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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Labor unions and democracy'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Markowitz, Linda Jill. "Participatory democracy in union organizing: The influence of authority structures on workers' sentiments and actions." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/187431.

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Labor unions began creating new organizing strategies in the nineteen-eighties with the hope of increasing membership levels. This dissertation focuses on two such strategies: the "comprehensive campaign" utilized by the International Grocery Workers' Union (IGWU) and the "blitz" developed by the United States Clothing Workers' Union (USCWU). These strategies differ in one fundamental way; the amount of participation they elicit from the workforce being organized. I am interested in how different levels of participation influence workers' sentiments and actions regarding the union. The IGWU's "comprehensive campaign" is a top-down approach. Union officials collect unsavory information about the company in hopes of exchanging this information for union recognition. Workers' role in the campaign is reduced to signing union cards. The USCWU's "blitz" follows a grass-roots approach. With this strategy, union officials train workers to organize their fellow employees. An active worker contingency, then, helps to mobilize the workforce to vote union. Principles from participatory democracy suggest that when an authority structure incorporates participation, individuals feel more satisfied and committed to the organization. The act of participation also affects people behaviorally; participation teaches individuals how to be active. In order to analyze how the different campaign authority structures influenced workers, I interviewed two groups of employees; thirty of whom experienced the comprehensive campaign and twenty of whom participated in the blitz. Both organizing campaigns were successful and resulted in a union contract. I asked employees about their feelings towards the campaigns and their participation in the union after the campaigns ended. I found that workers from the "comprehensive campaign" perceived the union as a business and this conception of the union discouraged activism and left employees ultimately dissatisfied. Workers from the blitz, however, developed a "union as workers" framework. This framework motivated employees to be active after the organizing campaign and gave workers a sense of fulfillment. The findings from this study suggest that organizing strategies involve more than the ability of unions to increase the number of their rank-and-file. They are a crucial method in which workers learn to become active agents within the union.

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2

Baccaro, Lucio. "The organizational consequences of democracy : labor unions and economic reforms in contemporary Italy." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/9685.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Sloan School of Management, 1999.<br>Includes bibliographical references (p. 258-274).<br>Introduction: This dissertation deals with the recent strategic and organizational transformation of the Italian labor movement. The wave of strikes that swept all West-European countries between the late 1960s and the early 1970s lasted longer in Italy than anywhere else in the world and its effects were much more incisive. 1 The Italian unions emerged from the so-called "Hot Autumn" as much stronger organizations, well-rooted at the enterprise level, and animated by a radical, transformative ideology.Their goal was not just improving the wages and working conditions of the Italian workers but rather promoting a "social revolution" in the country. During the 1970s and 1980s, the behavior of these unions proved to be incompatible with the long-term stability of an open, capitalist economy. Wages grew faster that productivity. Consequently, Italy's inflation rates were higher than all other international competitors. The competitiveness of Italian goods on international markets fell while import penetration increased. Profit margins declined and with them, both capital accumulation and growth rates declined as well. Strike levels were higher than in all other advanced countries. Union demands for expansionary social policies spurred similar requests by other social groups and thus, caused the opening of a (growing) gap between public expenditures and tax receipts. Finally, unlike other unions in Central and Northern Europe, the Italian unions refused to come to terms with Italy's many macroeconomic imbalances by accepting wage moderation and promoting centralized collective bargaining. Beginning with the early 1990s, the Italian kbor movement radically changed its bargaining behavior and firmly embraced the cause of cooperation with management and government forces. In 1993, the Italian unions signed an incomes policies protocol aimed at bringing about centralized control of nominal wage growth. This agreement has been credited with greatly facilitating the process of macroeconomic adjustment in Italy. In 1995 and 1997, they agreed to important reforms of the state pension system. In 1996, they signed a so-called "pact for employment" - a pact aimed at creating favorable investment conditions in underdeveloped areas through flexibility in hiring and firing and the reduction of wage levels below national minima. In sum, the Italian union movement completely reshaped itself in less than ten years. How do we understand this sudden and perhaps even unexpected strategic reversal from conflict to cooperation?<br>by Pasquale V. (Lucio) Baccaro.<br>Ph.D.

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3

Smith, Lon W. Wyman Walker Demarquis. "An experiment in trade union democracy Harold Gibbons and the formation of Teamsters Local 688, 1937-1957 /." Normal, Ill. Illinois State University, 1993. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ilstu/fullcit?p9416869.

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Thesis (D.A.)--Illinois State University, 1993.<br>Title from title page screen, viewed March 9, 2006. Dissertation Committee: Walker D. Wyman (chair), Lawrence W. McBride, Edward L. Schapsmeier, John B. Freed, Larry D. Kennedy, Richard J. Soderlund. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 344-353) and abstract. Also available in print.

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4

Fourcade, Cécile. "L' autonomie collective des partenaires sociaux : essai sur les rapports entre démocratie politique et démocratie sociale /." Paris : LGDJ, 2006. http://www.gbv.de/dms/spk/sbb/recht/toc/523123817.pdf.

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5

McBride, Anne. "Re-shaping trade union democracy : developing effective representation for women in UNISON." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1997. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3677/.

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The under-representation of women and over-representation of men in trade unions raises questions as to why it occurs, its consequences for women and how it can be overcome. This thesis engages with these questions. It indicates the dominant ideologies and institutions which underpin the dominant male model of trade unions and discusses strategies designed to change the 'rules of the game'. The creation of UNISON on 1st July 1993 provides a research site in which to study the extent to which trade union democracy can be deliberately re-shaped so as to reflect the interests of women. UNISON represents 1.3 million workers within the public service sector, two-thirds of whom are women. It has been the express intention of UNISON to achieve gender democracy through empowering its women members to participate in its representative structures. In particular, the adoption of three key principles in the rule book: proportionality for women, fair representation at all levels and self-organisation for four disadvantaged groups, is intended to have a significant impact on the nature of women's involvement in the union. This thesis contains extensive case study material collected within UNISON over a two year period, ending November 1995. It reveals the opportunities which the three rule book commitments provide for effective representation by women in UNISON. By excluding men so that women can take the majority of representative positions, proportionality and fair representation change the predominant values and beliefs of trade union democracy. By providing opportunities for women to determine their own agenda, in the absence of men, self-organisation challenges the ideology that union strength is based on unity and common interests. However, the dominant model of trade unionism is not being re-shaped without tension or resistance. This thesis argues that ideologies and institutions remain which prevent women's access to representative structures being translated into the discussion of women's concerns in UNISON's decision making arena. VII

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6

Hassan, Abdullah Wais. "Unreliable Allies| Democrats and the Decline of Public Sector Unions." Thesis, University of California, Santa Cruz, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10684737.

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<p>Public sector unionization rose dramatically during the 1960s and 1970s ? even as private sector unions declined ? and by 2010, membership in public sector unions surpassed that of private sector unions. They are now a mainstay of the U.S. labor movement, and wield sizable influence in local, state, and national politics. Yet public employee unions have recently been under political attack, and government employees have suffered losses in employment, compensation and bargaining rights at record levels since the Great Recession. Notably, these assaults have come not just from Republican-led statehouses, but from longstanding Democratic allies. Public sector unions have traditionally been a bulwark of the Democratic Party, providing Democratic officeholders money and votes. Scholarly accounts emphasize the close alliance Democrats built with public sector unions during the second half of the 20th century. Yet I argue that from the 1990s onward, Democratic-controlled state governments had a hand in weakening public sector unions and undercutting the position of public employees by opting not to expand bargaining rights, and by pursuing pension privatization and cutbacks. This project delineates public sector union history in four distinct phases (origins, expansion, stagnation and retrenchment), and traces the changing relationship between public sector unions and Democratic Party officials at the sub-national level. I use federal data, state legislative records, and interviews to examine the politics of the current period of retrenchment. Comparative state-level case studies and a regression analysis of voting on pension legislation in every state legislature reveal that Democratic support for retrenchment hinged on three factors: (1) interest group power and mobilization; (2) efforts of wealthy policy entrepreneurs; and (3) political leadership. I find that public sector unions were able to surmount this more difficult political environment only when labor (1) built coalitions with other interest groups and effectively countered business opposition; (2) secured large Democratic majorities within the statehouse; and (3) won the tacit support of the state?s governor. A looming Supreme Court ruling against mandatory union dues means the political environment for public sector unionization will only become more difficult in future years.

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7

Smith, Newman. "Politics, industrial policy and democracy : the Electricians' Union, 1945-1988." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1988. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3937/.

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The post-war history of the Electricians' union has been a very stormy one indeed. During the 1950s, when the union was controlled by the Communist Party, there began a stream of allegations from within the union and from the press that the leaders of the ETU were engaged in electoral malpractice. Eventually, in 1961, the High Court did find that some ETU leaders, who were also members of the Communist Party, had used `fraudulent and unlawful devices' to secure the re-election of the Communist General Secretary of the union in 1959. Following the trial the ETU was expelled both from the TUC and the Labour Party, but they were re-admitted in 1962 after a new right-wing leadership was elected to office. Since 1962 the right-wing has enjoyed an uninterrupted control of the Electricians' union. Its opponents claim that this control has been maintained because, under the name of reforms, a huge reshaping of the union's internal democracy has occurred which has been effective in undermining any oppositional challenge and has placed more and more power in the hands of the Executive Council. The thesis is an examination of these two periods of the union's history, and the different strategies pursued by the Communist and right-wing leaderships. It details the rise of the Communist Party in the ETU, and considers the allegations of ballot-rigging that led to the 1961 trial. It examines the remodelling of the union in the 1960s, charts the rise of the organized opposition to the leadership in the 1970s, and considers the controversial `strike-free' agreements that the union has negotiated in recent years. However, the thesis attempts to do more than just chronicle particular episodes in the post-war history of the Electricians' union: it also attempts to understand this history by the use of two broad theoretical approaches. Firstly, the union's internal history is considered in the light of the wider political and industrial factors that have shaped and re-shaped that history. In other words, the union's democracy cannot be understood by solely examining its internal workings, `external' factors also have to be considered. From this perspective it is argued that the ballot-rigging and bureaucratic manipulation that took place under the Communist leadership cannot be understood simply in terms of a faulty electoral process open to abuse by unscrupulous men. Rather, those factors that allowed the CP to legitimately take charge of the union in the first place, and those which compelled some members of the ETU to eventually abuse the unions' electoral process, were intimately linked to the post-war industrial climate and in particular the political and industrial strategies of the Communist Party. Similarly, the remodelling of the union's democracry in the 1960s, and the history of the union up to the present day, has to be understood not just in terms of an authoritarian leadership, but by reference to the particular circumstances that allowed the right-wing to take control of the union, and the political and industrial policies that underlay the reshaping of democracy in the union. Secondly, throughout the thesis there is an engagement with Robert Michels' `iron law of oligarchy'. Michels' theory was expostulated in his Political Parties (1911) and can be summed up in his famous dictum `who says organization, says oligarchy', and in his assertion that in the trade union movement the `authoritative character of the leaders and their tendency to rule bureaucratic organizations on oligarchic lines, are even more pronounced than in political parties'. This theory is critically considered in the context of the actual workings of the post-war Electrician's union. Overall, the thesis attempts to do a number of things: to give a particular account of the major episodes in the union's post-war history, which range from the ballot-rigging of the 1950s to the `strike-free' deals of the 1980s; to explore the relationship between the political and industrial policies of the CP and right-wing leaderships and the union's democracy; to offer a critical appraisal of Michels' `iron law of oligarchy', and, finally, as the union faces expulsion from the TUC, to consider the future prospects for democracy in the EETPU.

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8

Mpunzima, Kayalethu Wycliff. "Unfinished business: current and past trade union leaders' perceptions of the political transition after the first decade of democracy (1994-2004) in South Africa." Thesis, University of Port Elizabeth, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1284.

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The study reviews the political transition after the first decade of democracy from the trade union leaders’ perspectives. It seeks to understand whether trade union leaders see workers as having reaped benefits from their struggles. Interviews were conducted with ten current and past trade union leaders on their perceptions about the political transition. The trade union leaders that were interviewed have rich experience of combining their organisational and mobilising strength with strategies of engagement. Their involvement with trade unions can be traced back during the dark years of Apartheid. Some of them are still active members of trade unions who are deeply involved in policy formulation at national level. Others occupy influential positions in the private and public sectors. The study investigates and analyses the labour movement’s objectives, strategies and struggles from the apartheid, transition, and democratic eras and into the future. It looks at how these objectives were achieved and how the strategies were implemented. The study revealed that progress was made in the political sphere, e.g. a parliamentary office was established to ensure that workers have a voice in parliament. The study found clear evidence of influence by the labour movement in economic and labour legislation through structures like NEDLAC. In the economic arena, the study found that workers’ economic expectations were partially fulfilled. Trade union leaders attributed this to the failure of the government’s GEAR policy to create jobs. They insisted that RDP should be implemented. The study revealed evidence of serious tensions within the ANC/COSATU/SACP Alliance. The study found that the influence of the labour ally, COSATU, in the Tripartite Alliance had been curtailed. The study also found that the strength of the labour movement eroded during the first decade of democracy. The research found that the labour movement took new initiatives such as union investment companies. The research also found support for the theory that COSATU’s obsession with alliance politics was a barrier to labour unity. COSATU was not involved in the merger talks between FEDUSA and NACTU. The respondents generally felt positively about the future prospects. Respondents were mostly optimistic about the political transformation. If there was slow delivery or no delivery by the government or business, the unions vowed to take to the streets.

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9

Pearson, Ian. "Power and participation in a general union : patterns of organisation and democracy in three GMB regions." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1987. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3635/.

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This study is about the organisation and government of the General Municipal and Boilermakers' from 1970 to 1985. Its focus is, as far as is known, unique in that it concentrates primarily on government at the regional level, examining the GMB's Birmingham, Liverpool and Northern regions. Rather than focusing explicitly on the policy issues related to recent legislation, it analyses the wider issues of power and participation relevant to the debate on union democracy. The thesis adopts an eclectic approach to union democracy, synthesising previous approaches within the framework of the vertical and horizontal dispersion of decision making developed by Undy et al, which is given a prescriptive dimension. The regional focus, and secondary focuses on intervening variables within the framework, are principally examined through conducting structured interviews with members and officers at all levels of the union. The research work is divided into four chapters, which follow chapters reviewing the literature and presenting the research focus, and giving an historical overview of the union up until the research period commences. The first examines the national level changes since 1970 and membership participation in the national political system. The other three chapters have a specific regional focus analysing regional variations in membership growth and participation at the local level; the locus of regional power and variations in participation in regional government; and membership participation in collective bargaining. The research contributes to knowledge of trade union government at the regional level; an almost completely explored and, it is argued, an important area which requires further research. It demonstrates the significant extent of regional variations within a single union and shows how these have led to markedly different levels of membership participation in decision making structures in the three regions. It shows that the commonly held view that GMB regional secretaries are barons of their own area is misplaced, noting constraints which prevent oligarchic domination of regions. It also highlights the pervasive, but long since neglected, influence of union constitutional provisions as a factor affecting union democracy. Finally, it suggests that the eclectic framework could be usefully adopted by future contributions to union democracy research.

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10

Charlton, Christopher, and University of Lethbridge Faculty of Arts and Science. "An analysis of the links between the Alberta New Democrats and organized labour." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Dept. of Political Science, 2009, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/2526.

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Like its counterparts in other provinces, the Alberta New Democratic Party has a formal relationship with organized labour. This thesis will examine the logic of the underlying relationship that persists between the two parties despite the difficult political and economic environment in Alberta. This thesis will discuss the complex and changing relationship between labour and the NDP in Alberta, making use of data from a variety of sources, but will rely heavily on data gathered from a series of interviews conducted with union and party officials in 2008. The thesis will deal particularly with the increasing fragmentation of the union movement in Alberta and the increasing independence of labour union campaigns during elections as challenges for the Alberta NDP in the future.<br>vi, 176 leaves ; 29 cm

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11

Tang, Kung. "The Search for Order and Liberty : The British Police, the Suffragettes, and the Unions, 1906-1912." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279136/.

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From 1906 to 1912 the British police contended with the struggles of militant suffragettes and active unionists. In facing the disturbances associated with the suffragette movement and union mobilization, the police confronted the dual problems of maintaining the public order essential to the survival and welfare of the kingdom while at the same time assuring to individuals the liberty necessary for Britain's further progress. This dissertation studies those police activities in detail.

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Madiehe, Wellington Thabo. "Comparative analysis of temporary employment services in South Africa, particularly labour brokers." University of the Western Cape, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/7382.

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Magister Philosophiae - MPhil<br>In the early 1990s, South Africa (SA) entered its democratic transition, which created expectations of a dramatic turnaround in the country’s economy.1 The readmission of SA to the global arena introduced the economy to concepts such as globalisation. Globalisation came with some implications and impact that have been widely debated.2 The democratic transition brought a significant change to the job spectrum, generating an increase in Temporary Employment Service (TES) and a decrease in permanent employment.3 The reasons leading to this increase are that subcontracting is beneficial to employers in that this process results in the transferral of social risks to the subcontractor, reducing direct exposure to labour legislation.4 Regarding the pertinence of this issue, the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), the biggest union federation in the country, and the ruling party, the African National Congress (ANC), have long called for the elimination of labour brokers.5 COSATU, in its presentation to the Portfolio Committee on Labour in 2009, argued that labour brokers act as intermediaries to access jobs that allegedly exist, and which in many cases would have existed previously as permanent full time jobs.6

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13

Pocock, Barbara. "Challenging male advantage in Australian unions /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1996. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09php7409.pdf.

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14

Carden, Michael Joseph. "Union democracy and incorporation : a case study of the Transport and General Workers Union Merseyside Division with particular reference to the dock industry." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.387272.

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15

Tope, Daniel B. "The politics of union decline an historical analysis /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1185824363.

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16

Livingston, Louis B. "Theodore Roosevelt on Labor Unions: A New Perspective." PDXScholar, 2010. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3077.

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Historical studies of Theodore Roosevelt's views about labor and labor unions are in conflict. This was also true of contemporary disagreements about the meaning of his labor rhetoric and actions. The uncertainties revolve around whether or not he was sincere in his support of working people and labor unions, whether his words and actions were political only or were based on a philosophical foundation, and why he did not propose comprehensive labor policies. Roosevelt historiography has addressed these questions without considering his stated admiration for Octave Thanet's writings about "labor problems." Octave Thanet was the pseudonym of Alice French, a popular fiction writer during Roosevelt's adult years. Roosevelt on several occasions praised her knowledge of factory conditions and discussions of labor problems, and he invited her to the White House. The thesis analyzes her labor stories, Roosevelt's comments about her labor writings, and their relevance to how he responded to the growth and tactics of organized labor. It also addresses the influence on Roosevelt of contemporary writing on labor unions by John Hay, Henry George, and Herbert Croly, as well as his relationship with labor leader Samuel Gompers. The thesis concludes that Roosevelt was sincere about improving the social and industrial conditions of workers, primarily through government action. It further concludes that his support of labor unions in principle was genuine, but was contingent on organized labor's repudiation of violence and attempts to justify violence; and that he opposed union boycotts and mandatory union membership as inimical to his vision of a classless society. The thesis additionally considers the extent to which Roosevelt's views were embodied in national labor legislation after his death.

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Webster, Barbara Grace. ""Fighting in the grand cause" a history of the trade union movement in Rockhampton, 1907-1957 /." Access full text, 1999. http://elvis.cqu.edu.au/thesis/adt-QCQU/public/adt-QCQU20020715.151239.

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Thesis (Ph.D) -- Central Queensland University, 1999.<br>Submitted as fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Central Queensland University, August 1999". Bibliography: leaves 425-452. Also available via the World Wide Web.

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18

Ewen, Geoffrey. "International unions and the workers' revolt in Quebec, 1914-1925." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape17/PQDD_0021/NQ27291.pdf.

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19

Höglin, Erik. "Inequality in the labor market : insurance, unions, and discrimination." Doctoral thesis, Handelshögskolan i Stockholm, Samhällsekonomi (S), 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hhs:diva-452.

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20

Himarios, Jane Smith. "Determinants of labor union members' satisfaction with their unions." Diss., Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/53531.

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This study investigates the determinants of union members' satisfaction with their unions. Two theories of member satisfaction are formulated. In the first, satisfaction is hypothesized to be a function of specific union performances. The second theory relates satisfaction to the relationship between unions and their members. Constitutional procedures, in addition to performance, are the predicted determinants of satisfaction. A set of variables measuring union performance in various areas thought to be important to union members is constructed to test the first theory. In the second theory, labor union constitutions are viewed as explicit contracts between unions and their members, and various constitutional provisions are quantified and used as a set of satisfaction determinants. Performance variables are found to be the primary determinants of satisfaction, explaining the majority of the measured variation in satisfaction. The constitutional variables cannot be ignored, however, because when they are combined with performance variables they do contribute significantly, in a statistical sense, to the explanatory power of the union satisfaction model. It appears that constitutional "contracts" which specify officer removal and officer election procedures do help to solve union members' agency problems and thus increase their satisfaction with their unions.<br>Ph. D.

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Zhang, Yunqiu. "Rivalry and alliance Chinese trade unions and state power in the twentieth century, with special attention to Qingdao and Shanghai /." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ28102.pdf.

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Wood, Melanie D. "An investigation of unionization in the public sector." Instructions for remote access. Click here to access this electronic resource. Access available to Kutztown University faculty, staff, and students only, 1997. http://www.kutztown.edu/library/services/remote_access.asp.

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Thesis (M.P.A.)--Kutztown University of Pennsylvania, 1997.<br>Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 45-06, page: 2964. Abstract precedes thesis as preliminary leaves [1-2]. Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 87-90).

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Wargo, Kevin. "To be or not to be : the progression of the union /." Lynchburg, VA : Liberty University, 2007. http://digitalcommons.liberty.edu.

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Tsui, Fee-hung Vincent. "Labour movement and its influence on the development of social security in Hong Kong /." [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1986. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B1232260X.

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Wan, Ho-in Eric. "A study of the political participation of Hong Kong's labour movement leadership in the transitional period /." [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1993. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B13465120.

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Jones, John D. (John David). "Social-structural and Election Level Determinants of the Outcome of Union Certification Elections, 1981-1990." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc332495/.

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The purpose of this research is to identify major factors that can be used to explain and predict the process of growth in union membership as represented by union victories in certification elections. The emphasis of this research is on organization and social-structural level factors. The logistic regression procedure reveals that organization level variables are most significant in explaining union victories in certification elections. Among the organization level variables, Unit Size, as defined by the NLRB, is the most significant variable in each year of the study and across all industrial classifications.

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Ragoobur, Satiumsingh. "Trade unions in an era of globalisation." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2004. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/11381/.

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The objectives of this thesis are twofold. First, to investigate the link between foreign competition and the decline of unionisation in Britain during the 1980s and early 1990s. Second, to examine the impact of international trade on the wage bargaining strength of trade unions as measured by the union wage gap of individual workers. The study focuses primarily on the manufacturing sector given that it has suffered the heaviest decline in unionisation and is the most tradable and open sector of the UK economy. An important aspect of the thesis is the data used. The empirical analyses are carried out using labour market information from large individual and firm level surveys such as the New Earnings Survey Panel Dataset and the Workplace Industrial Relations Survey matched with industry trade data compiled from the OECD's International Trade by Commodities Statistics. The results demonstrate that foreign competition had, at most, a weak impact on the extent of unionisation in UK manufacturing. It seems more likely that the anti-union policy pursued by Thatcher's Conservative Government restricted the exercise of union power whilst providing employers with the opportunity to reaffirm their prerogatives and marginalize the union movement. On the other hand, we do find that increased openness to international trade served to moderate union wage demands during the 1980s. Although, it would appear that the disciplining effect of foreign competition diminished over time as the union mark up was not adversely affected towards the mid-1990s.

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Rachmawati, Riani. "Trade Unions behaviour in multinationals in Indonesia." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2010. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/750/.

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This thesis has aimed to explore the strategy chosen by unions in multinationals which in turn would influence the union’s behaviour towards the management in the so-called ‘neo-liberalism’ environment. Multinationals were chosen for this thesis as multinationals have been among the role players in Indonesian economy particularly after the Suharto’s era (1966-onwards). As cheap labour is one of the necessary conditions to attract foreign investment as Indonesia does not have technological superiority or abundant skilled labour, it was important to examine the role of trade union in multinationals as the representative of the employees to enhance to conditions of its members. Four multinationals from different industries were studied to enable comparison.The theoretical model underpinning this thesis has been that of Huzzard’s (2004) strategic choice model. This model suggested that there are four levels of strategy which unions would have to choose. The Huzzard’s strategic choice model ranges form choosing and defining the union’s mission, ideology and identity to that of choosing union’s structures, processes and capacities. This model also suggests that the choice of the strategy is highly influenced by the internal and external factors of the union.

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Morgan, Graham Jones. "The usefulness of accounting to trade unions." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1985. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/91031/.

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The objective of this dissertation is to analyse some important aspects of the issue of the usefulness of accounting to trade unions. This issue raises fundamental questions as to whether trade unions must plan for or simply represent the interests of employees in the modern business enterprise. The analysis presented suggests that trade union use of accounting information, within the business enterprise will be restricted so long as they pursue re-active, oppositional policies within a context established by management strategic planning practices and consequently will have little influence on events. Both a theoretical review of the principles of strategic planning and an examination of recent economic history shows that management do not plan to promote the interests of employees, and that managerial control of the strategic planning process is of vital importance. In consequence, I argue that the power latent in trade unions can only be harnessed if they reconceptualise their central 'organizing principles' around challenging management strategic planning prerogatives by developing an independent ability to plan. Previous research into the usefulness of information to trade unions has not recognized this planning requirement and has, in consequence, been highly restricted in perspective and has under estimated the usefulness of information to trade unions. The methodology of this thesis is qualitative. By collecting unstructured, in-depth data from a major case study, it has been possible not only to assess the usefulness of accounting information to trade unions, but also, crucially, to analyse it within the context of problems which trade unions confront in developing a constructive response to economic change.

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Gonzalez, Marcela Fabiana. "The politics of labor unions laws policy making in Argentina." College Park, Md.: University of Maryland, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/3778.

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Thesis (M.A.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2006.<br>Thesis research directed by: Dept. of Sociology. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.

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Frias, Anguiano Judith Alejandra. "Unions, taxes, and the changing Mexican labor market, 1990-2007." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1692785511&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Biyanwila, Janaka. "Trade unions in Sri Lanka under globalisation : reinventing worker solidarity /." Connect to this title, 2003. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2004.0045.

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Botterweck, Jan. "Gewerkschaftspluralismus im Betrieb /." Frankfurt am Main [u.a.] : Lang, 2007. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=015655046&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

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Chiu, Kit-yi Priscilla, and 趙潔儀. "Labour organizations and political change in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1986. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31975045.

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Ng, Yuen-ming Amy. "The labour unions of social workers employed by the subvented organizations in Hong Kong /." [Hong Kong] : University of Hong Kong, 1994. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B13788061.

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Chiu, Kit-yi Priscilla. "Labour organizations and political change in Hong Kong." [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1986. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B12333499.

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Qidwai, Khayyam U. "Beyond recognition contending with regional tensions for long term solidarity /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1242713649.

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Law, Wing-fai. "Political parties, labor unions and public policies : a study of the impact of pressure groups on the labor importation scheme /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1997. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B18595923.

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Chan, Bing-tai. "Collective bargaining in the Hong Kong public service : a study of Post Office Staff Unions /." [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1990. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B12816966.

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Rooks, Anne MacPherson. "Working for change young reformers in labor unions and public schools /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1467894161&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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41

Newby, Andrew G. "The life and times of Edward McHugh (1853 - 1915), land reformer, trade unionist, and labour activist /." Lewiston, NY [u.a.] : Mellen, 2004. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy052/2004059452.html.

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KADLECK, COLLEEN. "POLICE UNIONS: AN EMPIRICAL EXAMINATION." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2001. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin997187643.

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43

Johnson, Susan. "Five essays on unionization and labour markets in Canada and the United States /." *McMaster only, 2001.

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44

Engren, Jimmy. "Railroading and labor migration : class and ethnicity in expanding capitalism in Northern Minnesota, the 1880s to the mid 1920s /." Växjö : Växjö University Press, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-1636.

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45

Manquilef, Bächler Alejandra Adriana. "Effects of unions and management practices on performance and wages." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2009. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3768/.

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Chapter 1 examined the wage premia related to union membership and coverage over 1991-2003, a period involving decline and stabilisation of union participation. Differences in union premia - across workers and over time - were studied using a rich individual-level data: the British Household Panel Survey. A quantile regression technique allowing for endogeneity of the membership decision was implemented. Raw differentials suggested the presence of large and positive union wage premia that were stronger at the bottom of the wage distribution in both private and public sectors. After controlling for other factors influencing wages, union premia asymmetries were no longer apparent in the private sector. When endogeneity was taken into account, there was no one significant premium in the private sector, indicating positive selection into union jobs. In contrast, in the public sector, workers whose jobs were covered by union contracts were found to earn more than not covered workers (ceteris paribus); this effect was stronger at the bottom among males, while for females the premium was constant across workers and substantial over the whole period, reflecting the continuing strength of public sector unions. Since the difference between union members over covered non-members was always found to be insignificant, chapter 1 concluded that there is no free-rider puzzle. Chapter 2 investigated whether the U.K. National Minimum Wage introduction on April 1st, 1999 affected unionisation rates among workers whose wages rose to comply with the law. The British Household Panel Survey is used because it provides rich individual information that affects the union choices and it permits the implementation of the Difference-in-Difference estimator. Results were robust to sub-samples, alternative comparison groups and different estimation methods. Chapter 2 found that employees from workplaces where unions had been recognised were 15 percentage points more likely to become union members when the NMW was introduced. Workers did so, presumably, to protect their jobs. There was neither law anticipation nor first NMW upgrade significant effects. Chapter 3 studied the effects of Human Resource Management Practices (HRM) on performance. It analysed the case of private firms in Great Britain by making use of the Workplace Employment Relations Survey in 2004 (WERS): a linked employer-employee data that allowed investigating what HRM did to firms as well as to their workers. As few others have done, this chapter: i) modelled the adoption of HRM as endogenous; ii) used 28 practices that together covered the main areas of personnel relations; and iii) allowed for different effects to exist between low- and high-technology firms. The results were robust to eight measures of HRM and different estimation strategies including the latent factor modelling approach – never implemented in this context. In low-technology firms, monetary incentives were found to increase both worker productivity and profits - by increasing revenue further than costs (in the ratio 4:1). By contrast, in high-technology firms, the sense of fairness at work combined with hiring procedures were found to increase worker productivity and profits - by increasing revenue further than costs (in the ration 2:1). Only in non-union workplaces, worker involvement in decision making was found to reduce performance, i.e., decentralisation damages performance if the establishment lacks the right incentives for their workers to offer valuable ideas for firm.

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Gad, Laila. "The impact of structural adjustment on trade unions in Egypt." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1997. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/1132/.

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The following research focuses on trade union organisations, and in particular trade union officialdom in Egypt. The study examines the extent to which trade union officials at the various levels of the trade union hierarchy are reacting to reforms instigated by structural adjustment policies. The adoption of structural adjustment and economic reform measures as proposed by the World Bank and IMF have resulted in the government's withdrawal of some of the benefits and privileges it accorded to workers. Public sector workers are particularly affected by these changes, thereby posing a challenge to trade union officialdom, since the bulk of trade union membership is within the public sector. Trade union officials are reacting to the reform measures by trying to balance their role as representatives of workers' interests and their role in administering state policy. Whereas in the past these two roles were reconcilable, however, with liberalisation of the economy and the adoption of structural adjustment measures that is no longer tenable. Trade unionism has been weakened by the incorporation of union officials within government corporate structures, making it more difficult for trade union officialdom to challenge the reform measures adopted by the government. Rather, trade union officials are opting for `co-operation' both with the government and with management in enterprises, to the cost of workers. In enterprises, trade union officials emphasise that the interests of work and workers are inseparable. At the level of the confederation and general unions, union officials present themselves as working to keep workers' rights, but also as partners with the government in its drive for growth. By so doing trade union officials are de-politicising trade unionism, and instead focus on economic gains. Union officials are redefining their role away from workers. Trade union action at the various levels is not based on what workers want or demand, but rather on what trade union officials want, in the belief that workers do not truly know their interests. As a result, trade union action has promoted the interests of union officials rather than that of the workers. Trade unionism has become in a sense a shell without a content. However, there is evidence that there are pressures to democratise trade unionism and make it more responsive to worker demands. These pressures are from within the worker base, from trade union officials particularly at the enterprise level who are affilited to political parties, and from external forces like the Islamists. However these forces have their limitations, particularly in the face of institutionalised sectors that are capable of reproducing themselves and promoting their interests.

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Munro, Anne. "Women in trade unions : a study of hospital ancillary workers." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1990. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/98494/.

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This thesis is about working class women and the way in which their interests are represented in trade unions. The key argument made is that there operates a 'trade union agenda' which precludes the full representation of women's interests, even when individual members strive to have these interests represented. The study is based on empirical research with four trade union branches, two from NUPE and two from COHSE, covering ancillary workers at four NHS hospitals. The thesis stresses the importance of understanding how women's work is structured in order to investigate the role of trade unions in challenging or reproducing inequalities. It focuses on catering and cleaning workers, and therefore includes a detailed analysis of these areas of work. The research shows that this work is constructed around gender and results in women having specific interests in the workplace. It suggests that these workplace interests reflect an underlying conflict between men and women based on the hierarchical division of the labour market by sex. Throughout the study the importance of racial divisions to the development of unity or division is considered. The thesis analyses the role of local trade union branches in representing the interests of these workers, showing that unions vary in their success in this process. It argues that structural modification in unions cannot guarantee improved participation and representation of women members, although is a prerequisite. The thesis concludes that the 'trade union agenda' presents an underlying limitation to this process.

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Nash, Bradley Jr. "Labor Law and the State: The Crises of Unions in the 1980s." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/27339.

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This study broadly assesses the role played by political factors in the widespread union crises that occurred in many Western capitalist democracies during the 1980s. Specifically examined are the effects of state labor law policies on union strike effectiveness in Great Britain and the United States. Three case studies of union strikes in Great Britain reveal that the Thatcher administration's legislative restructuring of industrial relations had a significant impact in exacerbating the crisis of British unions as the 1980s progressed. Three case studies of union strikes in the United States reveal that the Reagan administration's interpretive restructuring of an existing statutory framework played a relatively insignificant role in the crisis of American unions during the 1980s. Overall, because of political and institutional variations across the two countries, the organized labor movements in Great Britain and the United States could be characterized as undergoing qualitatively distinct crises during the 1980s. This finding has implications for broader theoretical arguments regarding an inevitable convergence of union decline across Western capitalist democracies.<br>Ph. D.

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Lima, Julio L. "Power, trust, police unions, and police managers| A quantitative research study." Thesis, Capella University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3732850.

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<p> A Likert Scale Attitudinal Survey was distributed to sworn, non-supervisor, police officers at six police departments in the state of California in a department roll-call setting to measure the counterbalance of power, trust, and influence between police managers and police union leaders. The relationship between a police management and police union leadership is critical component in the internal dynamics of the police organization. The results from this study provide evidence that although on average rank and file police officers tend to trust and attribute more power within police organizations to police unions rather than to police managers, an analysis of the survey responses by inferential statistics showed that these differences were not statistically significant. Furthermore, an analysis of the survey results measuring the relationship between the specific leadership bases of power and trust revealed a statistically significant relationship between the perception of trust by rank and file officers and the use of specific bases of power by police managers and police union leaders. In conclusion, the implications for studies of leadership, power, and policing are discussed.</p>

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Fritsma, Teri Jo. "Women and the labor movement occupational sex composition and union membership, 1983-2005 /." Diss., University of Iowa, 2007. http://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/178.

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