Academic literature on the topic 'Labor unions and democracy'
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Journal articles on the topic "Labor unions and democracy"
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Friedman, Gerald. "Is Labor Dead?" International Labor and Working-Class History 75, no. 1 (2009): 126–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014754790900009x.
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AbstractThe Labor Movement has entered a crisis. Declining support for unions and for socialist political movements reflects the exhaustion of a reformist growth strategy where capitalists and state officials accepted unions in exchange for labor peace. While winning real gains for workers, this strategy undermined labor and its broader democratic aspirations by establishing unions and union and party leaders as authorities over the workers themselves. In the upheavals of the late-1960s and the 1970s, dissident movements, directed as much against reformist leaders as against employers and state officials, pushed protest beyond traditional limits toward demands for popular empowerment and democracy. Union decline began then, not because workers had lost interest in collective action but because employers and state officials abandoned collective bargaining to find alternative means of controlling unrest. Capitalism entered a new post-union era, when national leaders like Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan used policies of open trade and capital flows and high unemployment to discipline labor. Abandoned by their capitalist bargaining partners, reformist unions and political parties have withered. Now, without social space for reformist movements, the labor movement can only advance by openly avowing its original goals of popular empowerment and the establishment of economic democracy.
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Stern, Andy. "Unions & Civic Engagement: How the Assault on Labor Endangers Civil Society." Daedalus 142, no. 2 (2013): 119–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00208.
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American trade unions are a crucial segment of civil society that enriches our democracy. Union members are stewards of the public good, empowering the individual through collective action and solidarity. While union density has declined, the U.S. labor movement remains a substantial political and economic force. But the relentless attacks by the political right and its corporate allies could lead to an erosion of civic engagement, further economic inequality, and a political imbalance of power that can undermine society. The extreme assault on unions waged by Republicans in Wisconsin, Ohio, Michigan, and at a national level must be countered by a revitalized labor movement and by those who understand that unions are positive civil actors who bring together individuals who alone have little power. Unions need both structural reform and greater boldness; there are moments in which direct action and dramatic militancy can bring about positive social change. The current assault on labor can be rebuffed, and unions can expand their role as stewards for the public good and as defenders of efforts by the 99 percent to reduce inequality and protect democracy.
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Cató, Juan Montes, and Patricia Ventrici. "Labor Union Renewal in Argentina." Latin American Perspectives 38, no. 6 (2011): 38–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x11413863.
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Despite the persecution of labor leaders and activists during the dictatorship of the 1970s and 1980s and the co-optation of the union leadership in the 1990s, in the past few years Argentine labor unions have regained some of the leadership role they lost when they became strategic allies of the government, moderating their wage demands and supporting the government in disputes with other strong social actors. The new landscape created by Néstor Kirchner’s taking office in 2003 provided a favorable context for a revitalization of unions grounded in principles of union democracy. The experience of the subway workers of Buenos Aires, which is paradigmatic for the depth of the changes in internal practices, their persistence over time, and the strong connection between the form of organization and the results achieved, contributes to an understanding of this revitalization. The involvement of members in formulating and implementing policies produces a program more representative of their demands and allows them to acquire experience, skills, knowledge, self-confidence, and a feeling of solidarity that make their organizations stronger for the struggle with capital. Thus union democracy is not an obstacle to but a prerequisite for increasing union power.
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Sinyai, Clayton. "Schools of Democracy." Labor Studies Journal 44, no. 4 (2019): 373–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x19887246.
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In the late 20th century, a wave of democratic transformation swept away dictatorships of the right and left across Europe, Africa and much of Asia; and for the first time in human history most citizens lived under governments they had chosen in free elections. Liberal democracy, characterized by multiparty elections, individual liberties, free enterprise and independent trade unions, seemed poised to dominate the future, but today populist movements challenge the liberal consensus and global public opinion surveys indicate a loss of faith in democratic values. The rapid decline in labor union membership across the developed world may be a contributing factor. Social scientists have documented the function of labor unions as “schools” of democracy where working-class high school graduates learn crucial civic skills, boosting their political participation and reducing the gap between socioeconomic classes. This may explain why AFL President Samuel Gompers’s observation, that “there never yet existed coincident with each other autocracy in the shop and democracy in political life” remains true 125 years later, and highlights a major threat to democracy today.
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Dion, Gérard. "Trade Unions in a Free Society." Relations industrielles 11, no. 4 (2014): 244–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1022609ar.
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Summary In an industrial and democratic civilization, labor unionism appears as a normal and essential institution. Born of democracy, it helps to preserve and develop democratic life. There is, however, an essential condition. It must be itself an institution that really represents the workers and gives them the opportunity of expressing their aspirations while safeguarding their economic and professional interests. Union democracy is a necessity for the national welfare. But, above all, democracy in the labor movement is the direct responsability of union leaders who must ensure its maintenance and survival through good institutions and also by their cooperation in the civic education of the rank-and-file members.
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조효래. "Internal Politics of Labor Unions and Deliberative Democracy." Korean Journal of Labor Studies 13, no. 1 (2007): 209–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17005/kals.2007.13.1.209.
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Gruenberg, Gladys W. "Papal pronouncements on labor unions and workplace democracy." International Journal of Social Economics 25, no. 11/12 (1998): 1711–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/03068299810233385.
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Flavin, Patrick. "Labor Union Strength and the Equality of Political Representation." British Journal of Political Science 48, no. 4 (2016): 1075–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123416000302.
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Amid growing evidence of ‘unequal democracy’ in the United States, labor unions can play a potentially important role by ensuring that low-income citizens’ opinions receive more equal consideration when elected officials make policy decisions. To investigate this possibility, this article evaluates the relationship between labor union strength and representational equality across states and finds evidence that states with higher levels of union membership weigh citizens’ opinions more equally in the policy-making process. In contrast, there is no relationship between the volume of labor union contributions to political campaigns in a state and the equality of its political representation. These findings suggest that labor unions promote greater political equality primarily by mobilizing their working-class members to political action and, more broadly, underscore the important role that organized labor continues to play in shaping the distribution of political power across American society.
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Gumbrell-McCormick, Rebecca, and Richard Hyman. "Democracy in trade unions, democracy through trade unions?" Economic and Industrial Democracy 40, no. 1 (2018): 91–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x18780327.
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Since the Webbs published Industrial Democracy at the end of the nineteenth century, the principle that workers have a legitimate voice in decision-making in the world of work – in some versions through trade unions, in others at least formally through separate representative structures – has become widely accepted in most West European countries. There is now a vast literature on the strengths and weaknesses of such mechanisms, and we review briefly some of the key interpretations of the rise (and fall) of policies and structures for workplace and board-level representation. We also discuss the mainly failed attempts to establish broader processes of economic democracy, which the eclipse of nationally specific mechanisms of class compromise makes again a salient demand. Economic globalization also highlights the need for transnational mechanisms to achieve worker voice (or more radically, control) in the dynamics of capital–labour relations. We therefore examine the role of trade unions in coordinating pressure for a countervailing force at European and global levels, and in the construction of (emergent?) supranational industrial relations. However, many would argue that unions cannot win legitimacy as a democratizing force unless manifestly democratic internally. Therefore we revisit debates on and dilemmas of democracy within trade unions, and examine recent initiatives to enhance democratization.
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Erne, Roland, and Markus Blaser. "Direct democracy and trade union action." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 24, no. 2 (2018): 217–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258918764079.
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Until recently, the political influence of trade unions primarily relied on ties to labour-friendly political parties. Since the 1990s, however, party-union relations have deteriorated, forcing unions to consider complementary political strategies. This article reviews different direct democratic instruments at local, national and EU levels. We distinguish popular consultations initiated by government from above from citizens’ initiatives initiated from below and discuss corresponding trade union experiences in Germany, Italy, Ireland, Slovenia and Switzerland. We also analyse the successful right2water European Citizens Initiative (ECI) of the European Federation of Public Service Unions and the failed fair transport ECI of the European Transport Workers’ Federation at EU level. Whereas unions have successfully used direct democratic instruments to (i) defend social achievements or (ii) as a lever to extract policy concessions, direct democracy is also challenging. Successful direct democratic campaigns require unions that are able to mobilise their own rank-and-file and to inspire larger sections of society.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Labor unions and democracy"
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Markowitz, Linda Jill. "Participatory democracy in union organizing: The influence of authority structures on workers' sentiments and actions." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/187431.
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Labor unions began creating new organizing strategies in the nineteen-eighties with the hope of increasing membership levels. This dissertation focuses on two such strategies: the "comprehensive campaign" utilized by the International Grocery Workers' Union (IGWU) and the "blitz" developed by the United States Clothing Workers' Union (USCWU). These strategies differ in one fundamental way; the amount of participation they elicit from the workforce being organized. I am interested in how different levels of participation influence workers' sentiments and actions regarding the union. The IGWU's "comprehensive campaign" is a top-down approach. Union officials collect unsavory information about the company in hopes of exchanging this information for union recognition. Workers' role in the campaign is reduced to signing union cards. The USCWU's "blitz" follows a grass-roots approach. With this strategy, union officials train workers to organize their fellow employees. An active worker contingency, then, helps to mobilize the workforce to vote union. Principles from participatory democracy suggest that when an authority structure incorporates participation, individuals feel more satisfied and committed to the organization. The act of participation also affects people behaviorally; participation teaches individuals how to be active. In order to analyze how the different campaign authority structures influenced workers, I interviewed two groups of employees; thirty of whom experienced the comprehensive campaign and twenty of whom participated in the blitz. Both organizing campaigns were successful and resulted in a union contract. I asked employees about their feelings towards the campaigns and their participation in the union after the campaigns ended. I found that workers from the "comprehensive campaign" perceived the union as a business and this conception of the union discouraged activism and left employees ultimately dissatisfied. Workers from the blitz, however, developed a "union as workers" framework. This framework motivated employees to be active after the organizing campaign and gave workers a sense of fulfillment. The findings from this study suggest that organizing strategies involve more than the ability of unions to increase the number of their rank-and-file. They are a crucial method in which workers learn to become active agents within the union.
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Baccaro, Lucio. "The organizational consequences of democracy : labor unions and economic reforms in contemporary Italy." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/9685.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Sloan School of Management, 1999.<br>Includes bibliographical references (p. 258-274).<br>Introduction: This dissertation deals with the recent strategic and organizational transformation of the Italian labor movement. The wave of strikes that swept all West-European countries between the late 1960s and the early 1970s lasted longer in Italy than anywhere else in the world and its effects were much more incisive. 1 The Italian unions emerged from the so-called "Hot Autumn" as much stronger organizations, well-rooted at the enterprise level, and animated by a radical, transformative ideology.Their goal was not just improving the wages and working conditions of the Italian workers but rather promoting a "social revolution" in the country. During the 1970s and 1980s, the behavior of these unions proved to be incompatible with the long-term stability of an open, capitalist economy. Wages grew faster that productivity. Consequently, Italy's inflation rates were higher than all other international competitors. The competitiveness of Italian goods on international markets fell while import penetration increased. Profit margins declined and with them, both capital accumulation and growth rates declined as well. Strike levels were higher than in all other advanced countries. Union demands for expansionary social policies spurred similar requests by other social groups and thus, caused the opening of a (growing) gap between public expenditures and tax receipts. Finally, unlike other unions in Central and Northern Europe, the Italian unions refused to come to terms with Italy's many macroeconomic imbalances by accepting wage moderation and promoting centralized collective bargaining. Beginning with the early 1990s, the Italian kbor movement radically changed its bargaining behavior and firmly embraced the cause of cooperation with management and government forces. In 1993, the Italian unions signed an incomes policies protocol aimed at bringing about centralized control of nominal wage growth. This agreement has been credited with greatly facilitating the process of macroeconomic adjustment in Italy. In 1995 and 1997, they agreed to important reforms of the state pension system. In 1996, they signed a so-called "pact for employment" - a pact aimed at creating favorable investment conditions in underdeveloped areas through flexibility in hiring and firing and the reduction of wage levels below national minima. In sum, the Italian union movement completely reshaped itself in less than ten years. How do we understand this sudden and perhaps even unexpected strategic reversal from conflict to cooperation?<br>by Pasquale V. (Lucio) Baccaro.<br>Ph.D.
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Smith, Lon W. Wyman Walker Demarquis. "An experiment in trade union democracy Harold Gibbons and the formation of Teamsters Local 688, 1937-1957 /." Normal, Ill. Illinois State University, 1993. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ilstu/fullcit?p9416869.
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Thesis (D.A.)--Illinois State University, 1993.<br>Title from title page screen, viewed March 9, 2006. Dissertation Committee: Walker D. Wyman (chair), Lawrence W. McBride, Edward L. Schapsmeier, John B. Freed, Larry D. Kennedy, Richard J. Soderlund. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 344-353) and abstract. Also available in print.
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Fourcade, Cécile. "L' autonomie collective des partenaires sociaux : essai sur les rapports entre démocratie politique et démocratie sociale /." Paris : LGDJ, 2006. http://www.gbv.de/dms/spk/sbb/recht/toc/523123817.pdf.
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McBride, Anne. "Re-shaping trade union democracy : developing effective representation for women in UNISON." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1997. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3677/.
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The under-representation of women and over-representation of men in trade unions raises questions as to why it occurs, its consequences for women and how it can be overcome. This thesis engages with these questions. It indicates the dominant ideologies and institutions which underpin the dominant male model of trade unions and discusses strategies designed to change the 'rules of the game'. The creation of UNISON on 1st July 1993 provides a research site in which to study the extent to which trade union democracy can be deliberately re-shaped so as to reflect the interests of women. UNISON represents 1.3 million workers within the public service sector, two-thirds of whom are women. It has been the express intention of UNISON to achieve gender democracy through empowering its women members to participate in its representative structures. In particular, the adoption of three key principles in the rule book: proportionality for women, fair representation at all levels and self-organisation for four disadvantaged groups, is intended to have a significant impact on the nature of women's involvement in the union. This thesis contains extensive case study material collected within UNISON over a two year period, ending November 1995. It reveals the opportunities which the three rule book commitments provide for effective representation by women in UNISON. By excluding men so that women can take the majority of representative positions, proportionality and fair representation change the predominant values and beliefs of trade union democracy. By providing opportunities for women to determine their own agenda, in the absence of men, self-organisation challenges the ideology that union strength is based on unity and common interests. However, the dominant model of trade unionism is not being re-shaped without tension or resistance. This thesis argues that ideologies and institutions remain which prevent women's access to representative structures being translated into the discussion of women's concerns in UNISON's decision making arena. VII
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Hassan, Abdullah Wais. "Unreliable Allies| Democrats and the Decline of Public Sector Unions." Thesis, University of California, Santa Cruz, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10684737.
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<p>Public sector unionization rose dramatically during the 1960s and 1970s ? even as private sector unions declined ? and by 2010, membership in public sector unions surpassed that of private sector unions. They are now a mainstay of the U.S. labor movement, and wield sizable influence in local, state, and national politics. Yet public employee unions have recently been under political attack, and government employees have suffered losses in employment, compensation and bargaining rights at record levels since the Great Recession. Notably, these assaults have come not just from Republican-led statehouses, but from longstanding Democratic allies.
Public sector unions have traditionally been a bulwark of the Democratic Party, providing Democratic officeholders money and votes. Scholarly accounts emphasize the close alliance Democrats built with public sector unions during the second half of the 20th century. Yet I argue that from the 1990s onward, Democratic-controlled state governments had a hand in weakening public sector unions and undercutting the position of public employees by opting not to expand bargaining rights, and by pursuing pension privatization and cutbacks.
This project delineates public sector union history in four distinct phases (origins, expansion, stagnation and retrenchment), and traces the changing relationship between public sector unions and Democratic Party officials at the sub-national level. I use federal data, state legislative records, and interviews to examine the politics of the
current period of retrenchment. Comparative state-level case studies and a regression analysis of voting on pension legislation in every state legislature reveal that Democratic support for retrenchment hinged on three factors: (1) interest group power and mobilization; (2) efforts of wealthy policy entrepreneurs; and (3) political leadership. I find that public sector unions were able to surmount this more difficult political environment only when labor (1) built coalitions with other interest groups and effectively countered business opposition; (2) secured large Democratic majorities within the statehouse; and (3) won the tacit support of the state?s governor. A looming Supreme Court ruling against mandatory union dues means the political environment for public sector unionization will only become more difficult in future years.
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Smith, Newman. "Politics, industrial policy and democracy : the Electricians' Union, 1945-1988." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1988. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3937/.
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The post-war history of the Electricians' union has been a very stormy one indeed. During the 1950s, when the union was controlled by the Communist Party, there began a stream of allegations from within the union and from the press that the leaders of the ETU were engaged in electoral malpractice. Eventually, in 1961, the High Court did find that some ETU leaders, who were also members of the Communist Party, had used `fraudulent and unlawful devices' to secure the re-election of the Communist General Secretary of the union in 1959. Following the trial the ETU was expelled both from the TUC and the Labour Party, but they were re-admitted in 1962 after a new right-wing leadership was elected to office. Since 1962 the right-wing has enjoyed an uninterrupted control of the Electricians' union. Its opponents claim that this control has been maintained because, under the name of reforms, a huge reshaping of the union's internal democracy has occurred which has been effective in undermining any oppositional challenge and has placed more and more power in the hands of the Executive Council. The thesis is an examination of these two periods of the union's history, and the different strategies pursued by the Communist and right-wing leaderships. It details the rise of the Communist Party in the ETU, and considers the allegations of ballot-rigging that led to the 1961 trial. It examines the remodelling of the union in the 1960s, charts the rise of the organized opposition to the leadership in the 1970s, and considers the controversial `strike-free' agreements that the union has negotiated in recent years. However, the thesis attempts to do more than just chronicle particular episodes in the post-war history of the Electricians' union: it also attempts to understand this history by the use of two broad theoretical approaches. Firstly, the union's internal history is considered in the light of the wider political and industrial factors that have shaped and re-shaped that history. In other words, the union's democracy cannot be understood by solely examining its internal workings, `external' factors also have to be considered. From this perspective it is argued that the ballot-rigging and bureaucratic manipulation that took place under the Communist leadership cannot be understood simply in terms of a faulty electoral process open to abuse by unscrupulous men. Rather, those factors that allowed the CP to legitimately take charge of the union in the first place, and those which compelled some members of the ETU to eventually abuse the unions' electoral process, were intimately linked to the post-war industrial climate and in particular the political and industrial strategies of the Communist Party. Similarly, the remodelling of the union's democracry in the 1960s, and the history of the union up to the present day, has to be understood not just in terms of an authoritarian leadership, but by reference to the particular circumstances that allowed the right-wing to take control of the union, and the political and industrial policies that underlay the reshaping of democracy in the union. Secondly, throughout the thesis there is an engagement with Robert Michels' `iron law of oligarchy'. Michels' theory was expostulated in his Political Parties (1911) and can be summed up in his famous dictum `who says organization, says oligarchy', and in his assertion that in the trade union movement the `authoritative character of the leaders and their tendency to rule bureaucratic organizations on oligarchic lines, are even more pronounced than in political parties'. This theory is critically considered in the context of the actual workings of the post-war Electrician's union. Overall, the thesis attempts to do a number of things: to give a particular account of the major episodes in the union's post-war history, which range from the ballot-rigging of the 1950s to the `strike-free' deals of the 1980s; to explore the relationship between the political and industrial policies of the CP and right-wing leaderships and the union's democracy; to offer a critical appraisal of Michels' `iron law of oligarchy', and, finally, as the union faces expulsion from the TUC, to consider the future prospects for democracy in the EETPU.
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Mpunzima, Kayalethu Wycliff. "Unfinished business: current and past trade union leaders' perceptions of the political transition after the first decade of democracy (1994-2004) in South Africa." Thesis, University of Port Elizabeth, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1284.
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The study reviews the political transition after the first decade of democracy from the trade union leaders’ perspectives. It seeks to understand whether trade union leaders see workers as having reaped benefits from their struggles. Interviews were conducted with ten current and past trade union leaders on their perceptions about the political transition. The trade union leaders that were interviewed have rich experience of combining their organisational and mobilising strength with strategies of engagement. Their involvement with trade unions can be traced back during the dark years of Apartheid. Some of them are still active members of trade unions who are deeply involved in policy formulation at national level. Others occupy influential positions in the private and public sectors. The study investigates and analyses the labour movement’s objectives, strategies and struggles from the apartheid, transition, and democratic eras and into the future. It looks at how these objectives were achieved and how the strategies were implemented. The study revealed that progress was made in the political sphere, e.g. a parliamentary office was established to ensure that workers have a voice in parliament. The study found clear evidence of influence by the labour movement in economic and labour legislation through structures like NEDLAC. In the economic arena, the study found that workers’ economic expectations were partially fulfilled. Trade union leaders attributed this to the failure of the government’s GEAR policy to create jobs. They insisted that RDP should be implemented. The study revealed evidence of serious tensions within the ANC/COSATU/SACP Alliance. The study found that the influence of the labour ally, COSATU, in the Tripartite Alliance had been curtailed. The study also found that the strength of the labour movement eroded during the first decade of democracy. The research found that the labour movement took new initiatives such as union investment companies. The research also found support for the theory that COSATU’s obsession with alliance politics was a barrier to labour unity. COSATU was not involved in the merger talks between FEDUSA and NACTU. The respondents generally felt positively about the future prospects. Respondents were mostly optimistic about the political transformation. If there was slow delivery or no delivery by the government or business, the unions vowed to take to the streets.
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Pearson, Ian. "Power and participation in a general union : patterns of organisation and democracy in three GMB regions." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1987. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3635/.
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This study is about the organisation and government of the General Municipal and Boilermakers' from 1970 to 1985. Its focus is, as far as is known, unique in that it concentrates primarily on government at the regional level, examining the GMB's Birmingham, Liverpool and Northern regions. Rather than focusing explicitly on the policy issues related to recent legislation, it analyses the wider issues of power and participation relevant to the debate on union democracy. The thesis adopts an eclectic approach to union democracy, synthesising previous approaches within the framework of the vertical and horizontal dispersion of decision making developed by Undy et al, which is given a prescriptive dimension. The regional focus, and secondary focuses on intervening variables within the framework, are principally examined through conducting structured interviews with members and officers at all levels of the union. The research work is divided into four chapters, which follow chapters reviewing the literature and presenting the research focus, and giving an historical overview of the union up until the research period commences. The first examines the national level changes since 1970 and membership participation in the national political system. The other three chapters have a specific regional focus analysing regional variations in membership growth and participation at the local level; the locus of regional power and variations in participation in regional government; and membership participation in collective bargaining. The research contributes to knowledge of trade union government at the regional level; an almost completely explored and, it is argued, an important area which requires further research. It demonstrates the significant extent of regional variations within a single union and shows how these have led to markedly different levels of membership participation in decision making structures in the three regions. It shows that the commonly held view that GMB regional secretaries are barons of their own area is misplaced, noting constraints which prevent oligarchic domination of regions. It also highlights the pervasive, but long since neglected, influence of union constitutional provisions as a factor affecting union democracy. Finally, it suggests that the eclectic framework could be usefully adopted by future contributions to union democracy research.
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Charlton, Christopher, and University of Lethbridge Faculty of Arts and Science. "An analysis of the links between the Alberta New Democrats and organized labour." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Dept. of Political Science, 2009, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/2526.
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Like its counterparts in other provinces, the Alberta New Democratic Party has a formal relationship with organized labour. This thesis will examine the logic of the underlying relationship that persists between the two parties despite the difficult political and economic environment in Alberta. This thesis will discuss the complex and changing relationship between labour and the NDP in Alberta, making use of data from a variety of sources, but will rely heavily on data gathered from a series of interviews conducted with union and party officials in 2008. The thesis will deal particularly with the increasing fragmentation of the union movement in Alberta and the increasing independence of labour union campaigns during elections as challenges for the Alberta NDP in the future.<br>vi, 176 leaves ; 29 cm
Books on the topic "Labor unions and democracy"
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Democracy in Australian unions: A comparative study of six unions. Allen & Unwin, 1987.
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Sackman, Samuel H. Why unions?: A foundation for freedom and democracy. S.H. Sackman, 1989.
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European unions: Labor's quest for a transnational democracy. ILR Press/Cornell University Press, 2008.
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Summers, Clyde W. Union democracy and Landrum-Griffin. Association for Union Democracy, 1986.
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Devi, P. Devaki. Leadership & democracy among the trade unions: A comparative study. Mittal Publications, 1991.
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D, Ewing K., ed. Trade union democracy, members' rights, and the law. Mansell Pub., 1987.
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Peter, Ranis, ed. Class, democracy, and labor in contemporary Argentina. Transaction Publishers, 1995.
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ʻƯngphākō̜n, Čhai. Yoklœ̄k khwāmpen sat māpen manut kanthœ̄t: Rūaprūam botkhwām rư̄ang sangkhomniyom čhāk Nō̜. Sō̜. Phō̜. prachāthipatai rǣngngān. Klum Prachāthipatai Rǣngngān, 1999.
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Bergen, Geoffrey. "Labor, Democracy, and Development in Senegal." In Trade Unions and the Coming of Democracy in Africa. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230610033_2.
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Charlick, Robert. "Labor Unions and “Democratic Forces” in Niger." In Trade Unions and the Coming of Democracy in Africa. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230610033_3.
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Haagh, Louise. "Unions, Parties and the Sacrifice for Democracy." In Citizenship, Labour Markets and Democratization. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230510470_4.
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Freund, William. "Organized Labor in the Republic of South Africa: History and Democratic Transition." In Trade Unions and the Coming of Democracy in Africa. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230610033_7.
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Witt, Matthew. "SCAD Alert: Occupy Wall Street Is to Capitalism What Labor Unions Were to Communism — A Systemic Contradiction That Can Be Neither Swallowed nor Spit Out." In State Crimes Against Democracy. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137286987_13.
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Siqueira, C. Eduardo. "Labor Unions." In Encyclopedia of Immigrant Health. Springer New York, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4419-5659-0_449.
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Faulenbach, Bernd. "Social Democracy, Labour Unions and Civil Service in West Germany since the Second World War." In European Socialists and the State in the Twentieth and Twenty-First Centuries. Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-41540-2_9.
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Archambault, Edith, Jürgen Schmidt, Tymen van der Ploeg, et al. "Labor Movements/Labor Unions." In International Encyclopedia of Civil Society. Springer US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-93996-4_57.
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Cooper, James. "Trade (Labor) Unions." In Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137283665_6.
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Schmidt, Jürgen. "Labor Movements and Labor Unions." In International Encyclopedia of Civil Society. Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-99675-2_57-1.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Labor unions and democracy"
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YEŞİLBURSA, Behçet Kemal. "THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (1908-1980)." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.08.
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Political parties started to be established in Turkey in the second half of the 19th century with the formation of societies aiming at the reform of the Ottoman Empire. They reaped the fruits of their labour in 1908 when the Young Turk Revolution replaced the Sultan with the Committee of Union and Progress, which disbanded itself on the defeat of the Empire in 1918. Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, new parties started to be formed, but experiments with a multi-party system were soon abandoned in favour of a one-party system. From 1930 until the end of the Second World War, the People’s Republican Party (PRP) was the only political party. It was not until after the Second World War that Turkey reverted to a multiparty system. The most significant new parties were the Democrat Party (DP), formed on 7 January 1946, and the Nation Party (NP) formed on 20 July 1948, after a spilt in the DP. However, as a result of the coup of 27 May 1960, the military Government, the Committee of National Union (CNU), declared its intentions of seizing power, restoring rights and privileges infringed by the Democrats, and drawing up a new Constitution, to be brought into being by a free election. In January 1961, the CNU relaxed its initial ban on all political activities, and within a month eleven new parties were formed, in addition to the already established parties. The most important of the new parties were the Justice Party (JP) and New Turkey Party (NTP), which competed with each other for the DP’s electoral support. In the general election of October 1961, the PRP’s failure to win an absolute majority resulted in four coalition Governments, until the elections in October 1965. The General Election of October 1965 returned the JP to power with a clear, overall majority. The poor performance of almost all the minor parties led to the virtual establishment of a two-party system. Neither the JP nor the PRP were, however, completely united. With the General Election of October 1969, the JP was returned to office, although with a reduced share of the vote. The position of the minor parties declined still further. Demirel resigned on 12 March 1971 after receiving a memorandum from the Armed Forces Commanders threatening to take direct control of the country. Thus, an “above-party” Government was formed to restore law and order and carry out reforms in keeping with the policies and ideals of Atatürk. In March 1973, the “above-party” Melen Government resigned, partly because Parliament rejected the military candidate, General Gürler, whom it had supported in the Presidential Elections of March-April 1973. This rejection represented the determination of Parliament not to accept the dictates of the Armed Forces. On 15 April, a new “above party” government was formed by Naim Talu. The fundamental dilemma of Turkish politics was that democracy impeded reform. The democratic process tended to return conservative parties (such as the Democrat and Justice Parties) to power, with the support of the traditional Islamic sectors of Turkish society, which in turn resulted in the frustration of the demands for reform of a powerful minority, including the intellectuals, the Armed Forces and the newly purged PRP. In the last half of the 20th century, this conflict resulted in two periods of military intervention, two direct and one indirect, to secure reform and to quell the disorder resulting from the lack of it. This paper examines the historical development of the Turkish party system, and the factors which have contributed to breakdowns in multiparty democracy.
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Hulden, Vilja. "Whodunit... and to Whom? Subjects, Objects, and Actions in Research Articles on American Labor Unions." In Proceedings of the 10th SIGHUM Workshop on Language Technology for Cultural Heritage, Social Sciences, and Humanities. Association for Computational Linguistics, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.18653/v1/w16-2118.
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Podkolzina, Anastasiia Dmitrievna. "Trade unions as a guarantee for the realization and protection of the labor rights of teachers." In VII International Scientific and Practical Conference, chair Natalia Vladislavovna Tarasova. TSNS Interaktiv Plus, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.21661/r-464275.
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Méndez Landa, Francisco Javier. "ATACAR LA FRONTERA: LA POESÍA COMO POLÍTICA EN LA OBRA DE FRANCIS ALŸS." In IV Congreso Internacional Estética y Política: Poéticas del desacuerdo para una democracia plural. Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/cep4.2019.10288.
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Desde finales de los años 90’s el artista belga radicado en México, Francis Alÿs (1959) ha extrapolado su labor artística al abandonar el Centro Histórico de la Ciudad de México como su principal laboratorio social, para incidir en diversas regiones del mundo -principalmente territorios de conflicto bélico, socioeconómico, político y migratorio-, en un afán de imaginar realidades distintas a las establecidas por medio de la activación de relatos urbanos, fábulas, moralejas, actividades fútiles y juegos de niños; deviniendo en variadas y aparentemente inocentes metáforas que esconden complejas y poderosas reflexiones sociales. El presente trabajo plantea trazar una acupuntura que sigue algunas acciones de Francis Alÿs fuera del territorio mexicano para construir un imaginario global desde lo poético de su labor: en un mundo gobernado por la desesperanza, y las tensiones generadas por las fronteras de los países, la voz de Alÿs se vuelve un bálsamo necesario que permite visualizar otras soluciones posibles a los conflictos políticos derivados de la independencia y la consecuente autonomía de un determinado territorio. I. En 1997, Alÿs viaja de Tijuana, Baja California, México a San Diego, California, EUA, -ciudades vecinas separadas únicamente por la valla Internacional-; pero el artista lo hace sin cruzar la frontera norte; imaginando una nueva y absurda ruta migratoria que evade la burocracia necesaria para ingresar legalmente a los Estados Unidos; iniciando su viaje en Tijuana, y prosiguiendo por Ciudad de México, Panamá, Santiago de Chile, Auckland, Sydney, Singapore, Bangkok, Rangún, Hong Kong, Shanghái, Seul, Anchorage, Vancouver, Los Ángeles y concluir finalmente en San Diego, California, arribando 35 días después de haber iniciado su travesía. II. En 2005, Alÿs convoca a lancheros voluntarios de Cayo Hueso, Florida, EUA y de La Habana, Cuba, a construir con sus endebles barcas un sólido puente que permita enlazar estas dos naciones sobre el Golfo de México. III. En 2004, Alÿs recorre la ‘Línea verde’, demarcación establecida para promover un alto al fuego entre Israel y Palestina, con una lata de pintura verde agujereada, trazando con su andar una línea verde, que materializa esta división naturalmente imaginaria. IV. En 2008, Alÿs invita a niños de las comunidades pesqueras de Tánger, Marruecos y Tarifa, España a construir una línea humana que permita liberar pequeños barcos de juguete para navegar de norte a sur, y viceversa el Estrecho de Gibraltar. Para Alÿs, la poesía posee una cualidad disruptiva, capaz de hacernos imaginar otros futuros posibles.
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Kalça, Adem. "Is Knowledge Economy the End of Union Action?" In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01225.
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Production methods transform social structures, including the economy. In the societies that are shaped by old production methods, the existence of those people who earn their living working through these methods will be destroyed altogether and their lives will be harder than they used to be, which will lead to conflicts. It is true that changes make transformations inevitable 
 Labor in the agriculture society was a very important production factor. In the industrial society, on the other hand, workers will serve their labor for the needs of people with a huge capital rather than serving their own ends, which make union action all the same very important. It is true that the potential role of labor as a vital component of the production has been weakened in the industrial societies. The reason for this is that there are now millions of people who can easily replace others in industrial societies. For this reason, the laborers who have faced huge challenges against the capital in this framework started to initiate union action in order to protect their rights.
 The function or the roles of union actions to have appeared in the industrial societies have changed when faced with information society in the 21.century. Information society forced unions towards change in union actions. Today, there is need for unionists to agree on a new road map in the 21.century for union organizations and activities.
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Ballı, Esra, and Gülçin Güreşçi Pehlivan. "Economic Effects of European Neighborhood Policy on Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00777.
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After the fifth enlargement of European Union in 2004 and with the expansion of European Unions borders and new neighbors, it became one of the important policies to provide security, stability and prosperity, and develop relationship between neighborhood countries. Although, enlargement process provide some opportunities to the member states of European Union, it brings about some difficulties. The differences at the life standards, environment, public health, prevention and combating organized crime between European Union and neighbor countries caused to create new policies. European Neighborhood Policy was launched in 2004, and consists of 16 countries, namely: Israel, Jordan, Moldova, Morocco, The Palestinian Authority, Tunisia, Ukraine, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Egypt, Georgia, Lebanon, Algeria, Syria, Libya and Belarus. European Union and the partner country sign the Partnership and Cooperation Agreements or Association Agreements, and then the Agreement Action Plans are mutually adapted. Action Plans include privileged relationship, mutual commitment to common values, democracy and human rights, legal and market economy principles, good governance, sustainable development, energy and transportation policies. Within the framework of European Neighborhood Policy, the main aim is to arrange the relationship between the neighbors of European Union. In this study, economic effects of the European Neighborhood Policy will be examined for the relevant countries.
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Umarov, Khodjamahmad. "National Interests and Eurasian Economic Integration." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01167.
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Integration processes, both on global and on regional levels faced serious barriers. Research of these barriers shows that they are connected with irreversible nature of integration processes. The last 30 years behind some exceptions these processions consisted an essence of economic globalization and regionalization trends. Economic integration was focused on realization of small group of oligarchs and the state bureaucrats’ interests. Such orientation with inevitability brought into an impasse which can be explained as the serious crisis phenomenon. In the report the assessment of influence of interests on economic integration is given. Only national interests can appear as influential socio-economic factor of integration processes development. The fullest implementation of national interests directs integration processes on the way of creation of necessary vital conditions for the vast majority of the population. It is, especially, important for the Euroasian space where labor segments of the population occupy the main part of the population and where inertia of the Soviet system is still felt in the economy sphere. Very important is the question of conceptual bases of the Euroasian economic integration. Latter is based on ideology of neoliberal economic school. Development of integration processes in line with a certain neoliberal theory can lead to structural degradation of economy, to transformation of economy of the countries of EuroSEC in mineral and raw appendage of the developed countries. The same situation possible to see in other economic unions of Asia, Africa and Latin America countries.
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Murphy, Cornelius. "Remediation of One Million Tons of Low-Level Radioactive Waste at the Department of Energy Fernald Closure Project." In ASME 2003 9th International Conference on Radioactive Waste Management and Environmental Remediation. ASMEDC, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2003-5001.
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The Fernald Waste Pits Remedial Action Project (WPRAP) is located within the Department of Energy (DOE) Fernald Closure Project (FCP) Site located 32 km (20 miles) northeast of Cincinnati, Ohio. The FCP covers 424 ha (1,050 acres) of land in a rural, agricultural community. Fluor Fernald, Inc., is the Prime Contractor to the DOE for management of the FCP remediation. The WPRAP is removing approximately one million tons of low-level radioactive waste from eight storage pits which cover 15 ha (38 acres). This waste was generated during the FCP uranium metal production years of 1952 to 1989. Radioactive leachate from these wastes contributed to the contamination of an 80 ha (200 acres) portion of the Great Miami Aquifer. This aquifer is a drinking water source for the greater Cincinnati area. This unique project is one of the largest in the history of the Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation and Liability Act (CERCLA)/ Superfund program. The objective of the project is the removal of all of the uranium and thorium contaminated wastes, soils and sludges from the waste pits area of the FCP. The facility in which these wastes are processed was financed and constructed by the Shaw Group (Shaw) and is operated jointly by Shaw and Fluor Fernald. Wet soils and sludges from the waste pits are excavated and thermally dried, then blended and analyzed. Once the waste has been determined to meet criteria for transportation and disposal, it is loaded into specialized railcars and transported by exclusive-use train to the Envirocare Waste Disposal Facility 3,200 km (2,000 miles) away in Clive, Utah. This project is presently about 72% complete. More than 600,000 tons of waste material have been safely transported off site by 95 exclusive-use trains. Waste shipments are projected to be completed by late next year (2004). The progress of the WPRAP to date demonstrates that a major DOE facility remediation project can be safely and successfully executed in partnership with private industry and local stakeholders utilizing proven commercial best practices and existing site labor resources. This paper details project performance to date, challenges encountered, and the cooperation of the DOE, the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA); Fluor Fernald, Inc.; Shaw, local labor unions, and the local community in planning and successfully executing the WPRAP. The cost of the WPRAP to the U.S. Government is projected to be about four hundred million dollars ($400,000,000.00).
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Kesler, John K., Monique F. Stewart, Debra M. Chappell, and Lloyd Parker. "Railroad Industry Workforce Assessment—Next Steps: Working Together to Shape the Rail Workforce of the 21st Century." In 2011 Joint Rail Conference. ASMEDC, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/jrc2011-56055.
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Since 2009, the Obama Administration’s focus on rebuilding the nation’s infrastructure and creating jobs has generated a tremendous amount of investment in transportation related initiatives. Championed by U.S. Department of Transportation (USDOT) Secretary, Ray LaHood, these initiatives have spanned the transportation industry including a portion being allocated to rail. At the 2010 ASME Joint Rail Conference (JRC), Kevin Kesler, Federal Railroad Administration (FRA) Chief of Equipment and Operating Practices Division shared insight into FRA’s tentative workforce development activity (FRA-WDT). This effort is being conducted as part of the larger USDOT National Transportation Workforce Strategy Initiative, which endeavors to identify and report workforce challenges and commonalities across all modes of transportation and discuss strategies to address those issues. Since that presentation, the FRA Workforce Development Team (FRA-WDT) has identified six railroad industry specific challenges and submitted them for incorporation in the USDOT Framework for a National Transportation Workforce Strategy: 1. Aging railroad workforce – highlighting need for knowledge transfer. 2. Workforce diversity – shortages of women and minorities in the rail workforce. 3. Overall image of the rail industry – declining and stagnant technologically. 4. Need for national training standards for freight rail craft and trade positions. 5. Work-life balance issues – attrition among employees with less than five years of service. 6. Availability of suitable metrics to constantly monitor the collective railroad workforce. These issues were derived from independent research as well as interviews conducted with representatives from across the railroad industry (i.e. Class I railroads, short line and regional railroads, labor unions, associations, academia, and FRA staff). Thus, FRA is interested in continuing the dialog and information exchange with railroad industry stakeholders as a means to strategize about these workforce concerns that impact each facet of the industry. An initial set of approaches to each challenge has been identified, which includes partnering with industry stakeholders. Full details and additional insight into the analysis will be shared in the paper.
Reports on the topic "Labor unions and democracy"
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Farhi, Emmanuel, and Iván Werning. Labor Mobility Within Currency Unions. National Bureau of Economic Research, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w20105.
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Krusell, Per, and Leena Rudanko. Unions in a Frictional Labor Market. National Bureau of Economic Research, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w18218.
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Buchanan, Paul G. National Labor Administration and Democracy in Argentina. Defense Technical Information Center, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada194186.
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Brown, Charles. Standard-Rate Wage Setting, Labor Quality, and Unions. National Bureau of Economic Research, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w1717.
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Livingston, Louis. Theodore Roosevelt on Labor Unions: A New Perspective. Portland State University Library, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.3072.
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Wheeler, Christopher L. Labor Relations: Unions and the United States Air Force. Defense Technical Information Center, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ad1018715.
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Breza, Emily, Supreet Kaur, and Nandita Krishnaswamy. Propping Up the Wage Floor: Collective Labor Supply without Unions. National Bureau of Economic Research, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w25880.
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Callaway, Brantly, and William Collins. Unions, Workers, and Wages at the Peak of the American Labor Movement. National Bureau of Economic Research, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w23516.
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Freeman, Richard. Labor Regulations, Unions, and Social Protection in Developing Countries: Market distortions or Efficient Institutions? National Bureau of Economic Research, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w14789.
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Clemens, Jeffrey, and Michael Strain. Public Policy and Participation in Political Interest Groups: An Analysis of Minimum Wages, Labor Unions, and Effective Advocacy. National Bureau of Economic Research, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w27902.
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