescents. To fight the partisan movement, the invaders also used agitation and propaganda work. Orders were regularly posted in public places urging the population to fight the partisans. A special place was occupied by anti-partisan agitation in the periodicals. Under the occupation, the forms and methods of fighting the resistance movement against the Nazi regime were constantly improved taking into account the gaining practical experience of the struggle by the invaders.
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Vodenicharov, Petar. "Decent Intellectual Work and Enlightenment of the Russian Society. Biographical Trajectories of the First Women Professional Translators in Russia." Balkanistic Forum 31, no. 1 (2022): 80–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v31i1.4.
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The object of the study is the biographical trajectories of a "new" social group of women - the one of the professional translators, which appeared in Russia in the early 1860s. For the "new" women, the right to intellectual labor is an important duty, not only out of economic but also out of moral reasons, as an acceptable framework for women's freedom. The article examines in parallel the life trajectories of the leaders of the women's movement, who set the beginning of their civic organization of translators, or "Artel", as they call it.
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Nam, Iraida V. "Siberian-Polish history in the journals Sybirak and Katorga i ssylka." Rusin, no. 69 (2022): 197–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/69/11.
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The article focuses on what the Moscow journal Katorga issylka and Warsaw journal Sibiryak published about the Polish exile to Siberia in the interwar period. The issues of hard labour and exile to Siberia have been central in both periodicals. Sibiryak was published in 1934-1939 by the Union of Siberians, founded in 1926-1927 by the Poles who returned from Russia. They were former exiles and prisoners of war. These materials contributed to the identification and collection of the information about the Siberian Polish history and to the consolidation the “Black Legend” about the Polish exile to Siberia, formed by the memoir tradition of the 19th century. The journal published articles, memories and other materials related to the participants in the Polish uprising in 1863-1864, subsequently exiled to Siberia. Katorga issyikawas published in 1921-1935 by All-Union Society of Former Political Prisoners and Exiled Settlers. The main sections of the journal published on the revolutionary movement history in the Russian Empire, together with obituaries, bibliography, and chronicles. The questions of Polish exile to Siberia and participation of the exiled in the revolutionary movement were among the topics discussed by this journal, too. However, it published much less on the discussed problem if compared to what was published in Sibiryak. The publication started the historiographical tradition of considering the issue of Polish political exile to Siberia in the broad context of the revolutionary movement history in Russia and the formation of Russian Polish revolutionary ties.
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Murzina, E. A., and A. A. Zaitseva. "The evolution of gender equality in Russian labor law." Voprosy trudovogo prava (Labor law issues), no. 5 (May 30, 2023): 266–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/pol-2-2305-02.
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Today, 78 million women live in Russia — all of them have equal rights with men. But has it always been like this? Within the framework of this article, gender equality is considered as the result of persistent and long-term work that began with the formation of the state and continues at the present time. The authors believe that the development of gender equality is impossible without knowledge of the history of its formation. Further, the article presents the main factors that have had a significant impact on the degree of recognition of women’s rights and freedoms in Russia: church influence in the regulation of family relations, the invasion of the Mongol-Tatar yoke and its trace in the history of the formation of gender equality, serfdom, the organization of women’s movements, the period of Soviet power, wartime and their influence on the formation of gender equality in Russia. The authors consider in detail the principle of gender equality, which has an international legal and constitutional basis and is one of the most important provisions enshrined in many legal documents.
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Marshev, Vadim. "Formation of management thought in Russia and early USSR from the 1800s to the 1920s." Journal of Management History 25, no. 3 (2019): 285–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jmh-12-2018-0068.
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Purpose During the first quarter of the twentieth century in Russia rapidly developed management thought, generated by many reasons, including socio-economic and political transformations, the results of scientific and practical activities of domestic and foreign experts in management. The purpose of this paper is, first, to acquaint readers with some of factors of the development of the history of Russian Management Thought in nineteenth century and at the beginning of twentieth century and, second, to present the most striking results of the formation of the History of Soviet Management Thought (SMT) in post-revolutionary Russia in the form of the movement of the so-called “The scientific organization of labor” (SOL), including “The scientific organization of managerial labor” (or SOML). Design/methodology/approach The review and causal analysis of the process of formation of the SMT and historiography of the SMT, a brief description of the institutions of SOL and SOMT and a comparative analysis of little-known works of some Russian authors on management topics of nineteenth century are chosen as research methods. Findings The paper emphasizes the action of objective historical inertia (or “non-Markoviness”) of the process of development of managerial thought, manifested, on the one hand, in the stable action of some management paradigms but, on the other hand, in identifying paradigmatic anomalies, in identifying the need for constant development of managerial thought, in the development of sought-after ideas and concepts of management, and even in the institutionalization of applied scientific research in the field of management throughout the country (in the form of SOL and SOML). Originality/value The paper attempts to attract the attention of researchers to the little-known Russian and Soviet authors and their little-known works in the field of management thought.
12
Vysheslavova, T. F., and A. V. Direganova. "Theoretical and historical prerequisites for the emergence and development of the institution of labor conflicts in the factory legislation of russia (XIX century- early XX century)." Гуманитарные и юридические исследования 9, no. 1 (2022): 103–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.37493/2409-1030.2022.1.12.
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The history of the formation of domestic legislation is not covered by modern textbooks of labor law. This provision does not trace the formation of factory legislation as a justification for the role of the labor movement and the resolution of labor conflicts in its regulatory meaning. Insufficient attention to the principle of historicism in labor law can lead to errors in reflecting certain patterns of development of the institution of collective labor dispute resolution. This article reflects a complete comprehensive analysis of the reasons and conditions for the need to introduce legal regulation of wage labor and the resolution of labor conflicts in pre-revolutionary Russia, where the decisive role belongs to the workers’ movement for their rights with the rapid development of industrial production and the presence of disagreements between workers and industrialists. The identification of the prerequisites for the development of factory legislation expands the understanding of the social processes of that time that contributed to the emergence of factory legislation, enriches the stock research base, has a certain influence on the systematization of labor legislation norms. This article examines the stages of the formation of labor legislation arising under the pressure of the strike and strike movement of the working class. The contradictions of labor and capital required the regulation of mutual relations at the level of legislation, were a catalyst for its development and implementation. The authors analyze the unrestricted exploitation of labor, as well as the positive impact on the development and consolidation of legal norms at the level of factory laws of foreign law. In modern research works, insufficient attention is paid to the problem of the emergence of factory legislation, this study will fill in the gaps in the formation of domestic labor law. The article analyzes individual factory laws, the authors turn to archival documents that substantiate their point of view in the meaning of the prerequisites for the emergence of factory legislation for the entire social life of Russian society. The authors have identified the most characteristic prerequisites for the emergence of labor legislation regulating wage labor in general and the resolution of collective labor disputes, in particular. Attention is paid to the development and consolidation of norms establishing the procedure for resolving labor conflicts, allowing the introduction of strikes and strikes into the legal field. It is noted that the current legislation, protecting the state foundations, included some concessions to workers, while continuing to openly contain repressive measures against strikers. The problem of fixing the minimum socio-economic and labor rights and guarantees of workers in the norms of factory laws, which are the foundations of domestic factory legislation, is investigated.
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Stanziani, Alessandro. "Serfs, slaves, or wage earners? The legal status of labour in Russia from a comparative perspective, from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century." Journal of Global History 3, no. 2 (2008): 183–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s174002280800260x.
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AbstractComparative analyses of labour in Russia and the West often assume a dividing line between free and forced labour that is universally applicable. The first aim of this article is to show that, in Russia, the historical and institutional definition of serfdom poses a problem. I will therefore explore Russian legislation, and how it was applied, from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century. Contrary to generally accepted arguments, serfdom as such was never clearly introduced institutionally in Russia. I will also discuss the presence of slaves in Russia, and the association between certain forms of servitude (especially for debt) and slavery. The presence of chattel slaves in the empire was related to territorial expansion, and to commercial relations with the Caucasus and the Ottoman Empire. Russian forms of bondage are compared to those in other situations, such as indentured service in the West, debt servitude in India, and Islamic slavery. My conclusion is that, not only in Russia but also around the globe, the prevailing forms of labour were not those familiar to us today, which were not introduced until the early twentieth century. Russia constituted an extreme case in a world in which severe constraints were imposed everywhere on labour and its movement, and the legal status of the wage earner and the peasant was lower than that of the master.
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Frandsen, Steen Bo. "Beyond the Multinational States: the Revival of Nations and Nationalism." Contemporary European History 10, no. 2 (2001): 295–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777301002065.
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Rogers Brubaker, Nationalism Reframed: Nationhood and the National Question in the New Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 202 pp., ISBN 0-521-57649-0. Michael Forman, Nationalism and the International Labor Movement. The Idea of the Nation in Socialist and Anarchist Theory (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998), 212 pp., cloth $35.00, paper $17.95, ISBN 0-271-01727-9. Ilya Prizel, National Identity and Foreign Policy. Nationalism and leadership in Poland, Russia and Ukraine (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 443 pp., hardback £50.00, paperback £16.95 ($54.95 / $24.95), ISBN 0-521-57697-0. Andrew Baruch Wachtel, Making a Nation, Breaking a Nation. Literature and Cultural Politics in Yugoslavia (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998), 302 pp., cloth $55.00, paper $18.95, ISBN 0-804-73181-0. Yitzhak M. Brudny, Reinventing Russia. Russian Nationalism and the Soviet State 1953–1991, (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998), 352 pp., ISBN 0-674-75408-5. Catherine Wanner, Burden of Dreams. History and Identity in Post-Soviet Ukraine (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998), 255 pp., cloth $50.00, paper $18.95, ISBN 0-271-01793-7.
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MALYSHEVA, OLGA LEONIDOVNA. "ANTICIPATING THE LEAN MANUFACTURING APPROACH: THE MOVEMENT FOR THE SCIENTIFIC ORGANIZATION OF LABOR IN THE 1920S (BASED ON MATERIALS FROM THE TASSR)." MANAGING SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT, no. 6 (2024): 54–61. https://doi.org/10.55421/2499992x_2024_6_54.
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The concept of «lean production» (lean management) has become quite popular in our country recently. However, its origins are largely related to the concept of scientific organization of labor. The purpose of this article was the author’s desire to show this using materials from the Republic of Tatarstan. In the post-October period, a new approach to labor organization began to take shape in Soviet Russia. The ideological content of labor relations was based both on some aspects of the works of F.U. Taylor, and on domestic research by A. A. Bogdanov, O. Ya. Ermansky, A. K. Gasteva, P. M. Kerzhentseva, N. A. Vitke. As part of heated discussions, original concepts of the Scientific Organization of Labor (SOL) were developed, which fully took into account the specifics of the socialist economy. The organizational structures of the SOL were created as follows: the SOL Council under the NK RKKI; social movements like «League - Time/ League - SOL»; SOL cells in factories, government agencies, and universities. Scientific institutions have been opened for a comprehensive study of the theoretical and practical aspects of the scientific organization of labor. The introduction of scientific labor organization in the realities of the 1920s could not be systematic due to the lack of qualified personnel, financial difficulties, and often a formal attitude to the problem. Nevertheless, the SOL/NOT movement contributed to improving the skills of workers, improving their working conditions, and developing the social activity of workers . While solving the problems of gaining technological sovereignty, we should not forget about humanitarian sovereignty, revealing to students the history of the theory and practice of introducing scientific organization of labor in our country.
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Shapkin, Igor. "Organized Capital and Labor. Activities of Employers Associations of Russia in the Early 20th Century." Journal of Economic History and History of Economics 19, no. 4 (2018): 531–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-2588.2018.19(4).531-555.
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Activity of business associations is of great importance in market environment. Academic literature divides these associations into representative and employer. For the first time employers associations appeared in Germany in the late nineteenth century. They were the reaction of the German business for growing working class movement. History has shown that the process of business self-organization increases in terms of aggravation of social, political and economic contradictions. Employers associations had a significant impact on the development of the so-called monarchical socialism in Germany. Having taken on the tasks of regulating labor and distribution relations and protection of the rights of entrepreneurs they facilitated the creation of a new system of entrepreneurs - employees relations. Nowadays employers associations are members of the tri-party relations (business, state, trade unions), in a number of European countries. The article covers the origin, organizational and legal forms and main areas of activity of Russian labor unions in the early twentieth century. The analysis shows that they widely used the European experience in their practical work, developed their own mechanisms of cooperation with wage labor and the authorities. In the context the of modern market economy and emerging civil society, the study of such problems is of actual scientific and practical importance.
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Lederhendler, Eli. "Classless: On the Social Status of Jews in Russia and Eastern Europe in the Late Nineteenth Century." Comparative Studies in Society and History 50, no. 2 (2008): 509–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417508000224.
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In this paper I examine the economic and political factors that undermined the social class structure in an ethnic community—the Jews of Russia and eastern Europe at the end of the nineteenth century. Compared with the documented rise and articulation of working classes in non-Jewish society in that region, Jews were caught in an opposite process, largely owing to discriminatory state policies and social pressures: Among Jews, artisans and petty merchants were increasingly reduced to a single, caste-like status. A Jewish middle class of significant size did not emerge from the petty trade sector and no significant industrial working class emerged from the crafts sector. Historians have largely overlooked the significance of these facts, in part because they have viewed this east European situation as a mere preamble to more sophisticated, modern class formation processes among immigrant Jews in Western societies, particularly in light of the long-term middle-class trajectory of their children. Those historians interested in labor history have mainly shown interest in such continuity as they could infer from the self-narratives of the Jewish labor movement, and have thus overstated the case for a long-standing Jewish “proletarian” tradition. In reassessing the historical record, I wish to put the Jewish social and economic situation in eastern Europe into better perspective by looking at the overall social and economic situation, rather than at incipient worker organizations alone. I also query whether a developing class culture, along the lines suggested by E. P. Thompson, was at all in evidence before Jewish mass emigration. This paper is thus a contribution to the history of labor—rather than organized labor—as well as a discussion of the roots of ethnic economic identity.
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Rudokvas, Anton D. "Trade Unions and Labour Law in a Modern Russia." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 17, Issue 4 (2001): 407–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/394545.
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The author highlights the actual problems of the trade union movement and labour market changes taking place in a modern Russia, analyzes the evolution of trade unionism through the prism of its history. He rightly believes that it is impossible to carry out such a study without addressing the situation in this field in the U.S.S.R. as many realities of that time continue to exist in an adjusted form now. In terms of centralized state soviet trade unions performed the role of one of the divisions of the mechanism of the government. The appearance of alternative trade unions marked an important shift towards decentralization and liberalization of the labour relations. The peculiarity of a trade union movement in Russia of the second half of the 1990s consists in its high degree of politization. In the event of a rigid confrontation between workers and employers the functions of trade unions on the regional level are often taken by small opposition parties and left groupings. The proclamation of the course aimed at the formation of the market economy in a post-communist Russia has brought the questions on the labour law reform. So another important issue touched by the author concerns the reform of the Russian Labour Code which was adopted in the epoch of socialism and now results no more adequate in light of the drastic social economic and political changes taking place in Russia.
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Katabay, P. Kh, V. I. Resin, M. I. Skripnikova, and Yu I. Smirnov. "Essays of Trade Union History of the First Economic (Commercial) Education Institution in Russia." Vestnik of the Plekhanov Russian University of Economics, no. 1 (February 14, 2022): 114–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2413-2829-2022-1-114-122.
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The article shows the process of founding and developing trade union functions at education institutions. On the ground of factual material the role and importance of the Russian Plekhanov University of Economics were studied in different periods of interaction between workers of people’s education and society and state in order to ensure their defense in sphere of labour. Today the Professional Union of Workers of People’s Education and Science of the Russian Federation keeps upholding social and labour rights and professional interests of teachers, pre-school nurses, lecturers and other workers of education. The principle goal of developing contractual regulation in social and labour relations is to improve its quality and efficiency for workers of education. The trade union has joined both Russian and international union movement. When we reveal history of the trade union, it can help union bodies and activists comprehend both the past and the present significance of the trade union movement in education.
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Berg, L. N., and K. V. Korsakov. "Jakub Szela: The Unknown Pages of History." Rusin, no. 64 (2021): 71–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/64/4.
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The article focuses on the new and little-known historical facts about Jakub Szela, a leader of the peasant uprising in Western Galicia in 1846, also known as the Galician Massacre, against Polish landowners, nobility, government officials and Catholic priests. The authors emphasize the Rusin origin of Jakub Szela and many other uprising participants, which explains both the reasons for and nature of these peasant uprisings accompanied by brutal murders in Western Galicia. These controversies originate from the social, national, and religious contradictions unresolved by the Polish administration. Jacub Szela suffered from oppression, humiliation and deprivation from the representatives of the privileged classes, which united him with other famous historical figures who led peasant and Cossack popular uprisings and riots and headed robber bands and insurgent groups in Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, Moldova, and Ukraine. The authors argue that Jacub Szela’s activities were progressive, although the opinions and judgements about them now are polarized. The Austrian Empire and Russia played a noticeable role in the suppression of the Polish liberation movement in the middle of the 19th century. The authors emphasize that the Galician uprising of 1846 coincided with the Polish liberation movement and did much to counteract it. Finally, Jacub Szela and his associates achieved their main goal – the abolition of serfdom and corvee labor in Galicia.
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Sukhobokovа, O. "NATIONAL AND SOCIAL СOMPONENTS OF UKRAINIAN REVOLUTION 1917–1921 IN N. HRYHORYIV'S VISION". Intermarum history policy culture, № 5 (1 січня 2018): 88–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.11186.
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The paper considers the national and social aspects of the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921 in the conception of the national-state construction by N. Hryhoryiv. Public figure and politician Nykyfor Hryhoryiv was one of the active participants and theorists of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921, the Minister of Education of the Ukrainian People's Republic, a member of the Central Rada, one of the leaders of the Ukrainian party of Socialist-Revolutionaries. He created the original conception of national-state construction in Ukraine of that period, which is relevant today.
 According to him, the Ukrainian national revolution of 1917–1921 had a pronounced social color, and simultaneous solution of national and social issues became its main task and distinctive feature. He considered the achievement of Ukraine’s national sovereignty as the goal of the Ukrainian nationalliberation movement in the national-political sphere. At the same time, as a socialist-revolutionary, one of the theorists of ethical socialism, he stressed the necessity of a social revolution and construction of the Ukrainian state on the principles of «labor democracy».
 Based on these principles and the political situation in 1917, N. Hryhoryiv advocated a democratic federal republic and wide autonomy of Ukraine – its full sovereignty in internal affairs. Subsequently, when the situation changed, instead of autonomy, he demanded full independence of Ukraine from Russia.
 According to his opinion, the social character of the Ukrainian state was to be realized through a political system in the form of the so-called labor democracy, which corresponded to his principle of social and political freedom of the Ukrainian people. His concept gives each citizen not only the right to vote in elections, but also gives him the tools of constant and direct influence on the solution of all issues – from production to general political. 
 The national and social components of N. Hryhoryiv’s conception are not only closely linked but mutually complement each other in the creation of the Ukrainian state. In his opinion, only in such a way the Ukrainians could fully create a strong independent state and a successful society.
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Plevako, Natalia. "On the History of Cooperation Between Russian and Swedish Social Scientists. Stockholm Center for the Study of Working Life and Russian Academic Institutes (Observations and Memories)." ISTORIYA 14, no. 8 (130) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840027792-0.
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The article examines the problems of cooperation between Russian and Swedish social scientists on the example of contacts between the Swedish Center for Working Life Studies and the Institute of the International Labor Movement (later ISP RAN). The basis of cooperation between the two organizations was the study of the problems of labor relations, the trade union and labor movement, and economic democracy. The existing scientific contacts made it possible to organize joint conferences and round tables for the exchange of views with the involvement of other Russian academic institutions and relevant Swedish organizations. As an example, the author considers a round table devoted to the problems of conflict and consensus in public relations between the two countries, as well as a conference on the problems of work ethics. The author comes to the conclusion about the benefits of such scientific contacts and expresses regret that they have recently lost their former dynamics.
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Gimpelson, V. E., and R. I. Kapeliushnikov. "Job structure evolution in Russia: Polarization, upgrading, stalemate." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 1 (January 3, 2023): 59–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2023-1-59-85.
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In the study we explore the evolution of the job structure in the Russian economy during the first 20 years of this century. Does it change through a consequent substitution of relatively worst (in terms of quality) jobs by better jobs? Or through a destruction of middle quality jobs? Or do we observe stagnation and conservation of the job structure? Any structural change of this sort is usually triggered by technological progress that shapes demand for labor of different quality and complexity. In search for clues to these questions, the authors use large data sets which cover two sub-periods divided by the 2008—2009 crisis. The estimates presented in the paper allow reject the polarization hypothesis, and they document a fast upgrade of the job structure during the first sub-period and a much lower upgrade during the second one. Apparently, the risks of job polarization are likely to be minimal until the economic growth is recovered and the movement to the technological frontier is accelerated.
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Isupov, Vladimir. "Passport Statistics as a Source for the History of Migration in Russia (RSFSR) during the Second World War." DEMIS. Demographic Research 5, no. 1 (2025): 26–39. https://doi.org/10.19181/demis.2025.5.1.2.
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The main objective of the article is to provide a description as detailed as possible of the corpus of statistical sources used by historians in the past, and by demographers, economists and geographers in the present. Accordingly, the author’s tasks primarily include identifying the origin of the source, analyzing the informativeness, completeness and reliability of statistical data obtained based on propiska (registration)– issuance of passports. From the standpoint of social history, propiska (registration) is a consequence of the strict passport regime that had developed by the mid-1930s. First, this regime was necessary for the state as an instrument of control over Soviet citizens. At the same time, it was used as a kind of socio-bureaucratic mechanism for recording territorial population movements, assessing their volume and structural characteristics. The operation of this mechanism, assessment of the reliability, accuracy and comparability of the data obtained because of its operation are of great interest to all those who study migrations of the Soviet period in one way or another. Based on the registration of the residence permit and deregistration, it is possible to identify the number of migrants, their composition by gender and age, and most importantly, the territorial and geographical directions of population movement across the country. In this aspect, it is important to determine the actual mechanism for obtaining data, to present the characteristics of the socio-bureaucratic process, because of which the registration and deregistration materials were transformed into digital data characterizing migration. For this purpose, statisticians developed two types of tabular forms that recorded information on the movement of the population by the place of departure and the place of arrival, as well as on the distribution of arrivals and departures by gender and age. These data were of particular importance during the Second World War, since they played a primary role in determining military mobilization and labor resources. Accordingly, the article pays much attention to the study of the actual mechanism for obtaining statistical information.
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Matveeva, Anna. "Embassy of the Russian Empire in Berlin on the Socialist Movement in Germany in 1890–1898." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2021): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640015152-5.
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The study focuses on assessing the representativeness and relevance of diplomatic documents for the study of key aspects of German domestic politics. Three issues are central to the analysis of the documents from the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire: the completeness of the indicated sources for understanding the factors of the German Empire’s inner policy; the assessment of the subjectivity of the author of diplomatic dispatches, i.e. how much the ambassador's personality determined the content of the dispatches that he sent to the ministry; the relevance of highlighting key issues of internal life in Germany from the point of view of Russian diplomats. Among constantly present in the messages, the most important was the problem of the socialist movement and the Social-Democratic Party’s activities. The socialists were mentioned for significant reasons: the repeal of the Law against the Socialists, the Berlin Conference on the Labor Protection (1890); elections to the Reichstag (1893, 1898); the Reichstag votes on issues important for Russia. The measures of counteraction to the socialists, discussed by the emperor and the government, also aroused interest. The study of archival documents (1890–1898) allows the author to draw the following conclusions. The dispatches adequately reflect the main trends in the socialist movement and the tactics of the SPD, therefore they can be used to study many internal problems faced by Germany in the course of its political evolution. The development of the social-democratic movement was rightly interpreted by Russian diplomats as one of the fundamental reasons for the internal instability of the German state during the reign of Wilhelm II. At the same time, the conclusion drawn by the diplomats can be primarily explained by the Russian imperial regime and its substantial characteristics, rather than the political realities within Germany itself. They considered parliamentarism, limiting the monarch actions (the state interests), to be the main reason for the high popularity and the broadest electoral support of the SPD. The key factor preventing the monarch from defeating the “coup parties” was defined as the activities of liberal political parties, which demanded the unconditional observance of the freedoms prescribed in the Сonstitution of 1871, as well as the prevention of the introduction of Exceptional Laws and other measures of an extraordinary nature.
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Antoshin, Aleksey V. "Russian Immigrants and the U. S. Labor Movement at the Beginning of the Cold War." New Historical Bulletin, no. 3 (2022): 74–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.54770/20729286-2022-3-74.
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Wolff, Frank. "Eastern Europe Abroad: Exploring Actor-Networks in Transnational Movements and Migration History, The Case of the Bund." International Review of Social History 57, no. 2 (2012): 229–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859012000211.
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SummaryThe “transnational turn” is one of the most discussed topics in historiography, yet it has inspired more theoretical tension than empirically saturated studies. This article combines both aspects by examining the transnational network formation of one of the most important social movements in late imperial Russia, the Jewish Labour Bund. It furthermore introduces into historiography one of the most fruitful theories in recent social sciences, “actor-network theory”. This opens the view on the steady recreation of a social movement and reveals how closely the history of the Bund in eastern Europe was interwoven with large socialist organizations in the New World. Based on a large number of sources, this contribution to migration and movement history captures the creation and the limits of global socialist networks. As a result, it shows that globalization did not only create economic or political networks but that it impacted the everyday lives of authors and journalists as well as those of tailors and shoemakers.
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Matyukhin, A. "Left views on liberal protests in Russia (review of Osin's monograph «Left forces and spontaneous protest: history, lessons, modernity, prospects»)." Journal of Political Research 4, no. 4 (2020): 85–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2020-85-91.
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This review is an analysis of the monograph of Roman Osin, candidate of philosophy, associate Professor of the Department of fundamental legal and social-humanitarian disciplines at synergy University "Left forces and spontaneous protest: history, lessons, modernity, prospects". The monograph examines the political and socio-class nature of the mass protests of 2011-2013 from the perspective of Marxist methodology and tactics of the Russian left movement in them. The monograph is of interest both from the point of view of studying the protest and left-wing movements of the early 2010s, and from the point of view of the methodology for understanding the phenomenon of "color" revolutions in General. The author analyzes the social composition of the protesters, their political views, as well as the political forces of the protest and their tactics based on the empirical material of sociological research, as well as personal experience of participating in the ongoing processes. Based on the study, R.S. Osin concludes that the protest was generally "petty-bourgeois" in nature and could not lead to fundamental changes in the basis of society. At the same time, from the author's point of view, this protest was an important milestone in the development of the politicization of Russian society and could not fail to be a useful experience for Russian citizens. Analyzing the tactics of the left forces, R.S. Osin notes as a disadvantage the political and ideological inconsistency of many left-wing organizations, which benefited the liberal protest forces or the authorities. From the point of view Of R.S. Osin, the most correct tactic was the tactics of those organizations that simultaneously opposed the liberal and state-Patriotic forces, which in practice means participating in protests with their own independent agenda. In conclusion, R.S. Osin expresses his own point of view on the need for fundamental changes in society, reveals the concept of social and political revolutions, and also States the thesis that only the organized labor movement and other layers of workers can change the system of industrial relations in the country. Despite the obvious ideological color of the work and the use of exclusively Marxist methodology as the research base, R.S. Osin's monograph is of scientific interest and can be used to study the modern protest and left-wing movement.
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Rowley, Alison. "An Ephemeral Look at Russian Anarchist Life in the United States." Slavonic and East European Review 102, no. 1 (2024): 43–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/see.00003.
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Abstract: In September 1915, San Francisco resident Ernest Kundy received a picture postcard from an unnamed correspondent. Produced by the Anarchist Red Cross of Detroit, the postcard featured a depiction of the Bloody Sunday massacre which sparked Russia’s 1905 revolution and served as one of the most important episodes in the history of revolutionary martyrdom. By examining every aspect of the postcard this article reveals, layer by layer, its connections to Russian anarchist life in the United States. The article begins by analysing the image on the front, explaining how illustrations like the one in question by Fortunino Matania were turned into widely disseminated postcards that spread revolutionary messages well beyond Russian borders. Turning to the information on the back, the article next explores the history of the Anarchist Red Cross in the US and the role that it played in keeping anarchism alive for recent immigrants from Russia. Then the links between the sender’s handwritten message and an area of Chicago that features prominently in histories of immigrant life, the settlement movement and the US labour movement — Halsted Street — are considered. Finally, the connections between the recipient’s family and a 1915 bank robbery in California serve as a window into the history of Russian anarchist circles on the American West Coast.
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Verchenko, A.L. "Chinese history in faces: the first female CCP member." East Asia: Facts and Analytics, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 6–20. https://doi.org/10.24412/2686-7702-2021-1-6-20.
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In the Soviet/Russian historical science, the personality of Miao Boying has not been fully researched, and the CCР's 100th anniversary gives all the reasons to light up her biography. Miao Boying (1898–1929) belongs to a generation of the Chinese youth who in the early 1920s after the Xinhai revolution under the influence of the “New Culture Movement” and the “May Fourth Movement” began the campaign for the renewal of the state, for the rejection of outdated traditions, related to women in particular. Before the formation of the CCP, she criticized moral and ethical principles of the old society, spoke about the importance of raising women's self-awareness and improving social rights and the system in general. Acquaintance to Marxism led her to the communist movement. She became the first female member of the Chinese Communist Party. Miao Boying was engaged in propaganda and agitation campaigns for the liberation of workers, male and female, both openly within Trade Union groups and illegally along the party line. She also used all the opportunities of the United Front of CCP and Kuomintang in practical work. In Beijing, Changsha, Wuhan and Shanghai she was always in the thick of revolutionary events, whether preparing petitions, speaking at rallies, organizing demonstrations or strikes, firmly following the path indicated by the CCP, demonstrating a sincere willingness to die for the cause of the party.
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Rakhmonov, A. Kh. "Education of migrant children as a contribution to Russia’s future." UPRAVLENIE 9, no. 3 (2021): 137–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/2309-3633-2021-9-3-137-146.
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The article explores the relationship between education and migration, statistics of children from migrant families in educational institutions in Russia, access to education for children from migrant families in Russia, and the integration of migrant children in schools in Russia. Recommendations on state interaction with the children of migrants are offered. Population movements and migration processes are an integral part of human history. Another modern phenomenon, globalisation, entails fundamental changes in the world and the world market. Migration is a constant concomitant phenomenon of these changes. Education plays a crucial role in supporting third-country migrants in adapting to a new country and culture as well as in building social relations in their host communities. Education is a key resource for participating in the economic, social, political and cultural life in today’s education and knowledge society.Experience has repeatedly shown that differences in occupational status and chances on the labour market and associated income, social welfare living standards and public reputation, as well as differences in political, social and cultural participation, are linked to differences in educational attainment.Social integration of migrants through participation in the institutions of the host society, such as the education system and the labor market, is undoubtedly one of the most significant social problems in Russian society. For migrant children, language and structural assimilation in the education system in the sense of formal equality of opportunity are key to social integration in the host country.The main donor countries, from which most people migrate to Russia, are primarily the CIS countries. About 30 % of the total flow of migrants in Russia, finding with family and children. The birth rate among migrants is higher than local ones. Accordingly, Russia faces a big challenge, led by migrant children, from whom it can get a big contribution in the future, if they get a good education.The main problems faced by migrant children in Russian schools are lack of knowledge of the Russian language, discrimination, refusals of enrolment, etc. The aim of the study is to examine the educational situation of migrant children in Russian schools, as well as their education as a contribution to the future of Russia.
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Gaido, Daniel, and Constanza Bosch Alessio. "Vera Zasulich’s Critique of Neo-Populism." Historical Materialism 23, no. 4 (2015): 93–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341441.
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Vera Zasulich’s shooting of Trepov, a governor of St Petersburg who had ordered the flogging of a political prisoner, in January 1878, catapulted her to international fame as a revolutionary heroine, a reputation that she put to good use by becoming one of the five ‘founding parents’ of Russian Marxism that created the ‘Group for the Emancipation of Labour’ in 1883. But her act of self-sacrifice also triggered, to her dismay, the institutionalisation of individual-terrorist tactics in the Russian Populist movement with the creation of the ‘People’s Will’ (Narodnaya Volya) Party in 1879. The organisation went into decline after the killing of Tsar Alexander ii in 1881, and Populism itself was increasingly superseded by Marxism as the hegemonic force on the left with the rise of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (rsdlp). But individual-terrorist tactics reappeared with the creation of the Socialist Revolutionary Party in 1902, prompting Zasulich to write an article for Die neue Zeit, the theoretical organ of German Social Democracy, in which she both condemned the Neo-Populist tendency as deleterious to the rising labour movement and supported the organisational plans for the rsdlp sponsored by the Iskra group, developed at length by Lenin in his book What Is to Be Done?, published in March 1902. This article provides the background to Vera Zasulich’s article ‘The Terrorist Tendency in Russia’ (December 1902), setting it against the history of the Russian revolutionary movement from 1878 to 1902.
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Vatlin, A. Yu. "1922 — the best year of the Comintern. Soviet Russia, German communists and the Genoa conference." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 14, no. 3 (2022): 52–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2022-14-3-52-87.
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The signing of the Declaration on the formation of the Soviet Union on December 30, 1922 marked a new stage in the history of international relations, and, at the same time, took stock of intense domestic and international political struggle unfolding in the previous years. The developments within the Communist International were of particular importance for both the outcomes of this struggle and the future of international labor movement. The author stresses that for the Comintern the year of 1922 was dominated by a struggle between the two opposing ideological and political trends: the inertia of the ‘storm and onslaught’ enthusiasm of the first post-revolutionary years and the rise of the ideas of peaceful coexistence. In this context, the paper assesses the role that the Bolshevik leaders envisaged for the Comintern during the preparation and conduct of the Genoa Conference and, particularly, for the policy of the united workers front. The author shows that the very idea of cooperation with socialists and social democrats received an extremely ambiguous reaction from representatives of Western communist parties. In this regard, the position of the German Communist Party (KPD) was of particular importance to the Bolshevik leaders. Indeed, the case of KPD was emblematic of those tendencies and contradictions that marked the development of the international communist movement in the period under review. The KPD leaders welcomed the Comintern’s turn towards a united workers front. However, the author notes that this support was based on a highly unstable compromise between multiple contradicting domestic and foreign policy imperatives, including opposition from the left-wing radicals within the party and continuous conflict with the government of the Weimar Republic, exacerbated by ideological and financial dependence on Moscow. As a result, the KPD’s actions were very often ad hoc and inconsistent, reflecting general issues typical to the international labor movement of that period. That became clear during the Fourth Congress of the Comintern, which took place at the end of 1922. It failed to outline a clear strategy for interaction between the Russian Bolsheviks and foreign communists. At the same time, the outcomes of the Fourth Congress were crucial for further evolution of the ideology and practical activities of the Comintern. The policy of the united workers front got a broader definition as the Communist International started to recognize the threat posed by fascism.
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Kuksa, Tatiana L. "Activism and Patient Vulnerability: Resistance to Medical Authority and Regulation in Russia." FOLKLORICA - Journal of the Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Folklore Association 26 (July 29, 2022): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17161/folklorica.v26i.18369.
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The paper analyzes the opposition and adaptation of Russian patients, independent perinatal specialists, and professional human rights activists to normative regulation of obstetric care, medical authorities, and the practices of the Russian maternity hospital. During my ethnographic research, I have collected personal stories about the clashes of women in labor and their assistants (primarily doulas) with the medical system, stories of collective and individual appeals to authorities, and protest flash mobs. The article presents the history of the transformation of the Russian system of obstetrics and the development of grassroots movements by midwives and doulas. It outlines the features of human rights and perinatal protest discourses and identifies the tactics of legal and vernacular resistance and non-resistance to medical authorities encountered during fieldwork.
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Grant, Kevin. "British Suffragettes and the Russian Method of Hunger Strike." Comparative Studies in Society and History 53, no. 1 (2011): 113–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417510000642.
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In the spring of 1878 male political prisoners in the Peter and Paul Fortress of St. Petersburg went on hunger strike to protest against the oppressive conditions in which they were held by the tsarist regime. After three days, news of the strike reached the prisoners' families, who appealed for relief to the director of military police, General N. V. Mezentsev. The director dismissed their pleas and reportedly declared of the hunger strikers, “Let them die; I have already ordered coffins for them all.” It was a volatile period of repression and reprisal in the Russian revolutionary movement. The tsarist regime had cracked down on the revolutionary populists, thenarodniki, and the era of terrorism had just begun in St. Petersburg that January, when Vera Zasulich shot and seriously wounded the city's governor. The hunger strikers were among a group of 193 revolutionaries who had been recently tried for treason and sentenced to various forms of punishment, including hard labor and imprisonment in Siberia. In these circumstances the news of Mezentsev's response spread quickly beyond the strikers' families, soon reaching a would-be terrorist and former artillery officer, Sergius Kravchinskii. Kravchinskii killed Mezentsev with a dagger on a city street, then fled Russia and made his way to Great Britain, a haven for Russian revolutionaries since Alexander Herzen had arrived in 1852 and established the first Russian revolutionary press abroad. Kravchinskii likewise wrote against the tsarist regime, under the pen name Sergius Stepniak, and in 1890 he became the editor of a new, London-based periodical,Free Russia. Its first number chronicled a dramatic series of hunger strikes led by female revolutionaries imprisoned at Kara in the Trans-Baikál of eastern Siberia. These strikes had culminated in the death of one woman after she was flogged and in five suicides by female and male political prisoners who, after the death of their comrade, had ended their hunger strikes to eat poison. Having been inspired to terror by his sympathy for revolutionary hunger strikers, Stepniak, like other Russian exiles, believed that the hunger strike would win sympathy and support for Russian revolutionaries in Britain.
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Талгар, Мамытбек уулу, та М. Ж. Айбашев. "Меняющиеся модели миграции в Кыргызской республике". ТЕНДЕНЦИИ РАЗВИТИЯ НАУКИ И ОБРАЗОВАНИЯ 70, № 3 (2021): 155–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.18411/lj-02-2021-113.
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International and internal labor migration is the main source of livelihoods for many citizens of the Kyrgyz Republic. According to rough estimates, one third of the working-age population of the Kyrgyz Republic works abroad, in the host countries- the Russian Federation, Republic Kazakhstan, Turkey, USA, Italy, Korea, Germany, the United Arab Emirates and the United Kingdom. However, modern phenomena of labor migration are not exceptional, since the history of Central Asia has always been characterized by the movement of migrants, including internal and external, voluntary and forced, legal and illegal, permanent and temporary, ethnically or economically motivated migration. This article provides an overview of historical and contemporary migration processes with a particular focus on rural areas of the Kyrgyz Republic. It examines the opportunities and challenges faced by labor migrants and their non-migrant family members today. Results based on extensive fieldwork in the Kyrgyz Republic.
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Gorlova, N. "Volunteering in Ensuring Sustainable Development of Agriculture." Scientific Research and Development. Economics of the Firm 13, no. 4 (2025): 62–66. https://doi.org/10.12737/2306-627x-2025-13-4-62-66.
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The article presents the current state of the volunteer movement in the agricultural sector as a widespread and popular area of gratuitous practices. The state of the sphere of implementation of volunteer labor is considered from the point of view of the emergence of a need for its application. The concepts of “agricultural volunteer” and “volunteer agrotourism” have been clarified. Contains a brief excursion into the history of the formation of agricultural volunteering; the standards of the thematic area of gratuitous practices are analyzed, regulating labor activity, the rights and responsibilities of volunteers and agricultural producers — organizers of volunteer activities. The influence of voluntary labor activity on the sustainable development of agriculture and organic production is analyzed. Successful foreign volunteer thematic projects are presented, using examples of which an analysis is given of the wide range of types of work performed by volunteer assistants in the agricultural sector: from harvesting, caring for animals to introducing farmers to new farming methods. The experience of national and international non-profit organizations (AgriCorps, Kibbutz Volunteer, Go Volunteer Africa, Volunteers Initiative Nepal, etc.) that contributed to the formation of the general ideology and philosophy of the volunteer movement in agriculture is considered. Taking into account the experience of developing a specialized volunteer movement is currently relevant in the process of solving both modern and future problems in the Russian agricultural sector and will be in demand by the domestic volunteer movement in the context of the implementation of voluntary agrotourism programs, public initiatives and socially significant projects in the field of promoting sustainable development of agriculture, organic production and food security.
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Avdashkin, A. A. "FROM MIGRANT WORKERS TO THE “EASTERN BATTALION” OF THE RED ARMY: DYNAMICS OF THE IMAGE OF THE CHINESE IN THE EARLY 20TH CENTURY RUSSIA." Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 4(55) (2021): 120–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2021-4-120-140.
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The article analyzes the transformation of the image of Chinese labor migrants into the participants of the military conflict on the side of the Bolsheviks. The analysis of how the image of the Chinese workers was reformatted into the Red Army soldiers made it possible to reveal the cultural and historical specificity of the image of the Chinese, to show its main components and meaningful specifics before the revolution and during the Civil War. The source base was made up of materials from periodicals; archival documents of the Russian State Military Archive; and propaganda posters of the “white” movement. The texts published in the pre-revolutionary periodicals reflect the mass perception of Chinese migrants. The materials of the Bolshevik newspapers contain elements of the official discourse on Chinese migrants in the parts of the Red Army. Documents from the Office of the Moscow Military District, as well as the Army Directorate of the Southern Front, complement the picture created by newspaper reports. “White” movement posters were a powerful means of visualizing the enemy (in this case, the Chinese) on the side of the Bolsheviks. Historical imagology served as the methodological basis; to analyze press texts, content and discourse analysis was used. Diligence, impersonality, unpretentiousness, and the rapid development of new areas of activities formed the basis of the image of a Chinese migrant in the early 20th century Russia. The interpretation of this cultural construct depended on the use of one or another social optics. Before the revolution, partial or full recognition / denial of the ideology of the “yellow peril” made the Chinese either an effective tool for expansion or a workforce, the use of which should be streamlined and regulated as much as possible. Under the conditions of revolutionary upheavals, the characteristics of the Chinese in mass culture for some turned into a marker of threat and danger, and for others - into a criterion for choosing an ally.
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Kisser, T. S. "Social movement of Ural Germans in 1989–2019 (ethnic projects and leaders)." VESTNIK ARHEOLOGII, ANTROPOLOGII I ETNOGRAFII, no. 1(48) (March 2, 2020): 146–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20874/2071-0437-2020-48-1-13.
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The present article considers the history of the social movement of Russian Germans in the Urals, as well as the factors in its formation, on the basis of previously unknown sources (archival and field materials obtained by the author). The Germans of the Urals formed as a single community in the second half of the 20th century, as a result of deportation, labour mobilisation (1942–1946) and a special settlement regime (1948–1955). The author concludes that the modern social movement contributes to the ethnocultural development of the German popula-tion in Russia through various projects aimed at the preservation of history, memory, language and culture. As a result of the activists' activities in the Urals, a network of German associations has formed: centres of German culture, meeting centres, national-cultural autonomies, «Rebirth» society, Russian-German houses, etc. The so-cial movement of Ural Germans plays a key role in ethnocultural development. It emerged in the setting of the mass emigration of Germans to their homeland, both ‘from below’ at the initiative of Germans themselves aiming to preserve the history and culture of their people, and ‘from above’ with the aim of unifying and controlling the mood of the German population. Currently, German organisations initiate their ethnocultural projects directed at the preservation of historical memory, culture, language, as well as other foundations for ethnocultural heritage. For example, creative groups have become a place where ethnicity is updated, where Germans feel like Ger-mans, using their native language and preserving folk traditions. In all projects, a significant, if not decisive, role is played by the personal position of leaders. To some extent, ethnic leaders devote themselves to their people and find self-fulfilment in the field of ethnicity, complementing and revitalising it with their initiatives. Our studies show that the ethnocultural potential of Ural Germans is most effectively realised if ethnic leaders, both socio-political and in the cultural sphere, are active, which helps preserve the cultural heritage of the community. The socio-political leaders of Ural Germans represented by E.A. Grib and O.F. Shtraler emerged at the height of the ethnic movement and the establishment of self-organisation of Russian Germans in the late 1990s — early 2000s. The areas and motives of their activities, on the one hand, were associated with personal self-realisation and, on the other, were explained by the desire to preserve the ethnocultural heritage of Germans whose number reduced sharply due to mass emigration. Their activities are reflected in numerous projects whose success contributes to the formation of the regional identity of the Germans in the Urals through a system of self-organisation.
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Guangxiang, Zhang, and Su Ning. "Soviet Women and the Great Patriotic War (1941–1945): Towards a Historiographical Debate." Quaestio Rossica 13, no. 2 (2025): 436–58. https://doi.org/10.15826/qr.2025.2.976.
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The role of Soviet women in achieving the victory of the Soviet Union in the Great Patriotic War against Nazi Germany and its allies is a topic with a long historiographical tradition. In the latest studies carried out by both Russian historians (including late Soviet ones) and historians from other countries, this topic is considered in the mainstream of several major trends. One of them is related to the issues of economic history. Along with teenagers and elderly people, women became the most important labor resource during the war, massively replacing men of working age who went to the front. Their participation in the staffing of all sectors of the Soviet state economy is an unprecedented example of the implementation of one of the models of the mobilization economy caused by the war. But this gives rise to another trend: due to what, by what methods was it possible to carry out a mass mobilization of female labor? The classical version of Soviet historiography unambiguously characterized this process as a labor feat based on a high and nationwide sense of patriotism. Some post-Soviet and many Western historians see it primarily as a result of Soviet propaganda and state coercion. Finally, the position of women in production during the Great Patriotic War, their working and living conditions are considered in the context of the “new social history”, i. e. the history of everyday life, gender history, etc. Based on statistical indicators, this article summarizes the empirical material proving that Soviet women, in fact, for the first time in the world, turned out to be a determining force in meeting the needs of the military economy. Their labor achievements, material support for the front through the Defense Fund, and the donor movement were mainly the result of a sincere and selfless desire. It was caused by hatred of the enemy and the desire to support the fighting men, which, among other things, reconciled them with the strict labor legislation and difficult working and living conditions inevitable in the conditions of total war.
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Ivanov, Andrey A. "Women’s Issue in the Worldview of the Russian Right-wingers in the Late Imperial Period." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 66, no. 3 (2021): 742–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2021.304.
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The paper addresses and analyzes the attitude towards women and the question of women’s rights of the Russian right-wing politicians in the early 20th century. The paper demonstrates the views of the right-wingers on the place of women in the Russian society; their attitude toward feminism and fight for women’ rights; place and role of women in the right monarchical movement. The paper introduces some new sources into the scholarship which enable to reconsider conventional viewpoints on the attitude of rightists toward the question of women’s rights and to enhance the perception of the place of this question in ideology and practice of the pre-revolutionary Russian conservatism. Based on church and patriarchal convictions, the right-wingers largely limited women’s activities by family life, but their views on the issue of women’s rights did not rule out progress in this area. Right-wingers were not opposed to extension of women’s participation in labor activity, albeit with significant reservations. Being foes of feminism and emancipation of women, they tried to shapre a negative image of women’s rights activists, connecting this fight with the revolutionary attacks on traditional social foundations and statehood. At the same time, the right-wingers were utterly alien to misogyny; they celebrated an ideal of womanhood corresponding to their conservative worldview. The right-wingers willingly admitted women into their unions, but tended to perceive them not as party activists and leaders but as a force that would quell political tension inside the monarchical movement and would primarily deal with issues of culture, philanthropy, education, and other “womanish” matters.
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Miletsky, V. P., E. A. Kovtun, and A. D. Yakolenko. "On the issue of expert evaluation of the effectiveness of social work with migrants in Russia." Moscow State University Bulletin. Series 18. Sociology and Political Science 26, no. 4 (2020): 205–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24290/1029-3736-2020-26-4-205-218.
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The paper presents an analysis of the state of the sphere of social work with migrants and problems in this sphere in Russia through the prism of expert assessments obtained during interviews with employees of government bodies, non-profit organizations, volunteer movements, and scientists. The main difficulties that migrants face during the adaptation are paperwork, access to information, legal and financial difficulties, employment issues.Analysis of the opinions of experts made it possible to identify measures of social work with migrants aimed at raising awareness, legal literacy of foreign citizens, increasing their legal protection, improving access to health care and education, housing, and the labor market, improving the professional skills of migrants and their knowledge of the Russian language, the history and socio-cultural foundations of the life of Russian society.Based on the results of the interview, the recommendations of experts in the field of social work with migrants and the possibility of applying unified social work practices that can improve the effectiveness of the system of social work with migrants and their families in Russia were highlighted. According to experts, integration with the host community allows migrants to adapt faster and more efficiently. In this regard, the role of non-profit organizations (national cultural organizations for the preservation and development of cultures, the House of Friendship of Peoples) that preserve the cultures of peoples and develop a dialogue between them is growing.Experts emphasize that in the sphere of social work, both at the state level and in the work of non-profit organizations, more attention should be paid to the possibility of applying unified practices that can improve the effectiveness of the system of social work with migrants and their families in Russia.
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М.Н., Потемкина, та Жаркынбаева Р.С. "МОБИЛИЗАЦИОННАЯ ПОЛИТИКА СОВЕТСКОГО ГОСУДАРСТВА В ВОЕННЫЕ ГОДЫ (1941–1945) В КАЗАХСКОЙ ССР: ИСТОРИОГРАФИЯ ПРОБЛЕМЫ". Bulletin of Udmurt University. Series History and Philology 34, № 5 (2024): 1103–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2412-9534-2024-34-5-1103-1112.
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В статье показано поступательное движение российской, казахстанской и зарубежной историографии в изучении темы мобилизационной политики СССР в 1941–1945 гг., отмечено, что тема изучалась преимущественно на примере отдельных регионов или республик. Особо уделено внимание научным публикациям российских и казахстанских ученых последнего двадцатилетия. Рассмотрены концептуальные теоретические подходы к истории советского тыла, изложенные в монографиях европейских и американских исследователей. Авторами определены актуальные проблемы изучения политики трудовой мобилизации в экстремальных условиях военного времени, выявлены дискуссионные вопросы. Сделан вывод о необходимости дальнейшей работы с архивными документами для изучения и переосмысления таких аспектов проблемы трудовой мобилизации: механизм мобилизации трудовых ресурсов и его практическое воплощение в Казахской ССР, организация трудового использования мобилизованных, меры повышения трудовой мотивации трудмобилизованных, оценка последствий трудовой мобилизации для экономики Казахской ССР и среднеазиатских республик. The article shows the progressive movement of Russian, Kazakh and foreign historiography in the study of the topic of the mobilization policy of the USSR in 1941-1945. It is noted that the topic was studied mainly on the example of individual regions or republics. Special attention is paid to scientific publications of Russian and Kazakh scientists of the last twenty years. The conceptual theoretical approaches to the history of the Soviet rear, set out in monographs by European and American researchers, are considered. The authors identify the actual problems of studying the policy of labor mobilization in extreme wartime conditions, and identify controversial issues. The conclusion is made about the need for further work with archival documents to study and rethink the following aspects of the problem of labor mobilization: the mechanism of labor mobilization and its practical implementation in the Kazakh SSR, the organization of labor use of mobilized people, measures to increase labor motivation of labor-mobilized people, assessment of the consequences of labor mobilization for the economy of the Kazakh SSR and Central Asian republics.
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Shaidurov, Vladimir. "The Siberian Polonia in the second half of the 19th - early 20th century in the Polish historiography." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 8, no. 1 (2018): 11–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.3600.
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The period between the 19th – early 20th century witnessed waves of actively forming Polish communities in Russia’s rural areas. A major factor that contributed to the process was the repressive policy by the Russian Empire towards those involved in the Polish national liberation and revolutionary movement. Large communities were founded in Siberia, the Volga region, Caucasus, and European North of Russia (Arkhangelsk). One of the largest communities emerged in Siberia. By the early 20th century, the Polonia in the region consisted of tens of thousands of people. The Polish population was engaged in Siberia’s economic life and was an important stakeholder in business. Among the most well-known Polish-Siberian entrepreneurs was Alfons Poklewski-Koziell who was called the “Vodka King of Siberia” by his contemporaries. Poles, who returned from Siberian exile and penal labor, left recollections of their staying in Siberia or notes on the region starting already from the middle of the 19th century. It was this literature that was the main source of information about the life of the Siberian full for a long time. Exile undoubtedly became a significant factor that was responsible for Russia’s negative image in the historical memory of Poles. This was reflected in publications based on the martyrological approach in the Polish historiography. Glorification of the struggle of Poles to restore their statehood was a central standpoint adopted not only in memoirs, but also in scientific studies that appeared the second half of the 19th – early 20th century. The martyrological approach dominated the Polish historiography until 1970s. It was not until the late 20th century that serious scientific research started utilizing the civilizational approach, which broke the mold of the Polish historical science. This is currently a leading approach. This enables us to objectively reconstruct the history of the Siberian Polonia in the imperial period of the Russian history. The article is intended to analyze publications by Polish authors on the history of the Polish community in Siberia the 19th – early 20th century. It focuses on memoirs and research works, which had an impact on the reconstruction of the Siberian Polonia’s history. The paper is written using the retrospective, genetic, and comparative methods.re.
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Blobaum, Robert. "The Revolution of 1905-1907 and the Crisis of Polish Catholicism." Slavic Review 47, no. 4 (1988): 667–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2498187.
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The Revolution of 1905-1907 in Russian-ruled Poland, with its dramatic manifestation of the transformation of the country’s political culture, marks a major, if not entirely appreciated, watershed in modern Polish history. Influenced, if not sparked by events in the central provinces of the Russian Empire, most notably Bloody Sunday, the revolution in Russian Poland quickly acquired a momentum of its own based on local conditions. In Poland the revolution was characterized by several nationwide general strikes and the sudden emergence of a viable labor movement; by a long, bitter, and partially successful boycott of the Russified school system; by unprecedented popular striving for the benefits of secular culture and education; by the gmina (communal) movement in the countryside that aroused a large part of the Polish peasantry from its traditional indifference to national issues; and by the rapid growth of political and social organizations that claimed to represent the interests of mass constituencies. Preceded by four decades of fundamental demographic, economic, and social change, the revolution propelled the largest and most significant part of Poland into a new era of broad, popular participation in the political, social, and cultural life of the country.
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Anfertiev, I. A. "Memorandum of the Leader of the “Workers’ Opposition” Gavriil Myasnikov to the Central Committee of the RCP(b): Source Study Potential." Modern History of Russia 13, no. 3 (2023): 648–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.308.
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Using the methods of interpreting historical sources, the article analyzes the memorandum of one of the leaders of the “Workers’ Opposition” G. I. Myasnikov, sent to the Central Committee of the RCP(b) on the eve of the X Party Congress. The novelty of the study lies in the fact that referring to the source analysis of the memorandum allows us to expand the chronological framework of the initial stage of the formation of the workers’ opposition movement within the RCP(b), to attribute its origin to the middle of 1920, about six months before the end of the X Party Congress, at which, As you know, factional activity in the RCP(b) was officially banned. In the memorandum of G. I. Myasnikov, according to the researcher, various aspects of the intra-party struggle for power between a group of emigrants led by V. I. Lenin and those members of the RCP(b) with pre-revolutionary experience who were subjected to repression for revolutionary activities in the Russian Empire are reflected, served their sentences in prisons and hard labor. The study reveals the desire of the opposition leader to enlist support not only within the ruling RCP(b), but also outside it, among the “deprived” of power working class. In the memorandum of G. I. Myasnikov, according to the researcher, various aspects of the intra-party struggle for power between a group of emigrants led by V. I. Lenin and those members of the RCP(b) with pre-revolutionary experience who were subjected to repression for revolutionary activities in the Russian Empire are reflected, served their sentences in prisons and hard labor.
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Bezarov, Oleksandr. "Participation of Jews in the processes of Russian social-democratic movement." History Journal of Yuriy Fedkovych Chernivtsi National University, no. 53 (June 21, 2022): 131–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/hj2021.53.131-142.
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The formation of social democracy in the Russian Empire was another stage in the «Russian reception» of the Western models of the socialist movement, the result of certain ideological contradictions on the Russian ground. Given the semi-feudal society of the Russian Empire, the paternalism of autocratic power, the absence of deep traditions of liberal culture, the Russian social democratic movement could hardly count on obvious success without a deep revolutionary renewal of the entire socio-economic and political system of the Russian state. Since Jews were an urban ethnic group, it is not surprising that the provinces of the Jewish Pale in the late 19th century proved to be the epicentre of the revolutionary energy concentration.Thus, in the late 19th century the processes of formation and development of not the Russian, but the Jewish social-democratic movement continued on the territory of the Jewish Pale, the prominent centres of which were the Belarusian and Ukrainian cities of the Russian Empire. Despite the low level of the industrial development in the north-western part of the Russian Empire, as well as police persecution, imprisonment, and exile of many activists, the Jewish Social Democratic movement grew qualitatively and quantitatively, got loyal supporters, and spread to other cities such as Minsk, Grodno, Bialystok and Warsaw. The Bund (the Union of Jewish Workers in Lithuania, Poland, and Russia) played a key role in organizing the Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (RSDLP) on March 1-3, 1898, at which the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (RSDLP) was founded which was supposed to unite revolutionary Marxist groups of the empire, regardless of their ethnicity. The processes of formation of the organizational and personnel structure of the Russian Social-Democracy continued during the First Russian Revolution. Jews took an active part in these processes. Their role in the organization of Russian social-democratic movement and in its staffing is difficult to overestimate. In particular, S. Dikstein, H.S. Khurgin, E.A. Abramovich, I.A. Gurvich, E.A. Gurvich, O. Belakh, L. Berkovich and many other Jewish activists found themselves at the origins of Russian social-democratic movement, and such distinguished Jewish figures of Russian social democracy as P. Axelrod and Yu. Martov in the early 19th century headed the Menshevik wing of the RSDLP.The author noted that until 1917 the model for the development of the social democratic movement in the Russian Empire was the European Social Democracy, among the recognized authorities of which were also Jews (F. Lassall, E. Bernstein, V. Adler, O. Bauer). Eventually, the Jewish origin of Marx, the founder of «scientific» socialism, canonized his doctrine in the mass consciousness of the urban Jewry of the Russian Empire, which awaited a new messiah who would «bring» them out of the ghetto of the Jewish Pale.At the same time, the theory of self-liberation of the Jewish proletariat, adopted by the Jewish Social Democrats of Vilno, Minsk, and Kyiv as opposed to the seemingly utopian ideas of the Zionists from Basel, Switzerland, became the leading ideology of the Russia’s first political organization of Jewish proletarian – the Bund, which emerged in the same 1897, when the First World Congress of Zionists took place.Thus, the intensification of state anti-Semitism, the Jewish pogroms, and the escalation of the political crisis in the Russian Empire on the eve of the First Russian Revolution pushed Russian and Jewish Social-Democracy to develop a common position on the proletariat’s participation in future revolutionary events, optimized the search for overcoming the internal party crisis that arose after the withdrawal of the Bund from the RSDLP. For the first time in its history, the Jewish Social Democrats tried to ignite the fire of the Russian revolution on the «Jewish street» and prove the political significance of the powerful revolutionary potential of the Jewish masses in the Jewish Pale for the all-Russian social democratic movement.
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Smiley, Will. "THE BURDENS OF SUBJECTHOOD: THE OTTOMAN STATE, RUSSIAN FUGITIVES, AND INTERIMPERIAL LAW, 1774–1869." International Journal of Middle East Studies 46, no. 1 (2014): 73–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743813001293.
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AbstractThis article analyzes the changing treaty law and practice governing the Ottoman state's attitude toward the subjects of its most important neighbor and most inveterate rival: the Russian Empire. The two empires were linked by both migration and unfreedom; alongside Russian slaves forcibly brought to the sultans’ domains, many others came as fugitives from serfdom and conscription. But beginning in the late 18th century, the Ottoman Empire reinforced Russian serfdom and conscription by agreeing to return fugitives, even as the same treaties undermined Ottoman forced labor by mandating the return of Russian slaves. Drawing extensively on Ottoman archival sources, this article argues that the resulting interimperial regulations on unfreedom and movement hardened the empires’ human and geographic boundaries, so that for many Russian subjects, foreign subjecthood under treaty law was not a privilege, but a liability.
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Gorlova, Natalya I. "Historical Overview of Volunteer Practices in the Health Care System in the 1920s–70s: Materials from the State Archive of the Russian Federation and the Central State Archive of Moscow." Herald of an archivist, no. 3 (2022): 715–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2022-3-715-728.
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Turning to archival materials continues the Russian archivists’ tradition, developed in the recent decades, to introduce into scientific use documents of key importance for understanding the Soviet history and its episodes, including those related to socially significant activities of voluntary activists in the field of healthcare under the auspices of the Union of the Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies of the USSR. The chronological frameworks of the undertaken research is 1920–70s. The author aims to review documentary sources that reflect the activities of the Society's activists acting on voluntary and gratuitous basis. The work actualizes the problem of evolution of the sectorial sphere of volunteer labor application from historical point of view. In its activities during the studied period, the Society used traditional organizational forms and sought out new ones for social mobilization of the population's participation in gratuitous donor movement and its promotion, sanitary improvement of cities and villages, improvement and popularization of sanitary culture at work and home, public sanitary control, preventive measures and combating the spread of infectious diseases, etc. The empirical base of the study is formed by materials from the State Archive of the Russian Federation and the Central State Archive of Moscow. The body of sources on the subject analyzed by the author is distinguished by its diversity (minutes of meetings of the executive committee plenums, operational meetings, transcripts, certificates, annual reports on core activities, etc.); it permits to highlight the diverse activities, forms and methods of the Society's activists’ work, as well as to trace the process of institutionalization of the profile direction in the national volunteer movement in the field of healthcare. The author has introduced unique archival documents into scientific use. The methodological basis of the work is principle of historicism, systematic nature of scientific analysis, objectivity, integrated use of a wide range of sources, which has made it possible to consider the volunteer practices of socially significant activity in the healthcare system in the process of its formation and development, in the context of historical conditionality and continuity of its development. The article takes on particular importance in connection with systematic development and popularization of medical volunteering in modern Russia, which takes into account the rich historical experience and heritage of the USSR.
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Bizyukov, Petr. "Hegemony and Transformism: Post-Soviet Trade Unions as an Object of Study." Inter 16, no. 3 (2024): 110–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/inter.2024.16.3.6.
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The article discusses Maksim Kulaev’s book “Trade Unions, Workers’ Movements, and Hegemony in Contemporary Russia”, which is dedicated to the history of trade union and workers’ movements in the post-Soviet era. The author attempts not only to reconsider what has happened to trade unions over the last thirty years but also to make sense of them drawing on Antonio Gramsci’s theory, which emphasized the need for the formation of hegemony as a sociocultural framework rather than purely political framework, enabling the establishment of value foundations for the dominance of the working class and resistance to the dominant hegemony of capitalist elites.The book chapters, in which the author describes the history, discourse, and interactions of trade unions with various political forces and social movements, are undoubtedly valuable. Importantly, this analysis is built on a vast array of diverse information—observations, documents, interviews, and data by other researchers. This allowed the author to critically reassess the data obtained in the 1990s, a time when much was still unknown and unclear. Now, this work represents a significant milestone, providing a perspective on the post-Soviet development of the workers’ and trade union movements after a quarter of a century. The book is of interest to researchers studying social structures, trade union and workers’ movements, and socio-labor relations.