Academic literature on the topic 'Labor unions Germany'
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Journal articles on the topic "Labor unions Germany"
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Meyer, Brett. "Learning to Love the Government." World Politics 68, no. 3 (May 18, 2016): 538–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887116000058.
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One counterintuitive variation in wage-setting regulation is that countries with the highest labor standards and strongest labor movements are among the least likely to set a statutory minimum wage. This, the author argues, is due largely to trade union opposition. Trade unions oppose the minimum wage when they face minimal low-wage competition, which is affected by the political institutions regulating industrial action, collective agreements, and employment, as well as by the skill and wage levels of their members. When political institutions effectively regulate low-wage competition, unions oppose the minimum wage. When political institutions are less favorable toward unions, there may be a cleavage between high- and low-wage unions in their minimum wage preferences. The argument is illustrated with case studies of the UK, Germany, and Sweden. The author demonstrates how the regulation of low-wage competition affects unions’ minimum wage preferences by exploiting the following labor market institutional shocks: the Conservatives’ labor law reforms in the UK, the Hartz labor market reforms in Germany, and the European Court of Justice's Laval ruling in Sweden. The importance of union preferences for minimum wage adoption is also shown by how trade union confederation preferences influenced the position of the Labour Party in the UK and the Social Democratic Party in Germany.
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Jürgens, Ulrich, Larissa Klinzing, and Lowell Turner. "The Transformation of Industrial Relations in Eastern Germany." ILR Review 46, no. 2 (January 1993): 229–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979399304600202.
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Citing case studies based on interviews they conducted in 1991 and 1992 with labor representatives and managers at six eastern German manufacturing firms, the authors argue that the future could hold either vigor and growth or stagnation and permanent second-class status for the economy and labor movement in eastern Germany, depending largely on actor strategy and choice. The rapid spread of privatization and open markets is tending to undermine unions' influence, on the one hand; but on the other hand, institutional transfer from former West Germany (especially of codetermination law and centralized, regional-level collective bargaining) is giving unions and works councils increased possibilities for leverage.
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Çelik, Ercüment, and Simon Norbert Schmid. "Global Justice Advocacy, Trade Unions, and the Supply Chain Law Initiative in Germany." New Global Studies 16, no. 1 (March 11, 2022): 91–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ngs-2022-0005.
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Abstract This article focuses on the Supply Chain Law Initiative in Germany (SCLI)/Initiative Lieferkettengesetz as a case of global justice advocacy. The SCLI was a campaign by German civil society organizations that advocated for a law that would make it mandatory for corporations active in Germany to respect human, labor, and environmental rights along their supply chains. This research explores the strategies for advocacy used by the SCLI in the process of effective law-making. It also investigates the role of the SCLI in the context of global labor solidarity. The research results show that although this new law has some shortcomings in terms of international human rights standards, it has achieved partial progress as one of the most successful examples of alliance building between unions and civil society organizations in Germany. The SCLI has brought about a paradigm shift from voluntary towards mandatory due diligence. This experience can be carried one step further to accomplish a supply chain law at the European Union level. The authors argue that the SCLI experience opens up a new stage for rethinking the structural dilemma of unions in Germany in choosing between global solidarity and national corporatist social partnership.
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Denis, Mathieu. "Syndicalisme et unification allemande : un essai d’historiographie contemporaine." Revue d’Allemagne et des pays de langue allemande 33, no. 1 (2001): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/reval.2001.5632.
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Can one analyze the fall of the GDR and German Unification without even considering the actions and positions taken by the trade unions ? The numerous works dealing with these events, which almost completely disregard the trade union movement, could lead one to believe just that. The essays on the German trade unions during the course of the events of 1989-1990 appear to back up this conclusion. The West-German unions are depicted as having been overwhelmed by the rapid changes taking place in East Germany. The reforms of the East German unions are described as attempts by defenders of the Regime to save their heads. The “merger” of the trade unions through the dissolution of the East-German organizations and the subsequent affiliation by East-German workers to the Western unions are seen as the logical result of the fall of the GDR, a necessary consequence which the German organized labor movement is said to have been long reluctant to accept. In other words, the literature tends to present the process from the point of view of its outcome. By doing this, it not only clearly underestimates the importance of issues and debates which shook the German trade union movement and which were at the heart of the unification process, but also disregards the fundamental part played by the trade unions during the course of this process.
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Rozhin, Alexander Aleksandrovich. "Trade unions in Germany: challenges and solutions." Contemporary Europe, no. 6 (December 15, 2023): 154–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s020170832306013x.
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German trade unions traditionally play critical role in securing fair work conditions and wages. However, in the XXI century they are facing significant challenges, caused by effects of globalization, structural changes in the labor market and others. The most prominent problem is gradually declining membership and therefore shrinking resource capacity. Necessity to attract new members encourages them to undertake many different actions: from increasing protest activity to altering their work models. Author considers the cases of German trade unions and how they react to the acute issues and their connection to the protests. Author draws a conclusion that structural transformations of the labor market have been more impactful than changes in their public perception. Worker unions have remained a significant and influential force in political and social fields. Nevertheless, format of their work requires significant modifications to strengthen them as organizations that truly represent workers interests.
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Anderson, Karen M., and Traute Meyer. "Social Democracy, Unions, and Pension Politics in Germany and Sweden." Journal of Public Policy 23, no. 1 (January 2003): 23–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x03003027.
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This article investigates the politics of reforming mature, pay-as-you-go pensions in the context of austerity. In both Sweden and Germany the Social Democratic party leadership advocated reform in response to similar financial and demographic pressures, but the Swedish reform was more successful in correcting perceived program weaknesses and in defending social democratic values. To explain this difference in outcomes, we focus on policy legacies and the organizational and political capacities of labor movements. We argue that existing pension policies in Germany were more constraining than in Sweden, narrowing the range of politically feasible strategies. By contrast, in Sweden, existing pension policy provided opportunities for turning vices into virtues and financing the transition to a new system. In addition, the narrow interests of German unions and the absence of institutionalized cooperation with the Social Democratic Party hindered reform. By contrast, the Swedish Social Democrats' bargaining position in pension reform negotiations with non-socialist parties was formulated with blue collar union interests in mind. The encompassing interests of Swedish unions and their close links with the Social Democrats facilitated a reform compromise.
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Gaido, Daniel. "Archive Marxism and the Union Bureaucracy: Karl Kautsky on Samuel Gompers and the German Free Trade Unions." Historical Materialism 16, no. 3 (2008): 115–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920608x315266.
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AbstractThis work is a companion piece to ‘The American Worker’, Karl Kautsky's reply to Werner Sombart's Why Is There No Socialism in the United States? (1906), first published in English in the November 2003 edition of this journal. In August 1909 Kautsky wrote an article on Samuel Gompers, the president of the American Federation of Labor, on the occasion of the latter's first European tour. The article was not only a criticism of Gompers's anti-socialist ‘pure-and-simple’ unionism but also part of an ongoing battle between the revolutionary wing of German Social Democracy and the German trade-union officials. In this critical English edition we provide the historical background to the document as well as an overview of the issues raised by Gompers' visit to Germany, such as the bureaucratisation and increasing conservatism of the union leadership in both Germany and the United States, the role of the General Commission of Free Trade Unions in the abandonment of Marxism by the German Social-Democratic Party and the socialists' attitude toward institutions promoting class collaboration like the National Civic Federation.
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Siebert, Horst. "Why the German Labor Market is Failing." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 20, Issue 4 (December 1, 2004): 489–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2004026.
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Abstract: This paper looks at the institutional structure of the German labor market and analyzes why Germany’s present set-up produces unemployment. A high reservation wage, i.e. the wage that unemployed people are prepared to work for, determined by the level of government support, has dried up the lower segment of the labor market. Social security contributions represent a tax on labor and provide an incentive for firms to reduce jobs. In addition, the wage policy of the trade unions has overtaken full employment productivity growth. The paper also describes and evaluates the reforms undertaken in Germany to deal with these causes of unemployment.
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Lymonova, Elvina, Viktor Olevskyi, Yuliia Olevska, and Ruslan Kliuchnyk. "MAIN INDICATORS OF THE GERMAN LABOR MARKET: QUANTITATIVE ASSESSMENT OF IMPACT ON MACROECONOMIC INDICATORS." Academic Review 1, no. 60 (January 2024): 272–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.32342/2074-5354-2024-1-60-20.
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The study of the German labor market makes it possible to assert that Germany is a model of the employment system in the European Union. In the article, the authors studied the main indicators of the country’s labor market: minimum and average wages, nominal and real wages, unemployment rate, immigration to the country. It was revealed that the size of minimum wage rate is influenced not only by the state, but also by employers and trade unions. Thus, in many industries, the minimum wage is higher than the amount established by the state. In addition, the analysis of the size of the average salary demonstrates an important problem of the German labor market - the gender gap in income. In 2021, men earned approximately €700 more than women for equivalent work. The research examines the reasons for this inequality and offers recommendations for overcoming this contradiction. The article calculated the real wage index and found that starting from 2020, prices in Germany grew faster than wages. So, the real wage index for 2022 is -4.0. The main macro indicator of the labor market was analyzed. This is the level of unemployment, which turned out to be lower than the average indicator in the European Union. In addition, the authors draw attention to the problem of the aging of workers and the uneven distribution of the employed across the country’s regions. Thus, 53% of people over the age of 55 are still working in the economy. This is due to the shortage of specialists with higher education among young people. The article describes the immigration process in Germany and reveals an increase in migrants from countries suffering from war and violence. The influence of the number of immigrants on such macroeconomic indicators as GDP, GDP per capita, unemployment rate, and the size of the average wage was analyzed.
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Mordzilovich, Anna A. "The Christian Trade Union Movement in the Weimar Republic according to Apostolic Nuncio Eugenio Pacelli’s Assessments." Vestnik Yaroslavskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta im. P. G. Demidova. Seriya gumanitarnye nauki 18, no. 2 (June 24, 2024): 202. http://dx.doi.org/10.18255/1996-5648-2024-2-202-207.
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This article focuses on the opinions of Eugenio Pacelli, the Apostolic Nuncio in Germany, regarding the German Christian labor movement in the 1920s. During the Weimar Republic, there were two types of organizations for Catholic workers: the interconfessional Christian Trade Unions and the Catholic Workers’ Associations. In his reports to Rome, Pacelli mainly emphasized the Church’s loss of contact with workers, as well as the spread of «misconceptions» regarding economic theory among them. In comparison to the Catholic Workers’ Associations, the Christian unions seemed more «moderate and reasonable» to the Nuncio, as he believed that the latter were more susceptible to radicalization.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Labor unions Germany"
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Whiteley, Julianne Beverley. "Trends in mobilisation and unionisation in South Africa and Germany: a comparative analysis." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003125.
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The purpose of this study is to investigate long-term trends in the union membership of South Africa and Germany, and to highlight trends in unionisation in both of these countries over a period of time. The long-term aspect of this study differentiates it from more detailed specific studies concerned with the individual fortunes of confederations or unions. The changing fortunes of trade unions have been associated with changes in work organisation, the influence of institutional pressures, or long term changes in the economic cycle. All these factors may, of course, shape and be shaped by each other. From a comparative perspective this dissertation determines whether the fortunes of unions are ultimately a product of the long waves of an economic cycle, or if other factors, such as variations in union/state relations, changes in the forms of work organisation and shifts in the employment market, impact upon union membership and mobilisation. It is hoped that the comparison of a transitional and an advanced economy may shed new light on the causes of union growth and decline, and the impact of specific social, legal and cultural variables thereon. The theoretical frame of reference for this study emerged from literature pertaining to union growth and decline. This literature discusses the historical, economic and sectoral challenges that confront the identity of unions and their ability to mobilise membership within contemporary labour markets. The entire study relies heavily on primary data collected from a wide range of sources in both countries. This method facilitates the comparison and cross-checking of information, which ensures a full and balanced study. A synthesis of the facts obtained led to certain suggestions relating to the areas in which both South African and German labour organisations could adapt their agenda and interests to the changing nature of the employment market in order to avert membership decline. The methodology of this research draws from Skopol’s work which argues that social studies ought to be grounded in historical experience in order to make sense out of specific social events that occur today. The research design utilises an initial comparative historical-political analysis of the emergence of unionism in South Africa and Germany, so as to establish those factors which have, in the past, affected union growth and decline in both countries. Thereafter, the impact of contemporary economic and sectoral trends that reoccur in the South African and German labour markets are examined and compared, in order to establish their influence on the growth or decline of union membership in both countries in the future. This study consists of four sections. The first section comprises a historical dimension that uses Valenzuela’s work relating to the political nature of labour movements to establish those factors which, in the past, have affected union growth and decline. This is done to determine whether the type of insertion of labour movements into historical national political processes, and the links formed between trade unions and political parties influences membership growth or decline. The following three sections deal with the present challenges that may affect the unions in the future. Section Two deals with factors of economic recession (namely, poverty and unemployment) which confront trade unions in the 1990s. Hyman’s Theory of Disaggregation is applied to determine if recessive socio-economic factors can account for the strength of decline of unions, as opposed to union mobilisation being purely linked to transitions between long waves of the economy as Kelly suggests. The relevance of these theories to the rise and decline of unionism in South Africa and Germany is compared and contrasted. The third section determines whether changes to more flexible forms of work organisation and shifts in the employment market can account for the contrasting strength of the South African labour movement and the decline of the German labour movement today. The way in which these issues impact negatively upon union strength in South Africa and Germany in the 1990s is compared and contrasted, again using Hyman’s Theory of Disaggregation. The final section establishes whether or not the roles adopted by the South African and German labour movements during their confrontation with labour repressive regimes impacts upon their ability to attract union membership today, despite the constraints imposed upon unions by prevailing economic and structural uncertainties. Therefore the historicity of the South African and German labour movements, (based upon the findings of the first part of this study), is referred back to. At the same time, the reactions of the South African and German labour movements to prevailing economic and structural realities, (as examined in the second part of this research) are re-examined. Three conclusions are reached. Firstly, regardless of their strengths or weaknesses, all labour organisations are capable of adjusting to the adverse changes taking place in contemporary employment markets if they prove willing to advance and defend the interests of all who work, including those in the informal sector. If unions continue to neglect the informal labour market, they run the risk of being transposed by social movements that are antagonistic to trade unions or new expressions of the workforce’s latent collectivism. Secondly, in successfully playing a social movement role that led to the downfall of Apartheid in 1994, the South African labour movement has evolved as an energetic body with a dimension of recumbent militancy that attempts to adapt its identity to the changing nature of the employment market. This enables the South African labour movement to continue to attract membership despite the prevailing economic uncertainties. In contrast, forced co-operation and consensus within the German industrial relations arena since World War Two has resulted in a less dynamic union movement that lacks initiative in adapting to the changing nature of the employment market. The result is a decline in unionism. Finally, the fortunes of unions are not, as Kelly suggests, purely a product of economic cycles. Political climates can also influence mobilisation, as has occurred in both South Africa and Germany. This implies that mobilisation is not only activated by the economic dissatisfaction of a union movement.
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Dorscht, Axel Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. "Concerted action: labour's corporatist strategy in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1967-77." Ottawa, 1988.
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Goritz, Leif. "The ideological orientation and policy formulation of organised labour during a period of societal transition : a comparison of South Africa and Germany." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53642.
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Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This project attempts to assess critically the 'dualistic' role of Organised Labour within the complexities of societal transition processes. As observed by Bendix (1976/2000), the Industrial Relations System, and Organised Labour within it, is a generator for societal and political change. At present, the German union federation Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) do not only hold prominent positions in their respective collective bargaining systems, but also a considerable amount of political power. In both societies, strict labour legislation and strong social-democratic or even communist factions prevent government from adopting more liberal and flexible labour laws. In this paper, the historical and the present role of Organised Labour in its wider societal, context has been critically examined within the framework of the EQUILIBRIUM CONVERGENCE approach (Willy Bendix, 1979) and the TRADE UNION POLICY MATRIX (Willy Bendix, 1979). Both, the EQUILIBRIUM CONVERGENCE model and the TRADE UNION POLICY MATRIX have been applied to place the Deutcher Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) into their own societal perspectives in order to establish their role and policy in the societal transition process of their respective countries. In this respect, great similarities between problems, developments and policy formation have been found. Also that, albeit with a historical 'time lag', COSATU appears to follow the structural developments of its German counterpart, the DGB. Perhaps the most salient observation and conclusion is that, while the adaptation of the trade union movement in Germany within this country's societal, industrial transition phases, and particularly in the period of the reunification of East and West Germany, entailing the integration of a communist-socialist system into a social market economy and parliamentary democracy, was of a relatively realistic nature and resulted in a high degree of co operation between the social partners at the highest level leading to 'post modern unionism', South Africa, in its present industrial transition phase, has still to contend with strongly ideologically driven 'fighting unions'. This might hamper an effective economic policy formulation by the government.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie werkstuk is 'n evaluasie van die 'tweeledige' rol van die arbeidsbeweging binne die kompleksiteit van 'n sosiale oorgangsproses. Soos deur Bendix (1996/2000) beweer, is die nywerheidsverhoudingsstelsel met arbeid as hoofakteur daarbinne as 'n dryfkrag, die katalisator vir sosiale en politiese verandering. Die vakbondfederasies Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB) end die Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) speel tans nie net prominente rolle in hulle individuele nywerheidsverhoudingsstrukture nie, maar het ook sterk magsbasise in hulle sosiale konteks. In albei samelewings verhinder streng progressiewe arbeidswetgewing en oorweldigende sosiaal-demokratiese, of selfs kommunistiese faksies die regering daarvan om meer liberale en buigbare arbeidswetgewing in te stel. In hierdie skrif word die geskiedkundige en huidige rolle van georganiseerde arbeid ondersoek binne die raamwerk van die EQUILIBRIUM CONVERGENCE Benadering (Willy Bendix, 1979) asook die TRADE UNION POLICY MATRIX (Willy Bendix, 1979). Albei, die EQUILIBRIUM CONVERGENCE model en die TRADE UNION POLICY MATRIX is toegepas om die Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB) en die CONGRESS OF SOUTH AFRICAN TRADE UNIONS (COSATU) in hulle samelewingskompleksiteit te plaas om hulle rolle en beleid in hulle eie lande te bepaal. In hierdie proses van ondersoek is 'n groot ooreenstemming tussen hulle ontwikkelinge en posisies gevind, en ook dat, alhoewel met 'n historiese 'time lag', COSATU die pad van strukturele ontwikkelings van sy eweknie in Duitsland, die Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB), volg. Miskien die mees belangrikste bevinding en gevolgtrekking is dat, terwyl die aanpassing van die Duitse vakbondbeweging binne die land sy industriele oorgangsfase, en besonders in die periode van die herenigingsproses van Oos en Wes Duitsland, en dus die inlywing van 'n sosialistiese sisteem in 'n sosiale markekonomie en sosiale demokrasie op 'n relatiewe, realistiese basis bewerkstellig was, wat in 'n hoe mate van samewerking tussen die sosiale venote op die hoogste vlak bewerkstellig het, wat na die stadium van 'post modern unionism' voer, Suid Afrika in sy teenwoordige industriele oorgangsfase nog steeds aan die probleem van sterk ideologies gedrewe 'fighting unions' bloot gestel is, wat 'n effektiewe proses van ekonomiese beleidsformulering mag benadeel.
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SUZUKI, Hitoshi. "Digging for European Unity : the role played by the trade unions in the Schuman plan and the European coal and steel community from a German perspective, 1950-1955." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10420.
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Defence date: 13 December 2007Examining Board: Prof. Wilfried Loth (Universität Duisburg-Essen) ; Prof. Bo Stråth (EUI) ; Prof. Pascaline Winand (EUI and Monash University) ; Prof. Gérard Bossuat (Université de Cergy-Pontoise)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
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Denis, Mathieu. "Labor in the collapse of the GDR and reunification." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät I, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/16406.
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Waren die Arbeitnehmer bei den Ereignissen 1989/90 in Deutschland involviert? Die meisten Untersuchungen über die Revolution und die darauffolgende Vereinigung Deutschlands verneinen dies; die vorliegende Untersuchung behauptet aber das Gegenteil. Durch die Kontextualisierung der Dynamiken in der ost- und westdeutschen Arbeitnehmerschaft schafft sie ein neues Bild von vermeintlich bekannten Ereignissen. Die Studie untersucht die unterschiedlichen Wege auf denen die ost- und westdeutsche Arbeitnehmerschaft zu entscheidenden Akteuren 1989-1990 wurden. Zunächst stellt sie die Beteiligung der ostdeutschen Arbeitnehmer an der Revolution heraus, durch das Aufdecken von vielfältigen Überschneidungen der Entwicklungen in den Betrieben und auf der Strasse. Dynamiken innerhalb der Arbeitnehmerschaft, so zeigt die Studie, waren ein Kernbestandteil der politischen Prozesse, welche das Ende der DDR markierte. Darauffolgenden konzentriert sich die Analyse auf die Politik von vier Westdeutschen Gewerkschaften (Metall, Chemie, Medien und Öffentlicher Dienst) und ihres Dachverband (DGB) und deckt die Einrichtung eines Krisenmanagement der ostdeutschen Wirtschaftreformen, zwischen der Westdeutschen Regierung, Arbeitgebern und Gewerkschaften auf. Bereits im Februar 1990 gegründet, führte dieses formelle und informelle Abkommen zur Erhaltung der existierenden Westdeutschen Institutionen, Normen und Akteure der sozialen Systeme und industriellen Beziehungen im vereinten Deutschland. Die Kehrseite dieser institutionellen Erweiterung war die schnelle Etablierung der Gewerkschaftsstrukturen in Ostdeutschland, der letzte Aspekt, welcher in der Arbeit analysiert wird. Die schnelle Verbreitung der DGB Gewerkschaften und der Arbeitgeberverbänden war eine organisierte „tour de force“. Die Kosten für die Gewerkschaften waren die Unterwerfung der ostdeutschen Gewerkschaftsaktivisten unter die „neuen“ Gewerkschaften und die Abkehr vom Kern der programmatischen Forderungen zu Hause.Was labour involved in the events of 1989-1990 in Germany? Most studies of the East German revolution and the subsequent unification of Germany say no. This study argues in the opposite direction and by contextualizing the dynamics of East and West German labour offers a new picture of supposedly well-known events. The study explores the different ways in which East and West German labour became crucial actors in 1989-1990. It first enlightens the participation of East German workers to the revolution, by revealing the multifaceted overlapping of developments in the shop floors and the streets. Dynamics within labour, the work shows, were a core constituent of the political processes that marked GDR''s end. The analysis then focuses on the politics of four West German unions (metal, chemistry, media, and public service) and of their federation (DGB) and unearths the setting up of a tripartite crisis management of the East German economic reforms, between the West German government, employers and unions. Set up as early as February 1990, this formal and informal agreement led to the adjunction of the "social" dimension to the Monetary, Economic and Social Union of May 1990, i.e. the preservation of the existing West German institutions, norms and actors of the social systems and industrial relations in unified Germany. The two collective bargaining partners became in charge of keeping social tension to a minimum during the economic reforms, through the tools of collective bargaining. The flipside of this institutional extension was the rapid setting up of trade unions structures in eastern Germany, a last aspect analyzed in this work. The rapid extension of the DGB unions and employers associations was an organizational "tour de force." But it came with a cost for the trade unions: the subjection of East German union activists in the "new" unions, and the renunciation to core programmatic claims at home.
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Thompson, Jay Arthur. "Greater flexibility, greater growth : a comparative study of labor and capitalist models in Japan, Germany, and the United States." [Tampa, Fla.] : University of South Florida, 2007. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0002217.
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Antalova, Livia. "Contemporary Flat-Tax Reforms in Eastern Europe. Causes of Diverse Approaches : A comparison of Slovakia, Czech Republic and Germany." SFB International Tax Coordination, WU Vienna University of Economics and Business, 2010. http://epub.wu.ac.at/1626/1/document.pdf.
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The paper deals with the issue of contemporary flat-tax reforms in Eastern Europe and aims to account for the different approaches that various European countries adopted towards the idea of a flat-tax. Empirically, the work is based on detailed studies of Slovakia, the Czech Republic and Germany. The analysis considers three factors being decisive for the flat-tax feasibility: 1./ party system institutionalization, 2./ coalition/opposition cohesiveness, 3./ labor union institutionalization. First, the study is concerned with each of the factor's influence on the political decision-making process in the three country cases. Secondly, on country paired comparisons the findings for each of the countries are mutually contrasted. Although all identified factors seem to be at play with regard to flat-tax feasibility, I argue that it is either the strength or the weakness of labor unions' institutionalization and welfare identity that underlie the political decision-making in the East and the West and as a result determine the flat-tax (un-)feasibility. The absence of welfare identity in the East allows for higher coalition cohesion in favor and weaker opposition against the flattax adoption in contrast to the West.Series: Discussion Papers SFB International Tax Coordination
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Sommer, Wolf Florian. "The reconstruction of labour representation in former East Germany 1989-1992 : a comparative study of two German trade unions." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1406/.
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This thesis examines the strategies applied by two German trade unions after the collapse of the GDR. It looks at the causes of stability and instability of corporatist systems and their institutions and how these maintain membership and organizational coherence. The study explores the reconstruction strategies of two contrasted West German trade unions seeking to maintain their organizational position and to protect the neo-corporatist industrial relations system that secures their survival. Their strategies for the organizational survival of the unions are determined partly by the neo-corporatist industrial relations structure and partly by their different organizational constraints. The first section looks at explanations of how encompassing trade unions in a neo-corporatist system maintain their membership and their organizational coherence. After delineating the various incentives which encompassing trade unions provide to their membership, the study examines the threats posed by the disintegration of the GDR to the provision of union services and thus to their ability to attract members. The effects of the collapse of the GDR could reduce their membership's willingness to define interests in collective terms (i.e. a favourable trade-off between inflation and unemployment). The study then examines the objectives for an intervention by the West German trade unions in the GDR in order to secure neo-corporatism by incorporation of the East German membership within the encompassing body of the West German unions. The second section looks at the main determinants of the reconstruction process which have been the legacy of low trust in former East German industrial relations as well as the FDGB's inadequate efforts which facilitated the intervention by the West German trade unions in the form of incorporation. The third section assesses the motives of two West German trade unions related to the reconstruction strategies of free labour representation in the GDR. Both trade unions followed the strategy of incorporating the East German workforce by narrowing the existing East-West wage gap (contractual exchange) as well as offering solidarity (diffuse exchange). In particular the motive of contractual exchange reveals the unions' desire to maintain stability within the neo-corporatist environment. As the research on corporatism rarely examines the causes of stability of corporatist systems and institutions, this thesis makes a contribution to our understanding of the strategies to maintain corporatist structures. The sudden collapse of the GDR, with its repercussions for the FRG, provides a special opportunity to analyse the strategy of corporatist institutions seeking to maintain stability.
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Stringfellow, Emma. "Trade union responses to diversity management in France, Sweden and Germany." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2014. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/71041/.
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‘Diversity management’ (DM) has come to dominate human resource equality policies in Anglo-Saxon and many EU countries. However, analysis of trade union responses to DM in continental Europe is strikingly underdeveloped, although there is good reason to suspect that unions may play some role in shaping DM due to their institutionalised roles in issues of equality. This thesis has shown that unions’ influence over DM and their responses to it vary by country, but in ways that are not generally expected. Using a qualitative research design based on documentary data analysis and semistructured interviews and a discursive institutionalism (DI) approach, the study compares how DM has been presented in France, Germany and Sweden, and how this affects the extent of social dialogue on DM and union responses to it. It examines unions’ influence on diversity discourses and the implications of these responses for equality agendas. The research has contributed to knowledge and theory of DM and to the field of industrial relations by: applying the recursive DI approach to analysing how national contexts shape DM and vice versa; by combining theories of institutionalisation with Gumbrell-McCormick and Hyman’s (2013) conceptualisation of types of trade union power to reveal models of underlying mechanisms for when, where and why a social dialogue approach to DM is more likely; by analysing the impact of a social dialogue approach on DM; by providing empirical evidence for Gumbrell-McCormick and Hyman’s (2013) proposition that moral and discursive power, rather than structural, associational, organisational and institutional strength, are more important for unions in the ‘battle of ideas’. The research also demonstrates the value of the DI concepts of actors’ ‘background ideational’ and ‘foreground discursive’ abilities for critically evaluating unions’ responses to diversity management in a manner which seeks to avoid both ethnocentrism and cultural relativism.
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Hamburg, Britta. "German foreign direct investment and outsourcing : labour market effects and determinants." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.368432.
Full textBooks on the topic "Labor unions Germany"
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Schnabel, Claus. Who are the workers who never joined a union?: Empirical evidence from Germany. Bonn, Germany: IZA, 2005.
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Haipeter, Thomas. Gewerkschaftliche Modernisierung. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag fu r Sozialwissenschaften, 2011.
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Sesselmeier, Werner. Gewerkschaften und Lohnfindung: Zur arbeitsmarkt- und gewerkschaftstheoretischen Analyse flexibler Lohnstrukturen. Heidelberg: Physica, 1993.
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Thelen, Kathleen Ann. Union of parts: Labor politics in postwar Germany. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991.
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1930-, Mommsen Wolfgang J., Husung Hans-Gerhard, and German Historical Institute in London., eds. The Development of trade unionism in Great Britain and Germany, 1880-1914. London: German Historical Institute, 1985.
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Goerke, Laszlo. Trade union membership and works councils in West Germany. Bonn, Germany: IZA, 2007.
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Kehm, Barbara. Zwischen Abgrenzung und Integration: Der gewerkschaftliche Diskurs in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1991.
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Marks, Gary. Unions in politics: Britain, Germany, and the United States in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1989.
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Peter, Hübner. Konsens, Konflikt und Kompromiss: Soziale Arbeiterinteressen und Sozialpolitik in der SBZ/DDR 1945-1970. Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1995.
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1969-, Kahmann Marcus, and Hoffman Jürgen 1944-, eds. A comparison of the trade union merger process in Britain and Germany. London: Routledge, 2005.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Labor unions Germany"
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Bosch, Gerhard, and Werner Sengenberger. "Employment Policy, the State, and the Unions in the Federal Republic of Germany." In The State and the Labor Market, 87–106. Boston, MA: Springer US, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4613-0801-0_5.
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Peterson, Larry. "Social Transformation of the Unions." In German Communism, Workers’ Protest, and Labor Unions, 375–98. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-1644-2_11.
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Peterson, Larry. "Labor Unions and the German Left before 1920." In German Communism, Workers’ Protest, and Labor Unions, 20–49. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-1644-2_2.
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Peterson, Larry. "The Crisis of the Unions and the KPD." In German Communism, Workers’ Protest, and Labor Unions, 218–56. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-1644-2_7.
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Kirchner, Jens, and Pascal R. Kremp. "Unions and Collective Bargaining." In Key Aspects of German Employment and Labour Law, 187–98. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-00678-4_18.
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Peterson, Larry. "Introduction." In German Communism, Workers’ Protest, and Labor Unions, 7–19. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-1644-2_1.
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Peterson, Larry. "Rank - and - File Organization." In German Communism, Workers’ Protest, and Labor Unions, 341–74. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-1644-2_10.
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Peterson, Larry. "The United Front." In German Communism, Workers’ Protest, and Labor Unions, 399–428. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-1644-2_12.
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Peterson, Larry. "The Unified KPD’s Offensive in the Labor Unions and the March Action: Birthpangs of an Industrial Strategy." In German Communism, Workers’ Protest, and Labor Unions, 50–92. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-1644-2_3.
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Peterson, Larry. "Heran an Die Massen! The United Front in the Unions." In German Communism, Workers’ Protest, and Labor Unions, 93–132. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-1644-2_4.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Labor unions Germany"
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Ivošević, Željana, Boris Radovanov, and Aleksandra Marcikić Horvat. "The Efficiency Analysis of Agricultural Production in the European Union." In 29th International Scientific Conference Strategic Management and Decision Support Systems in Strategic Management. University of Novi Sad, Faculty of Economics in Subotica, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.46541/978-86-7233-428-9_393.
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In this paper authors examine relative technical efficiency of agricultural production in the European Union using Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA). Output oriented DEA model with variable return to scale has been applied. Four input variables were used in the model: labour, pesticides, fertilizers and used land. Production has been used as the only output variable. Results of this analysis indicate that the efficiency score values lie between 9% and 100%, with the average efficiency score of 52%. Slovenia, Estonia, Germany and Malta are characterized with the highest efficiency scores, while Cyprus, Finland and Ireland have the lowest efficiency score values. Policymakers can utilize this paper's findings to determine what elements enhance or diminish agriculture's efficiency.
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Ornellas, Adriana. "Defining a taxonomy of employability skills for 21st-century higher education graduates." In Fourth International Conference on Higher Education Advances. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/head18.2018.8197.
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This paper aims to discuss the theoretical development and the practical validation of a taxonomy of skills for boosting new graduates employability at Higher Education Institutions (HEI). The taxonomy was developed within the framework of the project Skill Up: Matching graduates' skills and labour world demands through authentic learning scenario. The project, funded by the Erasmus+ programme of the European Union, is a strategic partneship in the field of Higher Education (HE) that involves six partners (four universities, a VET school and an employer representative) from three European countries (Spain, Sweden and Germany). For the definition and validation of the taxonomy two methods were applied: a) a literature review of studies and reports that in recent years have established different frameworks and lists of skills crucial for HE graduates to acquire; b) an asynchronous online focus group involving various stakeholders (undergraduates, graduates, employers' representatives, lecturers and counsellors) to validate the taxonomy. The paper presents the resulting list of employability skills sorted into four clusters: cognitive, methodological, social and subject-specific.
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Kosolapov, Vladimir, Ilya Trofimov, Lyudmila Trofimova, and Elena Yakovleva. "100 years of the State Meadow Institute." In Multifunctional adaptive fodder production. ru: Federal Williams Research Center of Forage Production and Agroecology, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33814/mak-2022-28-76-9-18.
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100 years since the Establishment of the State Meadow Institute the Federal Williams Research Center of Forage Production & Agroecology celebrates in June 2022. The State Meadow Institute creation was event of the most important state significance. This event is extremely important for rational nature management, increasing soil fertility, obtaining high and sustainable crop yields, and preserving the productive longevity of our lands. In 1922 the Station for the study of forage plants and forage area was transformed into the State Meadow Institute (SMI). 1930 – SMI was transformed into the All-Union Williams Fodder Research Institute. 1992 – transformation into the All-Russian Williams Fodder Research Institute. 2018 transformation into the Federal Williams Research Center of Forage Production & Agroecology. Throughout its history, the Institute has proudly borne the name of its founder – W. R. Williams. Such famous scientists as V. R. Williams, A. M. Dmitriev, L. G. Ramensky, I. V. Larin, S. P. Smelov, T. A. Rabotnov, A. A. Zubrilin and many others worked at the Institute. The Institute's works (books, articles) have been published in England, Belarus, Bulgaria, China, Czech Republic, Finland, France, Germany, Hungary, Israel, Kazakhstan, Korea, Mongolia, New Zealand, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, USA, Uzbekistan, Ukraine, Switzerland, Sweden, and Japan. Scientific and practical achievements of the Institute were awarded 7 times with State prizes of the USSR and the Russian Federation in the field of science and technology, as well as Prizes of the government of the Russian Federation, the Ministry of agriculture of the Russian Federation, diplomas of Exhibitions and other awards. For services to the country, the Institute was awarded the order of Labor Red Banner.
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Melibaeva, Sevara, Joseph Sussman, and Travis P. Dunn. "Comparative Study of High-Speed Passenger Rail Deployment in Megaregion Corridors: Current Experiences and Future Opportunities." In 2011 Joint Rail Conference. ASMEDC, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/jrc2011-56115.
Full textAbstract:
Deployment of high-speed passenger rail services has occurred around the world in densely-populated corridors, often with the effect of either creating or enhancing a unified economic “megaregion” agglomeration. This paper will review the technical characteristics of a variety of megaregion corridors, including Japan (Tokyo-Osaka), France (Paris-Lyon), and Germany (Frankfurt-Cologne), and their economic impacts. There are many lessons to be drawn from the deployment and ongoing operation of high-speed passenger rail service in these corridors for other countries now considering similar projects, such as the US and parts of the European Union. First, we will review three international cases, describing the physical development of each corridor as well as its measured impacts on economic development. In each case, the travel time reductions of the high-speed service transformed the economic boundaries of the urban agglomerations, integrating labor and consumer markets, while often simultaneously raising concerns about the balance of growth within the region. Moreover, high-speed travel within the regions has had important implications for the modes and patterns of travel beyond the region, particularly with respect to long-distance air travel. An example is the code-shared rail-air service between DeutscheBahn and Lufthansa in the Frankfurt-Cologne corridor. Next, we will examine the implications of these international experiences for high-speed rail deployment elsewhere in the world, particularly the US and Portugal, one of the EU countries investing in high-speed rail. Issues considered include the suitability of high-speed passenger rail service in existing megaregions as well as the potential for formation of megaregions in other corridors. By understanding the impact of high-speed passenger service on economic growth, labor markets, urban form, and the regional distribution of economic activity, planners can better anticipate and prepare countermeasures for any negative effects of high-speed rail. Examples of countermeasures include complementary investments in urban and regional transit connections and cooperation with airlines and other transportation service operators. High-speed passenger rail represents a substantial investment whose implementation and ultimate success depends on a wide range of factors. Among them is the ability of planners and decision-makers to make a strong case for the sharing of benefits across a broad geography, both within and beyond the megaregion (and potential megaregion) corridors where service is most likely to be provided. This paper provides some useful lessons based on international experiences.
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Uspensky, A. V., M. V. Arisov, and O. A. Panova. "145th ANNIVERSARY OF THE BIRTH OF KONSTANTIN IVANOVICH SKRYABIN (1878-1972)." In THEORY AND PRACTICE OF PARASITIC DISEASE CONTROL. All-Russian Scientific Research Institute for Fundamental and Applied Parasitology of Animals and Plant – a branch of the Federal State Budget Scientific Institution “Federal Scientific Centre VIEV”, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.31016/978-5-6048555-6-0.2023.24.23-34.
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Konstantin Ivanovich Skryabin is an outstanding Helminthologist, Academician
of three Academies of Sciences (V. I. Lenin All-Union Academy of Agricultural
Sciences, USSR Academy of Sciences, USSR Academy of Medical Sciences), Hero
of Socialist Labor, Lenin and Stalin (twice) prize winner, and Recipient of six Orders
of Lenin. In 2023, the 145th Anniversary of his birth will be celebrated on December
7, 1878. Konstantin Ivanovich received the degree of Doctor of Veterinary Medicine
in 1905 at the Yuryev Veterinary Institute (now the University of Tartu, Estonia).
After completing his studies until 1911, he worked as a local city veterinarian for the
first 2 years in Chimkent, and then in Aulie-Ata (later Dzhambul, now Taraz) of
Turkestan where he collected an extensive helminthological collection. From 1912 to 1914 he worked on probation in the field of helminthology abroad, namely, in
Germany, Switzerland, and France. Upon returning to Russia, he remained to work
at the Veterinary Laboratory of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in St. Petersburg.
From 1917 to 1920, K. I. Skryabin became the first Professor of the first Department
of Parasitology in Russia at the Don Veterinary Institute in Novocherkassk. He
organized not only pedagogical, but also scientific work; the idea of organizing
helminthological expeditions was born here. In 1920, upon his return to Moscow,
he became the Head of the Helminthological Department of the State Institute of
Experimental Veterinary Medicine (SIEVM). All subsequent vigorous scientific
activity of Konstantin Ivanovich was aimed at strengthening the positions of
helminthology as a science in Russia, and expanding the network of educational
and scientific organizations. K. I. Skryabin and his students created a huge number
of works: articles and monographs. His publications list includes about 700 titles
including a number of fundamental multivolume papers. Konstantin Ivanovich
Skryabin died on October 17, 1972. He was buried at the Novo-Dyevitchiye
cemetery in Moscow.
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Schneider, Jerry, Jeffrey Wagner, and Judy Connell. "Restoring Public Trust While Tearing Down Site in Rural Ohio." In The 11th International Conference on Environmental Remediation and Radioactive Waste Management. ASMEDC, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2007-7319.
Full textAbstract:
In the mid-1980s, the impact of three decades of uranium processing near rural Fernald, Ohio, 18 miles northwest of Cincinnati, became the centre of national public controversy. When a series of incidents at the uranium foundry brought to light the years of contamination to the environment and surrounding farmland communities, local citizens’ groups united and demanded a role in determining the plans for cleaning up the site. One citizens’ group, Fernald Residents for Environmental Safety and Health (FRESH), formed in 1984 following reports that nearly 300 pounds of enriched uranium oxide had been released from a dust-collector system, and three off-property wells south of the site were contaminated with uranium. For 22 years, FRESH monitored activities at Fernald and participated in the decision-making process with management and regulators. The job of FRESH ended on 19 January this year when the U.S. Secretary of Energy Samuel Bodman and U.S. Environmental Protection Agency Administrator Stephen Johnson — flanked by local, state, and national elected officials, and citizen-led environmental watchdog groups including FRESH — officially declared the Fernald Site clean of all nuclear contamination and open to public access. It marked the end of a remarkable turnaround in public confidence and trust that had attracted critical reports from around the world: the Cincinnati Enquirer; U.S. national news programs 60 Minutes, 20/20, Nightline, and 48 Hours; worldwide media outlets from the British Broadcasting Company and Canadian Broadcasting Company; Japanese newspapers; and German reporters. When personnel from Fluor arrived in 1992, the management team thought it understood the issues and concerns of each stakeholder group, and was determined to implement the decommissioning scope of work aggressively, confident that stakeholders would agree with its plans. This approach resulted in strained relationships with opinion leaders during the early months of Fluor’s contract. To forge better relationships, the U.S. Department of Energy (DOE) who owns the site, and Fluor embarked on three new strategies based on engaging citizens and interested stakeholder groups in the decision-making process. The first strategy was opening communication channels with site leadership, technical staff, and regulators. This strategy combined a strong public-information program with two-way communications between management and the community, soliciting and encouraging stakeholder participation early in the decision-making process. Fluor’s public-participation strategy exceeded the “check-the-box” approach common within the nuclear-weapons complex, and set a national standard that stands alone today. The second stakeholder-engagement strategy sprang from mending fences with the regulators and the community. The approach for dispositioning low-level waste was a 25-year plan to ship it off the site. Working with stakeholders, DOE and Fluor were able to convince the community to accept a plan to safely store waste permanently on site, which would save 15 years of cleanup and millions of dollars in cost. The third strategy addressed the potentially long delays in finalizing remedial action plans due to formal public comment periods and State and Federal regulatory approvals. Working closely with the U.S. and Ohio Environmental Protection Agencies (EPA) and other stakeholders, DOE and Fluor were able to secure approvals of five Records of Decision on time – a first for the DOE complex. Developing open and honest relationships with union leaders, the workforce, regulators and community groups played a major role in DOE and Fluor cleaning up and closing the site. Using lessons learned at Fernald, DOE was able to resolve challenges at other sites, including worker transition, labour disputes, and damaged relationships with regulators and the community. It took significant time early in the project to convince the workforce that their future lay in cleanup, not in holding out hope for production to resume. It took more time to repair relationships with Ohio regulators and the local community. Developing these relationships over the years required constant, open communications between site decision makers and stakeholders to identify issues and to overcome potential barriers. Fluor’s open public-participation strategy resulted in stakeholder consensus of five remedial-action plans that directed Fernald cleanup. This strategy included establishing a public-participation program that emphasized a shared-decision making process and abandoned the government’s traditional, non-participatory “Decide, Announce, Defend” approach. Fernald’s program became a model within the DOE complex for effective public participation. Fluor led the formation of the first DOE site-specific advisory board dedicated to remediation and closure. The board was successful at building consensus on critical issues affecting long-term site remediation, such as cleanup levels, waste disposal and final land use. Fluor created innovative public outreach tools, such as “Cleanopoly,” based on the Monopoly game, to help illustrate complex concepts, including risk levels, remediation techniques, and associated costs. These innovative tools helped DOE and Fluor gain stakeholder consensus on all cleanup plans. To commemorate the outstanding commitment of Fernald stakeholders to this massive environmental-restoration project, Fluor donated $20,000 to build the Weapons to Wetlands Grove overlooking the former 136-acre production area. The grove contains 24 trees, each dedicated to “[a] leader(s) behind the Fernald cleanup.” Over the years, Fluor, through the Fluor Foundation, also invested in educational and humanitarian projects, contributing nearly $2 million to communities in southwestern Ohio, Kentucky and Indiana. Further, to help offset the economic impact of the site’s closing to the community, DOE and Fluor promoted economic development in the region by donating excess equipment and property to local schools and townships. This paper discusses the details of the public-involvement program — from inception through maturity — and presents some lessons learned that can be applied to other similar projects.
Reports on the topic "Labor unions Germany"
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Prysyazhna-Gapchenko, Julia. Еміграційні видання для селян: між фаховістю і політикою. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2023.52-53.11720.
Full textAbstract:
In the article rare editions of magazine type are first probed for peasants which nursed in an environment the Ukrainian emigrants in the first post-war years on territory of the American area of occupation in Germany, and also in the USA. Separately paid regard to mision role of magazines in the association of the nebulized peasants round a desire to apply the obtained previous experience and knowledge on strange land, to present the world the Ukrainian peasantry as labour productive force and also round the idea of fight for independence, joining in with political activity of «old» parties and organizations which actively functioned in the environment of the Ukrainian emigrants. Outlined problem of magazines for peasants, and also sil’vetki of separate authors. In the repertoire of the Ukrainian emigrant press professional editions for peasants occupy an insignificant percent. But their appearance and functioning testify to the desire of certain part of wanderers – natives from villages, which got the special trade education, and also conscious group of peasants which tested tortures and humiliations as a result of violent collectivization, to unite the efforts for future effective economic labour in Ukraine, as emigration was at that time examined in their environment as the temporal phenomenon. De autre part, the creators of this periodicals did not hide the purpose of distribution of the purchased knowledges and experience in the countries of migration. Publishers at mediation of magazines formed soil for creation of political party, which would unite the unions of the Ukrainian peasants-emigrants (farmers), which got organized in camps for the moved persons. Soon, in 1948, party of liberal direction – Union of earths of cathedral Ukraine is was created in Ashaffenburzi (Germany) and on convention in New Wales (in 1950) renamed on Peasant party. Greater part of problem of magazines «the Ukrainian owner», «Ukrainian peasant», «Rural owner», was inferior preparation to realization of this emigrant project. A separate place belongs to the magazine «the Ukrainian manager», the release of which, without regard to influences of mel’nikivskogo wing OUN, managed from the first to the last number to dissociate oneself from a policy, save popular scientific status agrarian-economic direction. Even publications the main theme of number is violated in which, for example, criticism of a collective farm system the USSR or analysis of economic problems of socialism, scientific arguments is marked and by the unprejudice of author. Functioning in the environment of emigration of «rural» periodicals is dictated a desire to combine effort peasants for a maintenance and increase of professional level, to send them in the river-bed of fight for liberation from under the burden of persecutors of the Ukrainian village.