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1
Meyer, Brett. "Learning to Love the Government." World Politics 68, no. 3 (May 18, 2016): 538–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887116000058.
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One counterintuitive variation in wage-setting regulation is that countries with the highest labor standards and strongest labor movements are among the least likely to set a statutory minimum wage. This, the author argues, is due largely to trade union opposition. Trade unions oppose the minimum wage when they face minimal low-wage competition, which is affected by the political institutions regulating industrial action, collective agreements, and employment, as well as by the skill and wage levels of their members. When political institutions effectively regulate low-wage competition, unions oppose the minimum wage. When political institutions are less favorable toward unions, there may be a cleavage between high- and low-wage unions in their minimum wage preferences. The argument is illustrated with case studies of the UK, Germany, and Sweden. The author demonstrates how the regulation of low-wage competition affects unions’ minimum wage preferences by exploiting the following labor market institutional shocks: the Conservatives’ labor law reforms in the UK, the Hartz labor market reforms in Germany, and the European Court of Justice's Laval ruling in Sweden. The importance of union preferences for minimum wage adoption is also shown by how trade union confederation preferences influenced the position of the Labour Party in the UK and the Social Democratic Party in Germany.
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Jürgens, Ulrich, Larissa Klinzing, and Lowell Turner. "The Transformation of Industrial Relations in Eastern Germany." ILR Review 46, no. 2 (January 1993): 229–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979399304600202.
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Citing case studies based on interviews they conducted in 1991 and 1992 with labor representatives and managers at six eastern German manufacturing firms, the authors argue that the future could hold either vigor and growth or stagnation and permanent second-class status for the economy and labor movement in eastern Germany, depending largely on actor strategy and choice. The rapid spread of privatization and open markets is tending to undermine unions' influence, on the one hand; but on the other hand, institutional transfer from former West Germany (especially of codetermination law and centralized, regional-level collective bargaining) is giving unions and works councils increased possibilities for leverage.
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Çelik, Ercüment, and Simon Norbert Schmid. "Global Justice Advocacy, Trade Unions, and the Supply Chain Law Initiative in Germany." New Global Studies 16, no. 1 (March 11, 2022): 91–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ngs-2022-0005.
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Abstract This article focuses on the Supply Chain Law Initiative in Germany (SCLI)/Initiative Lieferkettengesetz as a case of global justice advocacy. The SCLI was a campaign by German civil society organizations that advocated for a law that would make it mandatory for corporations active in Germany to respect human, labor, and environmental rights along their supply chains. This research explores the strategies for advocacy used by the SCLI in the process of effective law-making. It also investigates the role of the SCLI in the context of global labor solidarity. The research results show that although this new law has some shortcomings in terms of international human rights standards, it has achieved partial progress as one of the most successful examples of alliance building between unions and civil society organizations in Germany. The SCLI has brought about a paradigm shift from voluntary towards mandatory due diligence. This experience can be carried one step further to accomplish a supply chain law at the European Union level. The authors argue that the SCLI experience opens up a new stage for rethinking the structural dilemma of unions in Germany in choosing between global solidarity and national corporatist social partnership.
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Denis, Mathieu. "Syndicalisme et unification allemande : un essai d’historiographie contemporaine." Revue d’Allemagne et des pays de langue allemande 33, no. 1 (2001): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/reval.2001.5632.
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Can one analyze the fall of the GDR and German Unification without even considering the actions and positions taken by the trade unions ? The numerous works dealing with these events, which almost completely disregard the trade union movement, could lead one to believe just that. The essays on the German trade unions during the course of the events of 1989-1990 appear to back up this conclusion. The West-German unions are depicted as having been overwhelmed by the rapid changes taking place in East Germany. The reforms of the East German unions are described as attempts by defenders of the Regime to save their heads. The “merger” of the trade unions through the dissolution of the East-German organizations and the subsequent affiliation by East-German workers to the Western unions are seen as the logical result of the fall of the GDR, a necessary consequence which the German organized labor movement is said to have been long reluctant to accept. In other words, the literature tends to present the process from the point of view of its outcome. By doing this, it not only clearly underestimates the importance of issues and debates which shook the German trade union movement and which were at the heart of the unification process, but also disregards the fundamental part played by the trade unions during the course of this process.
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Rozhin, Alexander Aleksandrovich. "Trade unions in Germany: challenges and solutions." Contemporary Europe, no. 6 (December 15, 2023): 154–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s020170832306013x.
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German trade unions traditionally play critical role in securing fair work conditions and wages. However, in the XXI century they are facing significant challenges, caused by effects of globalization, structural changes in the labor market and others. The most prominent problem is gradually declining membership and therefore shrinking resource capacity. Necessity to attract new members encourages them to undertake many different actions: from increasing protest activity to altering their work models. Author considers the cases of German trade unions and how they react to the acute issues and their connection to the protests. Author draws a conclusion that structural transformations of the labor market have been more impactful than changes in their public perception. Worker unions have remained a significant and influential force in political and social fields. Nevertheless, format of their work requires significant modifications to strengthen them as organizations that truly represent workers interests.
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Anderson, Karen M., and Traute Meyer. "Social Democracy, Unions, and Pension Politics in Germany and Sweden." Journal of Public Policy 23, no. 1 (January 2003): 23–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x03003027.
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This article investigates the politics of reforming mature, pay-as-you-go pensions in the context of austerity. In both Sweden and Germany the Social Democratic party leadership advocated reform in response to similar financial and demographic pressures, but the Swedish reform was more successful in correcting perceived program weaknesses and in defending social democratic values. To explain this difference in outcomes, we focus on policy legacies and the organizational and political capacities of labor movements. We argue that existing pension policies in Germany were more constraining than in Sweden, narrowing the range of politically feasible strategies. By contrast, in Sweden, existing pension policy provided opportunities for turning vices into virtues and financing the transition to a new system. In addition, the narrow interests of German unions and the absence of institutionalized cooperation with the Social Democratic Party hindered reform. By contrast, the Swedish Social Democrats' bargaining position in pension reform negotiations with non-socialist parties was formulated with blue collar union interests in mind. The encompassing interests of Swedish unions and their close links with the Social Democrats facilitated a reform compromise.
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Gaido, Daniel. "Archive Marxism and the Union Bureaucracy: Karl Kautsky on Samuel Gompers and the German Free Trade Unions." Historical Materialism 16, no. 3 (2008): 115–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920608x315266.
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AbstractThis work is a companion piece to ‘The American Worker’, Karl Kautsky's reply to Werner Sombart's Why Is There No Socialism in the United States? (1906), first published in English in the November 2003 edition of this journal. In August 1909 Kautsky wrote an article on Samuel Gompers, the president of the American Federation of Labor, on the occasion of the latter's first European tour. The article was not only a criticism of Gompers's anti-socialist ‘pure-and-simple’ unionism but also part of an ongoing battle between the revolutionary wing of German Social Democracy and the German trade-union officials. In this critical English edition we provide the historical background to the document as well as an overview of the issues raised by Gompers' visit to Germany, such as the bureaucratisation and increasing conservatism of the union leadership in both Germany and the United States, the role of the General Commission of Free Trade Unions in the abandonment of Marxism by the German Social-Democratic Party and the socialists' attitude toward institutions promoting class collaboration like the National Civic Federation.
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Siebert, Horst. "Why the German Labor Market is Failing." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 20, Issue 4 (December 1, 2004): 489–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2004026.
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Abstract: This paper looks at the institutional structure of the German labor market and analyzes why Germany’s present set-up produces unemployment. A high reservation wage, i.e. the wage that unemployed people are prepared to work for, determined by the level of government support, has dried up the lower segment of the labor market. Social security contributions represent a tax on labor and provide an incentive for firms to reduce jobs. In addition, the wage policy of the trade unions has overtaken full employment productivity growth. The paper also describes and evaluates the reforms undertaken in Germany to deal with these causes of unemployment.
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Lymonova, Elvina, Viktor Olevskyi, Yuliia Olevska, and Ruslan Kliuchnyk. "MAIN INDICATORS OF THE GERMAN LABOR MARKET: QUANTITATIVE ASSESSMENT OF IMPACT ON MACROECONOMIC INDICATORS." Academic Review 1, no. 60 (January 2024): 272–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.32342/2074-5354-2024-1-60-20.
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The study of the German labor market makes it possible to assert that Germany is a model of the employment system in the European Union. In the article, the authors studied the main indicators of the country’s labor market: minimum and average wages, nominal and real wages, unemployment rate, immigration to the country. It was revealed that the size of minimum wage rate is influenced not only by the state, but also by employers and trade unions. Thus, in many industries, the minimum wage is higher than the amount established by the state. In addition, the analysis of the size of the average salary demonstrates an important problem of the German labor market - the gender gap in income. In 2021, men earned approximately €700 more than women for equivalent work. The research examines the reasons for this inequality and offers recommendations for overcoming this contradiction. The article calculated the real wage index and found that starting from 2020, prices in Germany grew faster than wages. So, the real wage index for 2022 is -4.0. The main macro indicator of the labor market was analyzed. This is the level of unemployment, which turned out to be lower than the average indicator in the European Union. In addition, the authors draw attention to the problem of the aging of workers and the uneven distribution of the employed across the country’s regions. Thus, 53% of people over the age of 55 are still working in the economy. This is due to the shortage of specialists with higher education among young people. The article describes the immigration process in Germany and reveals an increase in migrants from countries suffering from war and violence. The influence of the number of immigrants on such macroeconomic indicators as GDP, GDP per capita, unemployment rate, and the size of the average wage was analyzed.
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Mordzilovich, Anna A. "The Christian Trade Union Movement in the Weimar Republic according to Apostolic Nuncio Eugenio Pacelli’s Assessments." Vestnik Yaroslavskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta im. P. G. Demidova. Seriya gumanitarnye nauki 18, no. 2 (June 24, 2024): 202. http://dx.doi.org/10.18255/1996-5648-2024-2-202-207.
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This article focuses on the opinions of Eugenio Pacelli, the Apostolic Nuncio in Germany, regarding the German Christian labor movement in the 1920s. During the Weimar Republic, there were two types of organizations for Catholic workers: the interconfessional Christian Trade Unions and the Catholic Workers’ Associations. In his reports to Rome, Pacelli mainly emphasized the Church’s loss of contact with workers, as well as the spread of «misconceptions» regarding economic theory among them. In comparison to the Catholic Workers’ Associations, the Christian unions seemed more «moderate and reasonable» to the Nuncio, as he believed that the latter were more susceptible to radicalization.
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Shapkin, Igor. "Organized Capital and Labor. Activities of Employers Associations of Russia in the Early 20th Century." Journal of Economic History and History of Economics 19, no. 4 (December 27, 2018): 531–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-2588.2018.19(4).531-555.
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Activity of business associations is of great importance in market environment. Academic literature divides these associations into representative and employer. For the first time employers associations appeared in Germany in the late nineteenth century. They were the reaction of the German business for growing working class movement. History has shown that the process of business self-organization increases in terms of aggravation of social, political and economic contradictions. Employers associations had a significant impact on the development of the so-called monarchical socialism in Germany. Having taken on the tasks of regulating labor and distribution relations and protection of the rights of entrepreneurs they facilitated the creation of a new system of entrepreneurs - employees relations. Nowadays employers associations are members of the tri-party relations (business, state, trade unions), in a number of European countries. The article covers the origin, organizational and legal forms and main areas of activity of Russian labor unions in the early twentieth century. The analysis shows that they widely used the European experience in their practical work, developed their own mechanisms of cooperation with wage labor and the authorities. In the context the of modern market economy and emerging civil society, the study of such problems is of actual scientific and practical importance.
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Rudenko, Galina, Yuliya Dolzhenkova, and Anna Chub. "Agency Work in Employment of the Late 19th ‒ Early 20th Century: Historical Patterns and National Characteristics." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2022, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2022): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202201statyi44.
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The article examines the historical prerequisites for the creation of labor exchanges in France, Germany, and Russia in the period from 1870s to 1930s. It was determined, that the French revolutionary proletariat has initiated agency activity in the labor market to protect its rights. In Germany, the competitive relationships between private entrepreneurs and public unions effectively facilitated the solvation of the unemployment problems. The situation on Russian labor market required active agency work in employment by 1915. As a response an extensive network of labor exchanges, exchange artels of labor and employment bureaus was established. It had a great success in manage of labor supply and demand within the new economic policy (NEP) period.
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Romanova, Ekaterina. "Labor force for the fourth industrial revolution: the experience of Germany." Moscow University Economics Bulletin, no. 6 (December 30, 2021): 224–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.38050/0130010520216.11.
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The paper analyzes political decisions in the field of personnel and educational policy as a response of four German administrations, with Angela Merkel as the Federal Chancellor, to challenges of digitalization. Since challenges in the development of labor market induced by demographic and migration factors are similar for Russia and Germany, German experience may be useful for Russia as a large federal state with significant risks of rising social inequality. Challenges in the development of the labor market induced by demographic and migration factors are common for Russia and Germany. The author addresses the key challenge for the German government — the organization of humane working conditions in a new digital reality presented in the White Paper “Work 4.0” after careful examination and consultation with main actors: associations, trade unions, companies, academia and civil society. He sees the solution to the problem in improving qualifications and developing digital skills, as well as ensuring attractive working conditions, in the first place for specialists in engineering, technical and natural science specialties (STEM). The analysis concludes with recommendations for policymakers which include such measures as improving gender equality in STEM professions and selective migration policy that mitigates unnecessary barriers for highly qualified immigrants.
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Schnaus, Julia. "Das leise Sterben einer Branche – Der Niedergang der westdeutschen Bekleidungsindustrie in den 1960er/70er Jahren." Zeitschrift für Unternehmensgeschichte 62, no. 1 (March 10, 2017): 9–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zug-2017-0002.
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AbstractUnnoticed Disappearance – The Decline of the West-German Clothing Industry in the 1960s/70sIn the beginning of the 20th century the German clothing industry used to be a considerable producer of consumer goods, manufacturing clothes for both home and export market. In the 1960s and 70s this branch of the German industry began to decline, mainly due to the pay gap between the labor costs in Germany and low-wage-countries located in Eastern Europe and Asia. In response to this development bigger German companies outsourced their production abroad to save labor costs. Smaller companies often lacked the needed financial resources and had to face bankruptcy as result. At the end only services like planning and quality control remained in Germany. In consequence of this development a lot of German seamstresses lost their jobs. The government did not care about these problems; the enterprises did not receive subsidies. The unions in the sector were weak due to a high percentage of working women and the high ratio of small and medium sized regionally dispersed enterprises.
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Simms, Melanie, Dennis Eversberg, Camille Dupuy, and Lena Hipp. "Organizing Young Workers Under Precarious Conditions: What Hinders or Facilitates Union Success." Work and Occupations 45, no. 4 (July 4, 2018): 420–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0730888418785947.
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Under what conditions do young precarious workers join unions? Based on case studies from France, Germany, the United Kingdom, and the United States, the authors identify targeted campaigns, coalition building, membership activism, and training activities as innovative organizing approaches. In addition to traditional issues such as wages and training quality, these approaches also featured issues specific to precarious workers, including skills training, demands for minimum working hours, and specific support in insecure employment situations. Organizing success is influenced by bargaining structures, occupational identity, labor market conditions, and support by union leaders and members. Innovative organizing tends to happen when unions combine new approaches with existing structures.
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Nash, Bradley. "Labor Law Reform and Organized Labor: A Comparative Historical Sociology of Unanticipated Outcomes." Humanity & Society 43, no. 2 (December 25, 2017): 120–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160597617748167.
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This article provides a comparative historical examination of the unanticipated consequences of labor law reforms in capitalist democracies during the twentieth century. The study of unexpected effects has a long history in sociology, and the cases analyzed here prove particularly instructive. Primary attention is given to earlier labor law projects in Germany and France that targeted the role of organized labor within industrial relations. Though divergent in political aims, legal reforms in the two countries converged in that the outcomes proved contrary to state intentions. Specifically, whereas postwar German conservatives had hoped to weaken labor unions with the Works Constitution Act of 1952 and French socialists aimed to strengthen organized labor by implementing the Auroux Laws during the 1980s, the legislative initiatives in the two nations ultimately had unexpected impacts. Analysis of what caused these unanticipated effects points toward two common factors: strategic actions (or inactions) by relevant social agents and the indeterminate nature of legal discourse itself. This article concludes with a consideration of the possibilities for labor law reform in the United States.
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Herrigel, Gary. "Identity and Institutions: The Social Construction of Trade Unions in Nineteenth-Century Germany and the United States." Studies in American Political Development 7, no. 2 (1993): 371–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00001139.
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The aim of this research note is to begin to develop the idea that trade unions are historically constructed as much through considerations of social identity as they are through calculations of economic self-interest, market power, or functional adaptation in the face of changes in the division of labor. By social identity, I mean the desire for group distinction, dignity, and place within historically specific discourses (or frames of understanding) about the character, structure, and boundaries of the polity and the economy. Institutions such as trade unions, in other words, are constituted through and by particular understandings of the structure of the social and political worlds of which they are part. In making this argument, it should be immediately said that I in no way intend to claim that trade unions are only to be understood through the lens of identity or that they do not engage in strategic calculation either in labor markets or in the broader political economy. The point is that action along the latter lines presupposes some kind of commitment on, and even resolution of, issues concerning the former. The discussion below focuses on the emergence of trade union movements in the United States and Germany during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It Attempts first to develope the two cases as constituting a paradox and then, second, explains the paradox with an argument about identity.
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Cha, J. Mijin, Jane Holgate, and Karel Yon. "Emergent Cultures of Activism: Young People and the Building of Alliances Between Unions and Other Social Movements." Work and Occupations 45, no. 4 (July 4, 2018): 451–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0730888418785977.
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This article considers emergent cultures of activism among young people in the labor movement. The authors question whether unions should reconsider creating different forms of organization to make themselves relevant to new generations of workers. Our comparative case study research from the United States, France, Germany, and the United Kingdom—where young people are engaged in “alter-activism” and unions have successfully recruited and included young workers—shows that there is potential for building alliances between trade unions and other social movements. The authors suggest that emerging cultures of activism provide unions with a way of appealing to wider and more diverse constituencies.
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Begunovich, R. V. "Consolidation of the Right to Work in the Normative Legal Acts of East Germany in 1945–1990." Siberian Law Herald 2 (2023): 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2071-8136.2023.2.3.
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The Constitutions of the states and provinces that were part of the Soviet occupation zone of Germany can be divided into two groups. The Constitutions of Saxony-Anhalt, Mecklenburg and Saxony included a section on basic rights, and also enshrined the right to work. In contrast, the Constitutions of Thuringia and Brandenburg contained neither a section on basic rights nor the right to work. While considering the period 1945-1949 attention should also be paid to the acts of both the Soviet Military Administration in Germany and the German authorities, which, among other things, were aimed at overcoming unemployment, secured the right to form trade unions, regulated the content of the collective agreement, and established measures to improve occupational safety. In the Constitution of the German Democratic Republic of 1949 the right to work was enshrined in Article 15. At the same time, the text of this article shows clear similarities with the norms of the Weimar Constitution, as well as the Constitutions of Saxony-Anhalt, Mecklenburg and Saxony. In the GDR Constitution of 1968, the right to work is enshrined in Article 24. The basic right to work was developed by the provisions of such acts as the Labor Law of 1950, the Labor Code of 1961 and the Labor Code of the GDR of 1977. The GDR Constitution of 1968 and the GDR Labor Code of 1977 establish a legal duty to work. At the same time, in earlier normative legal acts, in particular in the Labor Code of 1961, this duty was characterized by the legislator as moral.
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Tapia, Maite, and Lowell Turner. "Renewed Activism for the Labor Movement: The Urgency of Young Worker Engagement." Work and Occupations 45, no. 4 (July 11, 2018): 391–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0730888418785657.
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In this article, the authors consider the findings of a multi-year, case study-based research project on young workers and the labor movement in four countries: France, Germany, the United Kingdom, and the United States. The authors examine the conditions under which young workers actively engage in contemporary labor movements. Although the industrial relations context matters, the authors find the most persuasive explanations to be agency-based. Especially important are the relative openness and active encouragement of unions to the leadership development of young workers, and the persistence and creativity of groups of young workers in promoting their own engagement. Embodying labor’s potential for movement building and resistance to authoritarianism and right-wing populism, young workers offer hope for the future if unions can bring them aboard.
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Izudinova, Raisat Saidovna, Andrey Yuryevich Mordovtsev, Evgenia Andreevna Vasilkova, Tatyana Vasilyevna Mordovtseva, and Evgenii A. Palamarchuk. "Tourism Activities of the Organization “Force through Joy” as a Legitimation Factor of the Nazi Political and Legal Regime (1933-1939)." Journal of Politics and Law 13, no. 2 (May 25, 2020): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v13n2p201.
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The article identifies and analyzes the most important area of the organization “Strength through Joy” and its contribution to the support of the Hitler regime by industrial workers in Germany. Created by the Nazis under the auspices of the German Labor Front, which replaced the traditional trade unions, this organization made one of the main emphasis on the mass cultivation of tourism on favorable terms in the ranks of the working community. Having become one of the most important areas of social policy in the Third Reich, the tourism activities of the “Force through Joy” served as one of the effective means of legitimizing Nazi power in the eyes of that part of German society that initially took a hostile position towards them.
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KIMSEONGKOOK. "A Comparative Study on Unionism and Strategies of Labor Unions in Germany and Korea." Journal of Eurasian Studies 15, no. 1 (March 2018): 23–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31203/aepa.2018.15.1.002.
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Cohen, Lizabeth. "Katznelson's Working Within the System Now." International Labor and Working-Class History 46 (1994): 33–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900010796.
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Germany has been reunified. The Soviet Union and Eastern Europe have fractured into ethnically defined nationalist republics trying to dismantle decades of communist political and economic structures and replace them with free markets and free marketplaces of ideas. It seems only fitting that Ira Katznelson should publically embrace liberal political theory with a new “zest for political engagement”, enthusiastically endorsing the old liberal vision of political science as a discipline, and thrusting both onto labor historians as the perfect solution to political and epistemological crises in their field.In response, I would say to Katznelson, “You're working within the system now, but do we all need to?” Even more significantly, did the working-class populations we study operate within a liberal framework sufficiently enough to make liberal, state-centered concerns—the relationships and negotiations between actors in civil society (particularly articulated through unions and parties) and the liberal state—the “most potent tools” for political and historical analysis?
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Ban, Igor. "Cultural Challenges of BlueBird Bio Expansion into Germany." Journal of Global Awareness 1, Fall/Winter (December 7, 2020): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.24073/jga/1/02/06.
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BlueBird Bio is a biotechnology multinational corporation (MNC), with headquarters in Cambridge, Massachusetts, specializing in gene therapy solutions for autoimmune diseases and cancer. The company was recently approved, in Germany, for their new drug Zynteglo for the treatment of betta thalassemia. This approval opened the door for further investment in the European market, starting with the contracting of Apceth Biopharma and purchases of new land and equipment to establish a permanent residence in the country. The opening of the new European headquarters will demonstrate new challenges for BlueBird Bio, as cultural and institutional differences between the host country and parent country are quite distinctive. Some of the main differences among countries are their cultural dimensions in dealing with risk, masculinity, and indulgence. Unlike the United States, Germany is risk avert, values input of all in decision-making, and has a general attitude following the best practice approach. The US focuses on the individual dimension of a culture where employees are valued for their independence. Furthermore, the differences between governmental policies in the two countries vary strongly. The German government has strict policies on employee protection and can affect the decision making of the organization. There is also the presence of labor unions and collective bargaining; two aspects of organizational structure US-based companies are trying to avoid. BlueBird Bio is an emerging MNC, and its success depends upon its ability to recognize the differences in cultures and institutions between the countries. The company has already been exposed to multiple countries in Europe and has strong programs in employee education supplemented with strong company benefits for its employees, which is providing excellent groundwork for establishing headquarters in Germany.
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Alba, Richard, and Nancy Foner. "How successful is immigrant group integration in the United States and Western Europe? A comparative review and analysis." Geografie 122, no. 4 (2017): 409–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.37040/geografie2017122040409.
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This article examines how successful immigrant integration is on the two sides of the Atlantic through a systematic comparison of five countries: four in Western Europe (Britain, France, Germany, and the Netherlands) and the United States. The focus is on low-status immigrant groups, such as Mexicans in the United States and Turks in Western Europe. The comparison reveals that no one country is a clear winner or loser. How successful a country is in integrating immigrants and their children depends on the institutional context or domain being examined. The analysis explores a range of domains: race and religion as well as the labor market, residence, education, mixed unions, and national identities.
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Schaupp, Simon. "Technopolitics from Below: A Framework for the Analysis of Digital Politics of Production." NanoEthics 15, no. 1 (April 2021): 71–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11569-021-00386-8.
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AbstractThis article develops a multi-level framework for the analysis of a bottom-up politics of technology at the workplace. It draws on a multi-case study on algorithmic management of manual labor in manufacturing and delivery platforms in Germany. In researching how workers influenced the use of algorithmic management systems, the concept of technopolitics is developed to refer to three different arenas of negotiation: (1) the arena of regulation, where institutional framings of technologies in production are negotiated, typically between state actors, employers’ associations, and unions. (2) The arena of implementation, where strategies of technology deployment are negotiated—in the German production model typically between management and works council. (3) The arena of appropriation, in which different organizational technocultures offer contesting schemes for the actual use of technology at work. Whereas most recent research on digitalization of work conceptualizes workers as mere objects of digitalization processes, this paper focuses on worker agency as a “technopolitics from below.” It thus demonstrates how workers influence the concrete outcome of digitalization projects.
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Navarro, Vicente. "Introduction: Objectives and Purposes of the Study." International Journal of Health Services 33, no. 3 (July 2003): 407–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/34dh-r3ga-gkdu-09p2.
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This article introduces a series of research projects (carried out by the International Network on Social Inequalities and Health) focused on the impact of politics on policy and the consequences for health and quality of life, an area that has been understudied in the social science literature. The introduction describes the conceptual model that guided the research, centered on the study of how political parties and social agents (such as trade unions) affect social inequalities and mortality indicators through labor market and welfare state policies. The major theme of this research is whether political and social interventions matter in health policy and health outcomes. The introduction also describes the different types of research projects carried out by the International Network at the national levels (among OECD countries) and at the regional and local levels (in the United Kingdom, Italy, Germany, Spain, and Sweden). This Journal issue presents the multinational study and the U.K. case study; the next issue will include the Italian, German, Spanish, and Swedish case studies and the summary and conclusions.
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Addison, John T., Paulino Teixeira, Philipp Grunau, and Lutz Bellmann. "Worker representation and temporary employment in Germany." Journal of Participation and Employee Ownership 2, no. 1 (June 20, 2019): 24–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jpeo-11-2017-0003.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate the impact of key labor institutions on the occurrence and extent of temporary employment. Design/methodology/approach In a new departure, this study uses a zero-inflated negative binomial (ZINB) model given that most establishments are non-users of either fixed-term contracts (FTCs) or temporary agency workers. Findings This study examines the potential impact of works councils and unions on the use and intensity of use of FTCs and temporary agency work. There is a little indication that these variables are correlated with the use/non-use of either type of temporary work, especially in the case of FTCs. Collective bargaining displays different relationships with their intensity of use: a negative association for sectoral bargaining and FTCs and the converse for firm-level bargaining and agency temps. Of more interest, however, is the covariation between the number of temporary employees and the interaction between works councils and product market volatility. The intensity of use of agency temps (FTCs) is predicted to rise (fall) as volatility increases whenever a works council is present. These disparities require further investigation but most likely reflect differences in function, with agency work being more directed toward the protection of an arguably shrinking core and fixed-term contacts encountering resistance to their increased use as a buffer stock. The two types of temporary employment are seemingly non-complementary, an interpretation that receives support from the study’s further analysis of FTC flow data. Research limitations/implications The non-complementarity of the two types of contract is the hallmark of this paper. Originality/value The first study to deploy a ZINB model to examine both the occurrence and incidence of temporary work.
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Hoffrogge, Ralf. "Voluntarism, Corporatism and Path Dependency: The Metalworkers’ Unions Amalgamated Engineering Union and IG Metall and their Place in the History of British and German Industrial Relations." German History 37, no. 3 (June 15, 2019): 327–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghz037.
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Abstract Germany and Britain have served as models of either corporatist or voluntarist industrial relations. The more recent typology of ‘varieties of capitalism’ then identified Britain as a model case of a ‘liberal market economy’ while Germany was portrayed as a (state) ‘co-ordinated market economy’. The mainstream of German-language labour history also tells this success story. Some research on the evolution of co-determination has portrayed its subject as a long-standing trait of German capitalism, with predecessors dating back as far as 1848. With its focus on the history of two key trade unions in core industries of Britain and Germany, the British metalworkers’ union the Amalgamated Society of Engineers / Amalgamated Engineering Union and the German Metal Workers’ Union / IG Metall, this article questions both exceptionalism and continuity. It argues that a path dependency exists in the structure of both unions and the industrial relations around them—but that this never came close to a linear evolution of voluntarism or corporatism. On closer examination, the history of both unions includes localist as well as centralist practices. From the 1890s both unions were part of collective bargaining with strong employers’ associations; especially after 1945 both were open to corporatist compromises. For West Germany only, such a compromise was found in the early 1950s, and not before, while in Britain that same compromise was attempted but failed during the crucial years between 1965 and 1979. Therefore, to quote Stefan Berger, this article argues that ‘similarities between the British and the German labour movements have been underestimated’.
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Leschke, Janine, and Kurt Vandaele. "Explaining leaving union membership by the degree of labour market attachment: Exploring the case of Germany." Economic and Industrial Democracy 39, no. 1 (September 16, 2015): 64–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x15603456.
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By particularly stressing the weaker labour market attachment of workers with non-standard contracts, this article contributes to the rather unexplored issue of mainly non-union-related reasons for leaving trade unions. Germany has been selected as a case study because German unions experienced a steady decline in membership, while at the same time non-standard employment arrangements increased considerably and more so than the European average. Using the German Socio-Economic Panel data, the authors construct a labour market attachment variable capturing different degrees of attachment. Their analysis shows the impact of labour market attachment and firm-level characteristics on union leaving and points especially to important differences across gender.
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Kozerska, Ewa, and Tomasz Scheffler. "EDWARDA MUSZALSKIEGO KONCEPCJA NARODOWEGO PRAWA CYWILNEGO." Zeszyty Prawnicze 11, no. 4 (December 19, 2016): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2011.11.4.10.
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Edward Muszalski’s Idea of National Private LawSummary The paper presents the views of Polish lawyer Edward Muszalski on the state of private law in Europe and Poland of the interwar period and his proposals for changes. Muszalski assumed that the law was shaped by two schools of thought : liberal and socialist. In the 18th and 19th century the liberal school dominated, the result of which was the creation of the Napoleonic Code and the BGB. In the 19th century, socialism also influenced the law, which resulted in the creation of labor legislation and trade unions. In the 20th century, the bad qualities of both schools came together in the law of the Soviet Union. However it was possible to combine the good qualities of liberal and socialist law by assuming that the fundamental category of private law is the nation. According to Muszalski, national private law assumes, among others, the dominance of common law over statues, limitation of property rights, strengthening of family stability, limiting rights of will making and abandoning the principle of the will of the parties as the basis for interpreting contracts. Attempts to create national private law were made in Germany under the rule of Hitler and in Italy under the rule of Mussolini. However in both cases full-range law reforms failed, and in both countries private law remains liberal.
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Shvets, Yu I. "BANKS’ SUPERVISORY BOARDS: COMPARATIVE LEGAL ANALYSIS OF THE LEGISLATION OF UKRAINE AND GERMANY." Economics and Law, no. 3 (October 22, 2020): 43–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/econlaw.2020.03.043.
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The article is devoted to a comprehensive study of German legislation regarding the right regulation of the work of supervisory boards of joint stock companies — banks. During the writing of the article, the main legislative acts of Germany, the current version of which was published on the official website of the Federal Ministry of Justice and Consumer Protection (Bundesministeriums der Justiz und für Verbraucherschutz), were studied and analyzed, as well as scientific articles by German scientists and practitioners. Corporate legislation of Germany is compared with the legislation of Ukraine regarding the legal regulation of the activity of banks, which are joint stock companies. It is established that the banking activity should be performed by a legal entity in the form of a joint stock company. The two-tier system of governance with supervisory boards and executive boards, as well as a clear division of powers of management and control between these bodies, must be mandatory for banks. Suggestions were made on the possibility of electing not only shareholders and independent directors, but also other bank stakeholders, to the Supervisory Boards, in particular the election of employees, trade unions and, as a consequence, strengthening the influence of the labor collective on the management of the company. Emphasis is placed on the existence in German corporate law of provisions allowing the election, in certain cases, of members of the supervisory boards in court for the application of the list of persons defined by law. It is concluded that such practice is not practicable in Ukraine at this time due to the lack of speed of court proceedings and the possibility of unfair actions to influence the joint stock company on this basis. It is proposed to provide a mechanism for appealing the decisions of the Supervisory Board by the company Executive Board. The implementation of these innovations could strengthen the system of checks and balances in the management of the bank, namely to ensure mutual control of the supervisory board and the executive board of the bank, as well as to make it impossible (to prevent) the possibility of making decisions that could lead to negative consequences in the activity of the bank. There are a number of other statements and suggestions that can be used in further legislative work to improve the legal regulation of corporate governance in Ukraine.
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Afonso, Alexandre, Samir Negash, and Emily Wolff. "Closure, equality or organisation: Trade union responses to EU labour migration." Journal of European Social Policy 30, no. 5 (November 2020): 528–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928720950607.
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This paper explores trade union strategies to protect wages in the face of EU migration after the enlargement of the European Union. We argue that unions have three instruments at their disposal to deal with the risks linked to downward wage pressure: closure through immigration control, equalisation through collective bargaining and minimum wages, and the organisation of migrant workers. Using comparative case studies of Sweden, Germany and the UK, we show how different types of power resources shape union strategies: unions with substantial organisational resources (in Sweden) relied on a large membership to pursue an equalisation strategy and expected to be able to ‘afford’ openness. German unions with low membership but access to the political system pushed for a mix of closure and equality drawing on political intervention (e.g. minimum wages). British unions, unable to pursue either, focused their efforts on organisation.
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Marx, Paul, and Gijs Schumacher. "Will to power? Intra-party conflict in social democratic parties and the choice for neoliberal policies in Germany, the Netherlands and Spain (1980–2010)." European Political Science Review 5, no. 1 (June 7, 2012): 151–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773912000070.
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Why do social democrats choose neoliberal labor market policies? Since social democrats are typically punished for welfare state retrenchment and because these policies do not equate well with social democratic egalitarian principles, it is difficult to see what they gain from it. We argue that, depending on the intra-party balance of power between activists and leaders, some parties are office-seeking, whereas others are policy-seeking. This behavioral difference explains why some parties are responsive to environmental incentives such as the economy and public opinion (office-seeking parties) and others are responsive to policy-motivated activists (policy-seeking parties). Using three case studies of social democratic parties (Germany, the Netherlands and Spain) in the period 1980–2010, we analyze when and why these parties introduced neoliberal reforms. The study shows that office-seeking parties introduce neoliberal measures if the risk of losing votes due to an underperforming economy becomes larger than the risk of losing votes due to the mobilization of unions and opposition parties. Policy-seeking social democrats retain a social democratic ideology, unless prolonged failure to win office empowers pragmatic leaders to push through office-seeking strategies.
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Mitchell, Neil J. "Theoretical and Empirical Issues in the Comparative Measurement of Union Power and Corporatism." British Journal of Political Science 26, no. 3 (July 1996): 419–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400007523.
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What aspects of national trade-union movements systematically affect national policy making and economic performance? While there is general agreement that union density, the proportion of the workforce organized in unions, is an important element of union strength, social scientists are only beginning to identify the other critical elements. That union density is not the whole story can quickly be appreciated by comparing the influence of unions in Britain and Germany. For much of the post-war period, union density has been higher in Britain than Germany, although German unions have sustained at least as important a political and economic role as British unions. An influential theory of group-government relations directed our attention to the degree of hierarchy and monopoly present in an interest structure and to the degree of institutionalized access to policy-making circles, wrapping these characteristics together in the concept of corporatism. Yet there is a developing interest, particularly in the analysis of labour movements, in disaggregating corporatism as part of an effort to understand the specific characteristics that produce political and economic influence.
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Izyumov, Alexei, and John Vahaly. "Rent-based income redistribution in developed market economies." Вестник Пермского университета. Серия «Экономика» = Perm University Herald. ECONOMY 16, no. 1 (2021): 39–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/1994-9960-2021-1-39-53.
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Public-sector workers in many countries earn more, on average, than their private-sector peers with similar characteristics. In terms of economic theory, these rewards represent economic rents most of which paid by a nation’s taxpayers. In contrast to economic rents accruing to recipients at the top of income distribution, most of these payments flow from one group of workers to another. For this reason, we call these payments “horizontal” economic rents. The level of horizontal rents is analyzed in this paper for 28 OECD countries, mostly representing Europe, based on public-private sector pay gap data from a number of studies. We found that measured as a ratio of public-sector overpayments to GDP, the highest horizontal rents are paid to government workers in Mediterranean EU countries. These rents are relatively low in larger EU countries, such as Germany and the United Kingdom and negative in Scandinavian countries, possibly reflecting the recognition of the non-monetary benefits of public employment, such as job security. Analyzing the determinants of horizontal rents, we found that their levels are lower in countries with stronger trade unions, as measured by trade-unions density and higher in countries with larger foreign-born populations. Macroeconomic variables, including GDP per capita, trade openness, labor force participation and government indebtedness were found to not measurably influence the level of horizontal rents. Further research is seen to be connected with a wider range of the countries under analysis, including the developing countries, and the other groups of employees with the horizontal economic rent, as well as the possible ways to decrease or to invalidate it as regards the practices analysis of the countries with the negligible or negative rent such as Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Portugal, and Iceland.
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Knotter, Ad. "Het transnationale begin van de Nederlandse mijnwerkersvakbonden. Een voorbeeld van de nationalisering van arbeidersbewegingen (1907-1926)." Studies over de sociaaleconomische geschiedenis van Limburg/Jaarboek van het Sociaal Historisch Centrum voor Limburg 62 (January 12, 2023): 28–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.58484/ssegl.v62i12365.
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The Transnational Origins of Dutch Miners’ Unionism. A Case-Study in the Nationalization of Labour Movements. Several authors have argued that from the late nineteenth century onwards labour markets became increasingly organized and regulated nationally, by national social security arrangements, collective agreements, systems of labour exchange and migration control. As a consequence, members of the working classes began to consider themselves, and to be considered, as national citizens, and labour movements became nationalized. The First World War marked a watershed in this process. In this article, I want to explore to what extent this development influenced attitudes of the two Dutch miners’ unions, of which the originally inter-confessional one would become the most prominent. Until the First World War labour markets in the Limburg coalmining district and in the adjacent German Aachen district were fully integrated, and so were the nascent miners’ unions. On the eve of the First World War the Dutch inter-confessional union even became a branch of the German Christliche Gewerkverein. This all changed after the War, until in 1922 all ties with the Germans were severed, and the soon to become officially Catholic union reoriented on the Dutch state and the Limburg region. This article describes the transnational origins of the miners’ unions against the background of the cross-border labour market in the borderlands, and the effects of the territorialisation of labour markets on the originally transnational orientation of the unions after the First World War.
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Wagner, Ines, and Bjarke Refslund. "Understanding the diverging trajectories of slaughterhouse work in Denmark and Germany: A power resource approach." European Journal of Industrial Relations 22, no. 4 (December 2016): 335–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680116682109.
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Germany and Denmark are among the world’s largest exporters of meat products. Two decades ago their labour markets were similar, but since then they have diverged significantly. The industry in Denmark has maintained high wages and good working conditions, while in Germany there has been a rapid growth in precarious employment, with widespread use of subcontracted and posted migrant workers. We argue that the key explanation for this radical difference is the power position of the trade unions, which also affects how employers position themselves. We show how trade union power embedded in the local and sectoral industrial relations systems influences the wages and working conditions in German and Danish slaughterhouses.
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Barrell, Ray, and Dirk Willem te Velde. "Catching-up of East German Labour Productivity in the 1990s." German Economic Review 1, no. 3 (August 1, 2000): 271–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0475.00014.
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Abstract We provide empirical evidence for exogenous and endogenous catching-up of East German labour productivity to West German levels. We argue that labour productivity in East Germany has caught up faster than has happened elsewhere. The sudden formation of the German Monetary Union was followed by large transfers to East Germany, migration of workers to West Germany, reorganization and privatization of East German firms. This has quickly led to a partial closing of the organizational, idea and object gaps that existed between East and West Germany. This paper analyses labour productivity in East and West Germany using both aggregate German data and unbalanced panel analysis of developments in East and West Germany. Factors affecting the organization of production, and especially privatization and `foreign' firms, are found to be particularly important in this context.
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VAN HOOK, JAMES C. "FROM SOCIALIZATION TO CO-DETERMINATION: THE US, BRITAIN, GERMANY, AND PUBLIC OWNERSHIP IN THE RUHR, 1945–1951." Historical Journal 45, no. 1 (March 2002): 153–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x01002187.
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The failure of the socialization of heavy industry in West Germany following the Second World War has often been ascribed to American reluctance to allow meaningful social reform in the face of an intensifying Cold War. But a closer look at the socialization issue during the latter half of the 1940s demonstrates the enormous complexity of transforming Germany's heavy industry. First, the British, who originally advocated socialization, i.e. the public ownership of heavy industry, had done so on security grounds. But when trying to reach out to ‘democratic’ Germans, such as social democrats and left wing members of the Christian democratic union, the British realized the difficulty of cultivating a meaningful consensus within western Germany concerning the fate of heavy industry. In the end, they therefore acceded to American arguments that socialization of such important industries should wait until the creation of a central German government. But once a central German government existed from 1949, socialization did not take place. The chief reason for this was that West German social democrats had already concluded in 1947 that American ‘domination’ of western Germany meant the stifling of social reform. They therefore ceded leadership over German affairs to a Christian democratic union decidedly more favourable to free enterprise. Instead, the social democrats and their trade union allies concentrated their efforts at social reform in the introduction and institutionalization of management–labour co-determination.
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Pötzsch, Holger, and Kerem Schamberger. "Labour Struggles in Digital Capitalism: Challenges and Opportunities for Worker Organisation, Mobilisation, and Activism in Germany." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 20, no. 1 (March 27, 2022): 82–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v20i1.1314.
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In this article, we investigate labour struggles under the condition of digital capitalism. The main research question this paper addresses is: How do German unions evaluate and respond to the rapidly accelerating digitalisation of economy and work? Based on a series of interviews with union representatives in Germany, we trace recent developments in an increasingly digitised economy and outline challenges and opportunities for unions. Our findings show that the large-scale deployment of digital technologies fragments the workforce, reduces social standards, worsens working conditions, and exacerbates power imbalances to the detriment of the employed. These disadvantages are only insufficiently met with new opportunities to raise public awareness and connect with and mobilise workers by means of digital communication technologies. Our study suggests a growing significance of technological expertise for unions, a need to meet global capital with enhanced international and regional cooperation among labour organisations, and the importance of uniting established unions and grassroots workers’ movements in shared struggles to improve the situation of workers under technology-enhanced conditions of globalised exploitation and control.
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Benassi, Chiara, Lisa Dorigatti, and Elisa Pannini. "Explaining divergent bargaining outcomes for agency workers: The role of labour divides and labour market reforms." European Journal of Industrial Relations 25, no. 2 (June 22, 2018): 163–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680118783547.
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Under what conditions can unions successfully regulate precarious employment? We compare the divergent trajectories of collective bargaining on agency work in the Italian and German metal sectors from the late 1990s. We explain the differences by the interaction between trade unions’ institutional and associational power resources, mediated by employers’ divide-and-rule strategies and by union strategies to (re)build a unitary front. In both countries, the liberalization of agency work allowed employers to exploit labour divides, undermining unions’ associational power and preventing labour from negotiating effectively. However, while Italian unions remained ‘trapped’ in the vicious circle between weak legislation and fragmented labour, German unions were able to overcome their internal divides. The different degree of success depended on the nature of the divides within the labour movements.
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Seipp, Adam R. "‘We Have to Pay the Price’: German Workers and the US Army, 1945–1989." War in History 26, no. 4 (September 13, 2019): 563–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344517738550.
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This article examines the relationship between German civilian workers and the United States Army in the Federal Republic of Germany during the Cold War. Using archival and published sources, the article offers an entangled history of ‘local national’ employees and their role in maintaining the American presence in Central Europe. Beginning in the late 1960s, German labour unions began to challenge American labour policy. In doing so, they consistently argued for a more forceful assertion of German sovereignty. This labour relationship was therefore important for both the military history of the Cold War and for the development of German democracy.
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Milner, Susan. "The International Labour Movement and the Limits of Internationalism: the International Secretariat of National Trade Union Centres, 1901–1913." International Review of Social History 33, no. 1 (April 1988): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000008610.
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SummaryDespite an abundance of literature on the Second International relatively little is known about the work of the International Secretariat of National Trade Union Centres (ISNTUC). Foundect in 1901 by the German and Scandinavian labour leaders, this exclusively trade union International (the forerunner of the post-war International Federation of Trade Unions) included representatives of most of the major labour movements of Europe and the USA. Under German leadership it occupied itself with exclusively trade union issues, a limitation which was contested by revolutionary labour federations. Study of the ISNTUC therefore reveals much about conceptions of internationalism within the internationally organized labour movement.
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Shemyakin, R. K., and T. A. Izbienova. "Legal status of “unaffiliated” strikes in Germany." Voprosy trudovogo prava (Labor law issues), no. 10 (October 29, 2022): 660–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/pol-2-2210-06.
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The article examines some issues in determining the legal status of 'unaffiliated' strikes in Germany. The German right to strike is extremely limited. Under German case law, 'unaffiliated' or 'wild' strikes — work stoppages not involving trade unions — are prohibited in Germany. The European Social Charter allows such work stoppages, and the Committee of Experts urges the German legislator to take into account the interests of workers who have joined together to defend their collective rights and take part in a strike even without the involvement of trade unions. Through long negotiations and attempts by workers to defend their professional interests the first court decisions on the relative legality of such strikes and the revision of the precedents of the Federal Labour Court of the last century are emerging.
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Körner, Marita. "German Labor Law in Transition." German Law Journal 6, no. 4 (April 1, 2005): 805–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200013936.
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For decades, German labor law has been among the most advanced in the world, although no labor code was ever enacted like, for e.g., in France with its ‘Code du travail’ adopted on 15th November 1973. In Germany, after World War II, German labor legislation developed a great variety of specific Acts covering individual and collective labor law. Basics, like protection against dismissal or collective bargaining, as well as employee participation in works councils, reached a high level. Although German law belongs to the Continental legal systems and thus is mainly based on legislation, some of the most important aspects of collective labor law, especially trade union law and the right to strike are not regulated by statutory law. Bundesarbeitsgericht (the Federal Labor Court) and Bundesverfassungsgericht (the Federal Constitutional Court) filled in the blanks step by step in a variety of decisions. Accordingly, these crucial fields of labor relations are based on mere case law. It turned out to be politically impossible to get trade union law and the law on strike and lock-outs enacted. Despite statements to the contrary, the parties involved seem to be content with this rather flexible handling. On the whole, German labor law became more and more protective over the years, including aspects like equality and prohibition of discrimination in employment, sick-leave payment, and the possibility to claim a part-time job under the 2000 Act on Teilzeit- und Befristungsgesetz – TzBfG (Part Time and Temporary Work).
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Berlemann, Michael, and Klaus W. Zimmermann. "Trade Unionists in Parliament and Macroeconomic Performance: Evidence from Germany." Economic and Labour Relations Review 22, no. 3 (November 2011): 101–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/103530461102200307.
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This article focuses on the role of unionised members of parliament. While unions have a direct effect on the labour market via wage negotiations, they often also take part in political debates. In many countries, significant shares of the members of parliament are also members of a trade union. However, up to now little empirical evidence is available on the extent to which unionised members of parliament try to achieve union-specific goals and thereby influence the macroeconomic conditions of an economy. A recent study for Germany comes to the conclusion that union members in the Bundestag cannot be seen as the parliamentary arm of the trade unions. However, we present contradicting empirical results by showing that, in Germany at least, the degree of unionisation of parliamentary members has a negative impact on economic growth and increases inflation, while unemployment remains unaffected.
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Unruh, Peter. "Is German Religionsverfassungsrecht under threat from the European Union?" Oxford Journal of Law and Religion 9, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ojlr/rwaa016.
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Abstract Two recent judgments of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) raise fundamental questions about the relationship between European Union Law and German religious constitutional law. This article outlines the German constitutional context for the law of labour relations within religious associations before considering those judgments in detail. The article argues that in its approach to religious occupational requirements and loyalty obligations the case law of the CJEU risks bringing about a fundamental change in German religious constitutional law. This is in breach of the terms of membership of Germany in the European Union and contrary to European law itself.
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Parzonko, Andrzej, and Piotr Bórawski. "Competitiveness of Polish dairy farms in the European Union." Agricultural Economics (Zemědělská ekonomika) 66, No. 4 (April 29, 2020): 168–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/254/2019-agricecon.
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This article analyses the competitiveness of dairy farms in Poland in relation to selected EU countries. The competitive advantage of dairy farms was evaluated and compared based on remuneration for family labour. Two variants of the above indicator were calculated: (1) Remuneration for family labour (FL1) as the relationship between farm net income and the farmer’s unpaid labour input, and (2) Remuneration for family labour (FL2) as the relationship between farm net income minus the opportunity costs of own land and capital to the farmer’s unpaid labour input. The calculations were performed based on EU FADN (European Union Farm Accountancy Data Network) data for an average dairy farm in 2005, 2010 and 2016. The study revealed the highest average remuneration for family labour (FL1) in Irish and German dairy farms. The value of the second indicator (FL2) was also highest in Germany, followed by France. The analysis produced interesting results regarding dairy farms in Denmark and the Netherlands which were characterised by the highest scale of production in the evaluated period (high net value added), but very low farm incomes and remuneration for family labour. The study revealed that Polish dairy farms were characterised by average competitiveness relative.
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Fichter, Michael. "Database on labour unions in Germany." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 1, no. 3 (July 1995): 448–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425899500100314.
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