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Journal articles on the topic 'Labor unions, mexico'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 27 July 2025

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1

Oxman, Bernard H., and William J. Aceves. "Public Report Of Review Of Nao Submission No. 9703." American Journal of International Law 93, no. 1 (1999): 224–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2997967.

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Public Report of Review of NAO Submission No. 9703.U.S. National Administrative Office, U.S. Department of Labor, July 31, 1998.On July 31,1998, the U.S. National Administrative Office (NAO) issued its Public Report of Review (Report) on a petition filed by several U.S. and Canadian labor unions alleging labor law violations in Mexico. The Report found credible allegations that Mexican workers were threatened and attacked as they sought to pursue legitimate union activities at an export-processing plant in Ciudad de los Reyes, Mexico. In addition, the Report determined that Mexican officials h

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2

Díaz, Rafael Loyola. "La liquidación del feudo petrolero en la política moderna, México 1989." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 6, no. 2 (1990): 263–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1051835.

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The official petroleum labor union and its leaders in Ciudad Madero, Taumalipas had gained power, both within the petroleum industry and within the official party, far beyond its real political importance. On January 10, 1989, incoming President Carlos Salinas de Gortari determined to remove the union's leaders. Through such action against one of the most powerful labor unions in Mexico, the government achieved a series of goals: it gained political legitimacy, it weakened the union's bureaucracy, and it introduced a new economic policy that established a different relationship between the sta

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3

Caulfield, Norman. "Wobblies and Mexican Workers in Mining and Petroleum, 1905–1924." International Review of Social History 40, no. 1 (1995): 51–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113021.

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SummaryThe Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), or “Wobblies”, represented a transitional stage in Mexican labor movement history. The Wobblies enjoyed support from workers because their philosophy corresponded to the Mexican labor movement's deeply-rooted anarchosyndicalist traditions. While cooperating with Mexican radical labor organizations, the IWW advocated workers' control, better pay, conditions, and union recognition. In mining and petroleum, the IWW built upon the earlier organizational efforts of mutual and gremial organizations. And, although the Wobblies failed to establish a pe

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Murillo, M. Victoria. "From Populism To Neoliberalism: Labor Unions and Market Reforms in Latin America." World Politics 52, no. 2 (2000): 135–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100002586.

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In the late 1980s, populist labor parties, which had advanced protectionism and state intervention in the postwar period, implemented market-oriented reforms in Argentina, Mexico, and Venezuela. In all three countries, market reforms hurt their union allies. The interaction between allied unions and governing labor parties, however, varied across countries and across sectors within the same country. While some unions endorsed neoliberal reforms, others rejected them despite their long-term alliance with governing parties. While some unions obtained concessions, others failed to do so.This arti

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5

Montgomery, David. "Workers' Movements in the United States Confront Imperialism: The Progressive Era Experience." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 7, no. 1 (2008): 7–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400001717.

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In 1898, the American Federation of Labor feared that colonial expansion would militarize the republic and undermine the living standards of American workers. Subsequent expansion of industrial production and of trade union membership soon replaced the fear of imperial expansion with an eagerness to enlarge the domain of American unions internationally alongside that of American business. In both Puerto Rico and Canada important groups of workers joined AFL unions on their own initiative. In Mexico, where major U.S. investments shaped the economy, anarcho-syndicalists enjoyed strong support on

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6

La Botz, Daniel. "Manufacturing Poverty: The Maquiladorization of Mexico." International Journal of Health Services 24, no. 3 (1994): 403–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/hy6r-ey5g-3axp-vv8n.

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Based on interviews with social workers, attorneys, feminists, union activists, and factory workers, the author argues that the maquiladora free trade zone of Northern Mexico portends developments under the North American Free Trade Agreement. Today some 500,000 Mexican workers labor in 2,000 factories for $4.50 a day in Mexico's maquiladoras. Two-thirds of the workers are women, many single women who head their households. These women work in the new, modern manufacturing plants in industrial parks, but live in squalid shanty towns without adequate water, sewage, or electricity. On the job, w

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7

Fairris, David. "Unions and Wage Inequality in Mexico." ILR Review 56, no. 3 (2003): 481–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979390305600307.

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This paper offers empirical evidence on the impact of trade unions on wage inequality in Mexico. The results indicate that unions were a strongly equalizing force affecting the dispersion of wages in 1984, but were only half as effective at reducing wage inequality in 1996. Not only did the unionized percentage of the labor force fall considerably over the period, unions also lost some of their ability to reduce wage dispersion among the workers they continued to represent. Had unions maintained in 1996 the same structural power they possessed in 1984, the rise in wage inequality in the formal

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8

Williams, Heather L. "Of Labor Tragedy and Legal Farce." Social Science History 27, no. 4 (2003): 525–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200012670.

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It is commonly assumed that transnational activist networks have greater power to compel state and private sector actors to address rights-based grievances as networks grow and activists gain greater visibility in the mass media. However, evidence from case studies of transnational mobilization suggests that the opposite may hold true under given circumstances. This article examines the struggle for an independent union in the Tijuana-based Han Young welding facility, which in 1997 and 1998 became one of the most important tests to date of labor law and institutions across the U.S.-Mexico bord

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9

Caulfield, Norman. "Mexican State Development Policy and Labor Internationalism, 1945–1958." International Review of Social History 42, no. 1 (1997): 45–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000114580.

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SummaryThe Mexican state's drive toward industrialization during World War II and the post-war years required the cooperation of organized labor. Central to this policy was the role played by American trade unions, which cooperated with US government agencies in providing financial and logistical support for Mexican trade unionists who complied with state development policy. The interests of American labor leaders, US policymakers and Mexican modernizing elites converged in an attempt to eradicate radical unionism and promote US hegemony in the western hemisphere. This study builds upon works

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10

Daria, James. "Rigged Elections: The Failure of Mexico’s New Labor Model to Protect Farmworker Rights." Frontera norte 35 (January 1, 2023): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.33679/rfn.v1i1.2332.

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Due to recent labor reforms and the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) negotiation, Mexico ratified freedom of association and collective bargaining rights. This new labor model promises the end of employer protection unions that thwart labor organizing and drive down wages. Through an ethnographic case study of farm labor organizing in the agro-export industry in San Quintín, Baja California, Mexico, this article argues that recent labor reforms are not sufficient to democratize labor relations in rural industries as they fail to overcome regional and transnational power structures

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11

Chambers-Ju, Christopher. "Adjustment Policies, Union Structures, and Strategies of Mobilization: Teacher Politics in Mexico and Argentina." Comparative Politics 53, no. 2 (2021): 185–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.5129/001041521x15918883398085.

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This article analyzes the evolving mobilizational strategies of robust unions in contemporary Latin America. The origins of these strategies are rooted in the neoliberal adjustment policies in the early 1990s that compensated and reshaped power relations in labor organizations. With union compensation, a dominant faction concentrated power and embraced instrumentalism; the union exchanged electoral support with various parties for particularistic benefits. When adjustment policies were adopted without compensation, power was dispersed in an archipelago of activists. Unions then relied on movem

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12

Jeifets, Victor. "From the Growth to the Marginalization: The Communist Party of Mexico and Trade Unions in the Second Half of the 1930s." Latin-American Historical Almanac 33, no. 1 (2022): 170–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2022-33-1-170-204.

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The article deals with the analysis of the evolution of the relationship between the left movement and the Mexican Communist Party in the context of the policy of the Comintern and the domestic policy implemented by Mexican President Lazaro Cardenas. The author focused on the relationship between the CPM and the Confederation of Workers of Mexico, showing how the understanding of the essence of trade union unity by the communists was changing and how this evolution led to a change in the situation within the trade union movement in general and within the CTM in particular. The vision of the Po

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13

Burgess, Katrina. "Loyalty Dilemmas and Market Reform: Party-Union Alliances under Stress in Mexico, Spain, and Venezuela." World Politics 52, no. 1 (1999): 105–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100020049.

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Market reform has dealt a serious blow to traditional alliances between governing parties and labor unions. This article examines the fate of these alliances by applying a revised version of Albert Hirschman's schema of exit, voice, and loyalty to party-union relations in Mexico, Spain, and Venezuela. After refining the concept of loyalty, the author argues that it is embedded in the principles and norms on which these alliances are based. Market reform places party-affiliated labor leaders in a "loyalty dilemma" in which they have no choice but to behave disloyally toward one set of claimants

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14

Bortz, Jeffrey. "“Without Any More Law Than Their Own Caprice”: Cotton Textile Workers and the Challenge to Factory Authority During the Mexican Revolution." International Review of Social History 42, no. 2 (1997): 253–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000114907.

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SummaryMuch current literature argues that the Mexican revolution was not a revolution at all, but rather a series of rebellions that did not fundamentally alter the social order. Similarly, many scholars assert the changes in the Mexican work world during the Mexican revolution were the result of a paternalistic state rather than the product of the actions of workers. This article examines cotton textile workers' relationship to authority in the workplace during the most violent phase of Mexico's revolution, 1910–1921. The results suggest that revolution indeed gripped the country, one that e

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15

Hualde, Alfredo, and Miguel Angel Ramírez. "The impact of the NAFTA treaty on wage competition, immigration, labor standards and cross-border co-operation." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 7, no. 3 (2001): 494–514. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890100700312.

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The signing of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) in 1993 led to the formation of a social and economic area characterized by marked asymmetry between its members: the USA, Mexico and Canada. Seven years later the results in terms of salaries, employment and labor standards are not very positive, although they have not produced the catastrophic results foreseen by some. In Mexico several hundred thousand jobs were created, especially in the maquiladora export industry, but this has been associated with falling living standards and rising poverty. Migration from Mexico to the USA h

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16

Matta, Benjamin N., and Robert Kern. "Labor in New Mexico: Unions, Strikes, and Social History Since 1881." Industrial and Labor Relations Review 38, no. 3 (1985): 456. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2523776.

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17

Matta, Benjamin N. "Book Review: Labor History: Labor in New Mexico: Unions, Strikes, and Social History since 1881." ILR Review 38, no. 3 (1985): 456–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979398503800316.

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18

Laurell, Asa Cristina. "The Role of Union Democracy in the Struggle for Workers' Health in Mexico." International Journal of Health Services 19, no. 2 (1989): 279–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/n1nk-lxek-nfkm-bnrm.

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In this article, the author analyzes the struggle for workers' health in Mexico, emphasizing the importance of the general and specific political context. In an overview of the legislation on industrial health and safety, the state institutions involved in the issue, and the characteristics of union organization in Mexico, the author shows that the limited activities related to workers' health have more to do with the relative political weakness of the Mexican working class than with the formal structures of legislation, state institutions, and unions. The second part of the article deals with

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19

Andes, Stephen J. C. "A CATHOLIC ALTERNATIVE TO REVOLUTION: The Survival of Social Catholicism in Postrevolutionary Mexico." Americas 68, no. 04 (2012): 529–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000316150000153x.

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Alfredo Méndez Medina, writing from Belgium in January 1911, was possessed by the idea that Mexico's social and economic organization required radical change. Méndez Medina, a Mexican Jesuit priest and developing labor activist, had spent just a few years in Europe, sent by his superiors to learn the techniques, strategies, and ideology of Catholic social action. What he saw and experienced there helped shape his vision for Mexico and guided his work upon his return in late 1912. In Europe, the young Méndez Medina observed firsthand the Catholic unions, ministries, and propagandists of L'Actio

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Andes, Stephen J. C. "A CATHOLIC ALTERNATIVE TO REVOLUTION: The Survival of Social Catholicism in Postrevolutionary Mexico." Americas 68, no. 4 (2012): 529–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2012.0049.

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Alfredo Méndez Medina, writing from Belgium in January 1911, was possessed by the idea that Mexico's social and economic organization required radical change. Méndez Medina, a Mexican Jesuit priest and developing labor activist, had spent just a few years in Europe, sent by his superiors to learn the techniques, strategies, and ideology of Catholic social action. What he saw and experienced there helped shape his vision for Mexico and guided his work upon his return in late 1912. In Europe, the young Méndez Medina observed firsthand the Catholic unions, ministries, and propagandists of L'Actio

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21

Bocking, Paul. "The Trinational Coalition in Defense of Public Education and the Challenges of International Teacher Solidarity." Labor Studies Journal 45, no. 1 (2020): 114–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x20901649.

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The ascendance of economic globalization, epitomized for the United States, Canada, and Mexico by the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), has been paralleled by the increasingly transnational scale of education policy. While national and regional governments remain the employers of public school teachers, the policies articulated by supranational institutions including the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) are ever more influential. Teacher internationalism has become increasingly significant for its capacity to both articulate shared analyses of the predom

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22

Jeifets, Victor. "On the way to the Soviet Mexico: the Comintern and the Communist Party of Mexico at the period of its illegal activities, 1929-1934." Latin-american Historical Almanac 31, no. 1 (2021): 33–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2021-31-1-33-60.

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This article deals with the evolution and peculiarities of the policy of Mexican communists who were forced to operate underground after the beginning of the "left turn" in the late 1920s. During this period, the CPM actually abandoned its own interpretation of the problems of the revolution in its country, being satisfied with the policies and assessments of the Comintern apparatus. The author's attention is paid to both the party's course towards attempts to penetrate the army structures, as also to new forms of activity (after the collapse of the policy of broad alliances) in the labor move

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Stein, Andrés D. Daniels, Iván Alarcón, Daniel Treviño Carballo, Diego A. Trujillo Contreras, and Ricardo Camacho Sánchez. "EL MATRIMONIO COMO DETERMINANTE DEL INGRESO LABORAL DE LOS HOGARES EN MÉXICO: ESTUDIO CUASI EXPERIMENTAL." Revista de Investigación Interdisciplinaria en Métodos Experimentales 1, no. 10 (2021): 59–79. https://doi.org/10.56503/metodosexperimentales/vol.1/nro.10(2021)p.59-79.

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Based on Becker’s family economics theory (1981) and Mincer’s earnings function (1974), the present study uses cross-sectional data from the National Survey of Households’ Income and Expenditure (ENIGH) and employs propensity score matching to determine marriage’s causal effect on labor income for households in Mexico. The key finding is that households led by a married couple have higher labor income than those led by a cohabiting couple; the effect’s magnitude is 3,597 quarterly pesos in 2020, 2,327 pesos in 2018 and 3,008 pesos in 2016. This result provides causal evidence to the marriage a

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Snodgrass, Michael David. "The Birth and Consequences of Industrial Paternalism in Monterrey, Mexico, 1890–1940." International Labor and Working-Class History 53 (1998): 115–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900013697.

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For as long as the people of Monterrey, Nuevo León could remember, class harmony had characterized their preeminently industrial city. Local residents attributed this aura of industrial peace to the unique character of the region's workers and the inherent benevolence of their employers. They took special pride in both. Like all northerners, Monterrey's workers had a reputation for hard work, industriousness, and staunch independence. They manifested the last through their celebrated autonomy from Mexico's national labor federations. The industrialists, in turn, earned local renown for having

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Moisá Elicabide, Laura Carla, Jana K. Silverman, and María Piñón Pereira Dias. "Labor and Development in Twenty-first-Century Latin America: Two Political Options." Latin American Perspectives 46, no. 6 (2018): 25–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x18806592.

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An analysis of the results of social and labor policy in two Southern Cone countries (Uruguay and Brazil) and two members of the Pacific Alliance (Mexico and Colombia) between 2000 and 2012 focused on minimum wage policy, state intervention in labor market regulation and supervision, and relations between governments and social and political actors, especially unions, indicates that, in contrast to the situation in the progressive countries, the neoliberal policies adopted by Mexico and Colombia maintained social divisions instead of reducing them in this period. Un análisis de los resultados

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Knight, Alan. "Frank Tannenbaum and the Mexican Revolution." International Labor and Working-Class History 77, no. 1 (2010): 134–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547909990299.

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AbstractThis article examines Frank Tannenbaum's engagement with Mexico in the crucial years following the Revolution of 1910–1920 and his first visit to the country in 1922. Invited—and feted—by the government and its powerful labor allies, Tannenbaum soon expanded his initial interest in organized labor and produced a stream of work dealing with trade unions, peasants, Indians, politics, and education—work that described and often justified the social program of the Revolution, and that, rather surprisingly, continued long after the Revolution had lost its radical credentials in the 1940s. T

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Sánchez Peña, Landy, and Julieta Pérez Amador. "Distintas o iguales: las diferencias en el trabajo doméstico de las parejas de doble ingreso entre las uniones libres y los matrimonios / Different or equal: the differences between unions and marriages in domestic work of dual earning couples." Estudios Demográficos y Urbanos 31, no. 3 (2016): 593. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/edu.v31i3.11.

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La brecha de género en el trabajo doméstico ha sido ampliamente estudiada en México, mostrando gradientes por nivel socioeconómico y diferencias asociadas a la participación de las mujeres en el trabajo extradoméstico. En este artículo indagamos en qué medida ambos procesos dan forma al reparto del trabajo doméstico entre parejas de doble proveedor que difieren por tipo de unión. Basamos el análisis empírico en la ENIGH 2010 utilizando modelos de regresión. Nuestros resultados sugieren que la brecha de género en el trabajo doméstico es menor en las parejas en unión libre en comparación con las

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BRICKNER, RACHEL K. "Feminist Activism, Union Democracy and Gender Equity Rights in Mexico." Journal of Latin American Studies 42, no. 4 (2010): 749–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x10001355.

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AbstractBeyond competitive elections, democratisation should include a transformation of the institutions of state and civil society into spaces that recognise the rights of citizens and allow for their participation. This study explores the question of how Mexican labour unions are transformed into institutions with a commitment to the rights and participation of women workers. Drawing on evidence from five unions, the paper shows that compared to their corporatist counterparts, unions with a ‘democratic ethos’ provide a context within which gender equity rights are more readily recognised. H

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Olcott, Jocelyn. "‘A Plague of Salaried Marxists’: Sexuality and Subsistence in the Revolutionary Imaginary of Concha Michel." Journal of Contemporary History 52, no. 4 (2017): 980–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417723977.

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This article examines work of Mexican singer and activist Concha Michel, particularly the pamphlet Marxistas y ‘marxistas’ that sealed her expulsion from the Mexican Communist Party (Partido Comunista de México, PCM). Michel wrote the pamphlet after her return from the Soviet Union, where her experiences only confirmed her belief that revolutionary governments in Mexico and the Soviet Union alike had failed to attend to the massive amounts of social and cultural labor performed overwhelmingly by women. In particular, Communists' emphasis on modernization and scientific theory privileged the ‘s

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Anner, Mark, Matthew Fischer-Daly, and Cirila Quintero Ramírez. "Between labour control and worker empowerment: Authoritarian innovations and democratic reforms in Mexico." Journal of Industrial Relations 66, no. 4 (2024): 578–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00221856241278989.

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This paper analyses authoritarian innovations in the industrial relations arena in Mexico since 2018. Historically, corporatist ties with union elites allowed the government to control labour at the workplace level and resist substantive labour reforms at the national level through ‘ghost unions’ and ‘protection contracts’. Since the election of Andrés Manuel López Obrador of the left-oriented MORENA party, the government has implemented labour reforms and a reformed trade and investment treaty with the US and Canada that includes stronger labour provisions. These changes opened new possibilit

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Arroyo Arroyo, Ignacio. "Competitiveness of the manufacturing Sector In Mexico, The United States And Canada 2006-2022: Advantages, Disadvantages And Current Trends." Visión de Futuro, no. 29, No 1 (Enero – Junio) (December 12, 2024): 22–38. https://doi.org/10.36995/j.visiondefuturo.2024.29.01.001.en.

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This research seeks to analyze the competitiveness of the manufacturing sector in Mexico compared to the United States and Canada from 2006 to 2022 in the different industries that make it up to identify the advantages, disadvantages and trends. Official databases were consulted to correlate the information through statistics; specialists in the sector (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, Mexican Institute of Competitiveness, World Bank, Statistics Canada and the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics); reports and studies. The most productive sectors for Mexico compared to the Uni

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Weber, Devra Anne. "Wobblies of the Partido Liberal Mexicano." Pacific Historical Review 85, no. 2 (2016): 188–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2016.85.2.188.

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This article examines the Mexican grassroots base of the Partido Liberal Mexicano (PLM) and PLM members who belonged to the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). It suggests that a grassroots perspective, one that is also multilingual and transnational, reframes both the PLM and the IWW. Eschewing an institutional approach, this perspective suggests that the organizational underbelly for much of this work rested with Mexican social networks that formed the labor crews, strikes, foci, and union locals. PLM supporters prepared for a Mexican revolution. Some of them did so while organizing IWW l

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Armbruster-Sandoval, Ralph. "Globalization and Transnational Labor Organizing." Social Science History 27, no. 4 (2003): 551–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200012682.

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The proliferation of garment industry sweatshops over the past 20 years has generated numerous cross-border (transnational) organizing campaigns involving U.S., Mexican, and Central American labor unions and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). This article examines one such campaign that took place at the Honduran maquiladora factory known as Kimi. The Kimi workers (along with their transnational allies) struggled for six years before they were legally recognized as a union, and they negotiated one of the few collective bargaining agreements in the entire Central American region. The factory

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BORTZ, JEFFREY. "The Revolution, the Labour Regime and Conditions of Work in the Cotton Textile Industry in Mexico, 1910–1927." Journal of Latin American Studies 32, no. 3 (2000): 671–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00005915.

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From 1910 to 1927 workers in the Mexican cotton textile industry took advantage of the larger surrounding revolution to create a revolution of their own. Based on a significant and persistent challenge to workplace authority, millhands radically transformed the labour regime in Mexican industry. Although owners combated the workers' rebellion, they never inflicted a decisive defeat. As a consequence, the conditions of work in Mexican mills improved dramatically. Among the advancements workers fought for, and obtained, were a sharp reduction in the working day from fourteen hours to eight, mand

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Flores, John H. "Deporting Dissidence." Aztlán: A Journal of Chicano Studies 38, no. 1 (2013): 95–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/azt.2013.38.1.95.

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This essay examines Mexican immigrant political and labor activism in Chicago through the life of Refugio Roman Martinez, an organizer for the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) who was deported by the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS). Martinez’s history suggests that Mexican immigrant CIO members tended to be proud Mexican citizens motivated to join US unions by their understanding of the Mexican Revolution and rise of Mexican President Lazaro Cardenas (1934–1940). These Mexican immigrants campaigned for labor and immigration improvements and encouraged Mexicans to enter u

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Aguirre, Michael D. "Identities, Quandaries, and Emotions." Southern California Quarterly 102, no. 3 (2020): 222–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/scq.2020.102.3.222.

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The issue of transborder mobility posed a dilemma for U.S. labor organizations and for border communities that embraced workers, customers, and family connections from Mexico. Labor leaders including Ernesto Galarza of the National Farm Labor Union (NFLU) and César Chávez of the United Farm Workers (UFW) had to find ways of protecting U.S. citizen workers and yet humanely addressing the plight of resident aliens, permitted commuters, and undocumented workers from Mexico. Their strategies involved knowledge production and had to accommodate emotions. The article focuses on the Imperial-Mexicali

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Mutersbaugh, Tad. "The Number is the Beast: A Political Economy of Organic-Coffee Certification and Producer Unionism." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 34, no. 7 (2002): 1165–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a3435.

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The author argues that organic-coffee certification enacted under the rubric of transnational certification norms alters the logic and practice of economic management and governance in an Oaxacan (Mexican) peasant producers' union. As the title indicates, these changes are productive of social and economic tensions. An economic and ethnographic analysis of ‘certification labor’ demonstrates (a) that the work of certification is distributed within producer organizations such that village and regional leaders become burdened by significant new responsibilities, and (b) that practical changes—inc

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Bandelli, Daniela. "Gestational surrogacy in Mexico. The social vision of progress and autonomy underlying the regulatory policy making and discourse." Rivista Trimestrale di Scienza dell'Amministrazione 4 (December 30, 2019): 1–30. https://doi.org/10.32049/RTSA.2019.4.05.

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Gestational surrogacy is a booming market in Mexico especially for foreign couples. At the moment there is no Federal regulation of GS. The arguments in support of regulation pivot around a discourse of progress, which envisions a society where scientific advancements in reproductive medicine are made available to individual projects of self determination: biological parenthood (for intended parents) and economic empowerment through reproductive labor (for surrogates). The article underlines the contradictions embedded in this discourse and, by drawing from sociological critique of progress an

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Bronstein, Arturo. "Labour Law in Latin America: Some Recent (and not so Recent) Trends." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 26, Issue 1 (2010): 17–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2010003.

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This paper provides a survey of developments in Latin America labour law and industrial relations over the last twenty-five years, while noting that Latin America is far from homogeneous. Whereas the erosion of labour law protection during the neo-liberal market reforms was a significant pattern in countries such as Colombia, Chile (under Pinochet), Peru (under Fujimori) or Argentina (under Menem), a number of other countries, including the Dominican Republic, El Salvador or Venezuela have strengthened labour-friendly law. The paper highlights the fact that the state grip on trade union activi

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MARIER, PATRIK, and JEAN F. MAYER. "Welfare Retrenchment as Social Justice: Pension Reform in Mexico." Journal of Social Policy 36, no. 4 (2007): 585–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279407001195.

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AbstractThis article analyses critically the applicability of current theories of welfare state retrenchment to the 2004 public pension reform in Mexico, with the 1995 reform acting as a complementary case. In particular, this article contributes to the literature by analysing the reasons for which a potentially unpopular reform was successfully enacted. Available evidence suggests that – contrary to the existing literature's assertions – Mexican politicians responsible for the 2004 reform sought credit for these changes, rather than to avoid blame. Also, by presenting the reform as necessary

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MADRID, RAÚL L. "Labouring against Neoliberalism: Unions and Patterns of Reform in Latin America." Journal of Latin American Studies 35, no. 1 (2003): 53–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x0200665x.

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In recent years Latin American countries have enacted sweeping privatisation measures and major trade, financial and tax reforms, but they have moved much more slowly to reform their pension systems and labour laws. This pattern of reform partly reflects differences in the intensity of organised labour's opposition to the reforms. Organised labour has undertaken greater efforts to block labour law reforms and, to a lesser extent, pension reforms, because these measures impose severe losses on more unions than other types of reforms. These greater efforts, moreover, have had significant effects

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Hernández, Sonia. "Anarcho-Motherhood, Border Controls, and Resistance in the Greater U.S.–Mexico Borderlands." California History 101, no. 4 (2024): 61–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2024.101.4.61.

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This article centers the labor activism of two Mexican borderland anarchists, Caritina Piña and Felipa Velásquez, who politicized the idea of motherhood from a radical, anti-state, and labor-union centered perspective to speak on behalf of all workers during the 1920s, an era of increased border controls. Through an examination of their lived experiences—which included participation in direct action (strikes, land assaults), written petitions to heads of state on behalf of political prisoners, and news sharing of key labor issues across state and international borders—Piña and Velásquez embodi

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Bocking, Paul. "Canadian Mining and Labor Struggles in Mexico: The Challenges of Union Organizing." WorkingUSA 16, no. 3 (2013): 331–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/wusa.12056.

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Thatcher, Lisa S. "Restorative Justice in Mexico." Αρετή (Arete): Journal of Excellence in Global Leadership 3, no. 1 (2025): 175–79. https://doi.org/10.59319/arete.v3i1.891.

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Background: Beginning with foundational information about restorative justice, its benefits, and how it is used internationally, the poster then presents two pocket discussions for support of adoption. Objectives: Conventionality control and the alignment of state-level policy change to come more in alignment with restorative justice-focused international policies highlights the progress that has been made. Historical context is given to labor/land reform, progress from leadership corruption to transparency, and union redevelopment so that progress may be again highlighted. Implications: Final

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Manukhin, Alexey А. "Vicente Lombardo Toledano and the Soviet Approach to the Mexican Left After the Second World War." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 3 (July 19, 2024): 142–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0130386424030114.

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In the history of relations between the USSR and Latin American states, support for the Soviet foreign policy course from non-communist forces – national reformist parties, trade unions, and leftist intelligentsia associations – was of great importance. The Mexican syndicalist Vicente Lombardo Toledano, founder of the Confederation of Latin American Workers and the Socialist People’s Party, had the greatest political weight among the members of all these organizations. He proclaimed himself a supporter of orthodox Marxism, always supported the USSR in the international arena, and actively inte

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Daria, James. "Fairwashing and Union Busting: The Privatization of Labor Standards in Mexico’s Agro-export Industry." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 38, no. 3 (2022): 379–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2022.38.3.379.

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While Mexico’s agricultural exports have rapidly expanded over the past two decades, a strike by farmworkers in San Quintín, Baja California, in 2015 drew attention to the labor problems and workers’ demands in the industry. In response, foreign agribusiness corporations implemented private labor standards through fair-trade labels to address these problems in their global produce supply chains. Based on ethnographic research, I argue that these private standards fail to improve farmworkers’ labor conditions and instead serve to “fairwash” fresh produce and to prevent union organizing even whe

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Mitchell, Stephanie. "Revolutionary Feminism, Revolutionary Politics: Suffrage under Cardenismo." Americas 72, no. 3 (2015): 439–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2015.33.

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On February 25, 1937, Mexico's ruling political party, then called the Partido Nacional Revolucionario (PNR), announced that for the first time it would permit “organized” women to vote in internal party elections. “Organized” was code for members of labor unions, agrarian leagues, or other groups supportive of the government. The decision reveals that the PNR, under the leadership of revolutionary general and president Lázaro Cárdenas, had found itself in a situation similar to that of other progressive parties throughout the hemisphere. Although many PNR leaders, including the president, had

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Montalvo Romero, Josefa, and Aleida Elvira Martínez Harlow. "SÍNTESIS DE LA REFORMA LABORAL EN MÉXICO (SYNTHESIS OF LABOR REFORM IN MEXICO)." Universos Jurídicos 1, no. 15 (2020): 84–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.25009/uj.v1i15.2570.

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Resumen: El presente artículo ofrece un breve recorrido por el escenario internacional que motivo la reforma laboral en nuestro país y que concluyo el 1 de Mayo del 2019. De manera específica se hace referencia al capítulo laboral del Tratado entre México, Estados Unidos y Canadá y los cambios sustanciales en nuestra legislación. Con las reformas realizadas, se espera una verdadera democracia sindical y la operatividad eficiente del nuevo sistema de justicia laboral, respeto autentico a los Derechos Humanos Laborales y una nueva relación de trabajo sin elementos discriminatorios, con equidad d

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Brickner, Rachel K. "Mexican Union Women and the Social Construction of Women's Labor Rights." Latin American Perspectives 33, no. 6 (2006): 55–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x06294111.

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Merrill, Michael. "Even Conservative Unions Have Revolutionary Effects: Frank Tannenbaum on the Labor Movement." International Labor and Working-Class History 77, no. 1 (2010): 115–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547909990287.

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AbstractFrank Tannenbaum is best known for his studies of Mexican agrarian reform and for his contributions to the comparative history of slavery and slave societies. But as a young man he had made a name for himself as a notorious labor agitator, and he went on to publish two books on the US labor movement, which are worthy of reconsideration as important interpretations of independent trade unionism and political reform. The first volume appeared in 1921 and offered an original perspective on the popular syndicalism that formed such a large, positive element of the philosophy of the Internat

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