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1

Kopanic, Michael J. "Labor Unions in Interwar Czechoslovakia the Case of Slovakia, 1918-1929." East Central Europe 19, no. 1 (1992): 26–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633092x00038.

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2

Nordtveit, Bjorn Harald. "Discourses of education, protection, and child labor: case studies of Benin, Namibia and Swaziland." Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education 31, no. 5 (2010): 699–712. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01596306.2010.516954.

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3

Racabi, Gali. "Effects of City–State Relations on Labor Relations: The Case of Uber." ILR Review 74, no. 5 (2021): 1155–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00197939211036445.

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Using case studies of labor’s interaction with Uber in the United States, the author investigates how legal relations between cities and states affect labor relations models. The case studies demonstrate a persistent dilemma for labor actors outside the National Labor Relations Act: While local regulations might be more politically accessible, these interventions are also more legally vulnerable to state and federal preemption attempts. The implications of this common dilemma are explored through the struggles of unions and labor actors with Uber in New York City, Seattle, and California. The
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4

Geron, Kim, Loan Dao, Tracy Lai, and Kent Wong. "Asian American Studies and the Fight for Worker Justice." AAPI Nexus Journal: Policy, Practice, and Community 16, no. 1-2 (2019): 198–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.36650/nexus16.1-2_198-219_geronetal.

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This essay explores higher education–labor partnerships in the contemporary era between Asian American Studies (AAS), the Asian Pacific American Labor Alliance (APALA), and AAS community partnerships. With the intensified attacks on workers, unions, and Asian American, Pacific Islander, and other communities of color, the importance of higher education and labor and community partnerships will be a valuable resource to expand critical research and participatory education. These partnerships embody the community studies’ roots of AAS. Using three case studies, this essay highlights these partne
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Adler, Lee, and Lowell Turner. "Awakening the giant: the revitalization of the American labor movement." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 7, no. 3 (2001): 466–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890100700310.

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This article considers the strategies employed by some U.S. unions to increase membership and regain influence. Three successful case studies are reviewed and the factors for success identified as national union support, rank-and-file mobilization, coalition building, and a range of innovative and flexible tactics adapted to particular industry, labor market and workforce characteristics. The article concludes with a discussion of the chances for disseminating such practices and possible lesson for European unions.
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Meyer, Brett. "Learning to Love the Government." World Politics 68, no. 3 (2016): 538–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887116000058.

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One counterintuitive variation in wage-setting regulation is that countries with the highest labor standards and strongest labor movements are among the least likely to set a statutory minimum wage. This, the author argues, is due largely to trade union opposition. Trade unions oppose the minimum wage when they face minimal low-wage competition, which is affected by the political institutions regulating industrial action, collective agreements, and employment, as well as by the skill and wage levels of their members. When political institutions effectively regulate low-wage competition, unions
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7

Weinberg, Robert. "The Politicization of Labor in 1905: The Case of Odessa Salesclerks." Slavic Review 49, no. 3 (1990): 427–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2499988.

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One remarkable feature of the 1905 Russian Revolution was the efflorescence of labor organizations that occurred throughout the urban regions of the empire. Many workers throughout the empire demonstrated their resolve to promote and defend their interests in an organized and rational manner, with the mass labor movement often cutting across craft and occupational divisions to bring all kinds of workers into joint economic and political action against both employer and autocracy. As 1905 progressed the political radicalization of urban workers inspired much of the opposition movement that near
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Marks, Gary, Heather A. D. Mbaye, and Hyung Min Kim. "Radicalism or Reformism? Socialist Parties before World War I." American Sociological Review 74, no. 4 (2009): 615–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240907400406.

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This article builds on social movement theory to explain ideological variation among socialist, social democratic, and labor parties across 18 countries in the early twentieth century. We propose a causal argument connecting (1) the political emergence of the bourgeoisie and its middle-class allies to (2) the political space for labor unions and working-class parties, which (3) provided a setting for internal pressures and external opportunities that shaped socialist party ideology. Combining quantitative analysis and case studies, we find that the timing of civil liberties and the strength of
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9

Jürgens, Ulrich, Larissa Klinzing, and Lowell Turner. "The Transformation of Industrial Relations in Eastern Germany." ILR Review 46, no. 2 (1993): 229–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979399304600202.

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Citing case studies based on interviews they conducted in 1991 and 1992 with labor representatives and managers at six eastern German manufacturing firms, the authors argue that the future could hold either vigor and growth or stagnation and permanent second-class status for the economy and labor movement in eastern Germany, depending largely on actor strategy and choice. The rapid spread of privatization and open markets is tending to undermine unions' influence, on the one hand; but on the other hand, institutional transfer from former West Germany (especially of codetermination law and cent
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10

Lee, Cheol-Sung. "Labor Unions and Good Governance: A Cross-National, Comparative Analysis." American Sociological Review 72, no. 4 (2007): 585–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240707200405.

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Using network-based measures of unions' centrality among civic associations, this article builds and tests a theoretical framework that highlights labor unions' central role in enhancing governance. I first construct three measures to capture the connectedness and power of representative voluntary civic associations, membership density, degree centrality (comemberships), and power centrality, based on the affiliation network matrices for 54 countries, using the latest World Values Survey. I then test the key argument that unions' power centrality has significant positive effects on governance,
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11

Simms, Melanie, Dennis Eversberg, Camille Dupuy, and Lena Hipp. "Organizing Young Workers Under Precarious Conditions: What Hinders or Facilitates Union Success." Work and Occupations 45, no. 4 (2018): 420–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0730888418785947.

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Under what conditions do young precarious workers join unions? Based on case studies from France, Germany, the United Kingdom, and the United States, the authors identify targeted campaigns, coalition building, membership activism, and training activities as innovative organizing approaches. In addition to traditional issues such as wages and training quality, these approaches also featured issues specific to precarious workers, including skills training, demands for minimum working hours, and specific support in insecure employment situations. Organizing success is influenced by bargaining st
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12

Schmalz, Stefan, Teresa Conrow, Dina Feller, and Maurício Rombaldi. "Two forms of transnational organizing: Mapping the strategies of Global Union Federations." Tempo Social 33, no. 2 (2021): 143–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/0103-2070.ts.2021.185622.

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It has become a commonplace belief among academics and trade union officials that globalization has weakened trade unions. However, the expansion of global capital has also led to a rise of transnational labor organizing. Since the 2000s, Global Union Federations have developed different strategies to tackle the challenges of globalization. In this article, we analyze two such forms of transnational organizing: A network-based and an event-based form of organizing. While the network-based approach brings together unions from different countries in a company or industry-wide cross-border networ
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13

Yi, Sohoon, and Jennifer Jihye Chun. "Building worker power for day laborers in South Korea’s construction industry." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 61, no. 2-3 (2019): 122–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715219889383.

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This article examines how unions build worker power for day laborers in South Korea’s construction industry in the context of widespread informality. Drawing upon regional case studies of the Korean Construction Workers Union (KCWU), we find that construction day laborers experience poor working conditions and rampant employment violations under multiple layers of subcontracting that enable capital to bypass existing labor laws and regulations. Despite the regulatory challenges of complex subcontracting systems, unions can still exert direct pressure on firms to improve informal working condit
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Williams, Heather L. "Of Labor Tragedy and Legal Farce." Social Science History 27, no. 4 (2003): 525–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200012670.

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It is commonly assumed that transnational activist networks have greater power to compel state and private sector actors to address rights-based grievances as networks grow and activists gain greater visibility in the mass media. However, evidence from case studies of transnational mobilization suggests that the opposite may hold true under given circumstances. This article examines the struggle for an independent union in the Tijuana-based Han Young welding facility, which in 1997 and 1998 became one of the most important tests to date of labor law and institutions across the U.S.-Mexico bord
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15

ISSAYEVA, Ainur Zhenisovna, Bolat Zholdasbekovich AITIMOV, Zhanat Amandykovna ISSAYEVA, Madina Koishibayevna ZHUSSUPBEKOVA, Saltanat Saidakhmetovna TINISTANOVA, and Akzada Alaidarkyzy MADALIYEVA. "Features of Legal Regulation of the Procedure for the Consideration of Labor Disputes in Kazakhstan." Journal of Advanced Research in Law and Economics 11, no. 1 (2020): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.14505//jarle.v11.1(47).09.

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This study examined the experience of Kazakhstan, which created its own system of laws and regulations in the field of labor dispute problems, designed to protect the interests of workers and help ensure a minimum level for residents. The article identifies problems requiring study of issues on the application of labor legislation, development of recommendations for improving and taking measures to inform judicial practice in this category of cases. We have studied the activities of the International Labor Organization (hereinafter referred to as the MOT), which is the world agency of the Unit
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16

Collins, Sheila, Miriam Balmuth, and Priscilla Jean. "So We Can Use Our Own Names, and Write the Laws by Which We Live: Educating the New U.S. Labor Force." Harvard Educational Review 59, no. 4 (1989): 454–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17763/haer.59.4.f12r030j7166737g.

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Sheila Collins, Miriam Balmuth, and Priscilla Jean discuss a pioneering program in workplace literacy begun in 1988 by two cooperating trade union organizations in New York City. In this initiative, the unions were responding to the changing needs of their members in today's shifting labor market, which has made traditional literacy programs irrelevant to improving the lives of most of today's workers. The authors discuss new conceptions of literacy that inform this initiative; in particular, the shift in focus from "worker literacy"to "workplace literacy." They present four case studies of sp
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17

Williams, Naomi R. "Sustaining Labor Politics in Hard Times: Race, Labor, and Coalition Building in Racine, Wisconsin." Labor 18, no. 2 (2021): 41–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-8849568.

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Abstract This article explores the shifting politics of the Racine, Wisconsin, working-class community from World War II to the 1980s. It looks at the ways Black workers’ activism influenced local politics and how their efforts played out in the 1970s and 1980s. Case studies show how an expansive view of the boundaries of the Racine labor community led to cross-sector labor solidarity and labor-community coalitions that expanded economic citizenship rights for more working people in the city. The broad-based working-class vision pursued by the Racine labor community influenced local elections,
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18

Pike, Kelly. "Dialogue and Coordination: How Hybrid Models Can Strengthen Labor Standards Enforcement." Journal of Developing Societies 36, no. 3 (2020): 312–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0169796x20924577.

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This article examines the factors that limit and support the capacity of developing states to regulate labor in the public and private spheres, as well as the role of international parties in strengthening that capacity. The purpose is to better understand the potential for a more coordinated approach informed by hybrid models of enforcement, which can contribute to closing regulatory gaps. Fieldwork was carried out in the garment sectors in South Africa and Lesotho during 2018, including 20 semi-structured interviews with industry stakeholders representing government, business, and labor. Fin
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19

Saito, Hiro. "The Developmental State and Public Participation: The Case of Energy Policy-making in Post–Fukushima Japan." Science, Technology, & Human Values 46, no. 1 (2020): 139–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0162243920905000.

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After the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster, the Japanese government tried to democratize energy policy-making by introducing public participation. Over the course of its implementation, however, public participation came to be subordinated to expert committees as the primary mechanism of policy rationalization. The expert committees not only neutralized the results of public participation but also discounted the necessity of public participation itself. This trajectory of public participation, from its historic introduction to eventual collapse, can be fully explained only in reference to co
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20

Navarro, Vicente. "Introduction: Objectives and Purposes of the Study." International Journal of Health Services 33, no. 3 (2003): 407–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/34dh-r3ga-gkdu-09p2.

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This article introduces a series of research projects (carried out by the International Network on Social Inequalities and Health) focused on the impact of politics on policy and the consequences for health and quality of life, an area that has been understudied in the social science literature. The introduction describes the conceptual model that guided the research, centered on the study of how political parties and social agents (such as trade unions) affect social inequalities and mortality indicators through labor market and welfare state policies. The major theme of this research is whet
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21

Unger, Jonathan, and Anita Chan. "State corporatism and business associations in China." International Journal of Emerging Markets 10, no. 2 (2015): 178–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijoem-09-2014-0130.

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Purpose – All of the major market economies of East Asia have developed institutional arrangements through which business associations, labor unions, and other major types of associations maintain close relationships with the state. During the stage in which these were emerging economies, the state dominated this relationship in an arrangement known as “state corporatism.” But with democratization, Japan’s, Taiwan’s, and South Korea’s business associations and unions came more under the influence their members, and a new balance in relations with the state emerged in an arrangement known as “s
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22

Marx, Paul, and Gijs Schumacher. "Will to power? Intra-party conflict in social democratic parties and the choice for neoliberal policies in Germany, the Netherlands and Spain (1980–2010)." European Political Science Review 5, no. 1 (2012): 151–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773912000070.

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Why do social democrats choose neoliberal labor market policies? Since social democrats are typically punished for welfare state retrenchment and because these policies do not equate well with social democratic egalitarian principles, it is difficult to see what they gain from it. We argue that, depending on the intra-party balance of power between activists and leaders, some parties are office-seeking, whereas others are policy-seeking. This behavioral difference explains why some parties are responsive to environmental incentives such as the economy and public opinion (office-seeking parties
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23

Amberg, Stephen. "Constructing Industrial Order in the Center of the American Economy: How Electoral Competition and Social Collaboration Evolved in Twentieth-Century New York." Studies in American Political Development 31, no. 1 (2017): 108–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x17000013.

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Comparative studies of capitalist political economies have settled on a new understanding of how historical choices about electoral rules were constitutive of the current varieties of capitalism that are distinguished by their strategies of growth and adjustment to competitive conditions. The countries that have “coordinated market economies” typically have well-organized unions and employers with distinct partisan representation under multiparty electoral rules, and they have more egalitarian outcomes. The countries that have “liberal market economies” have arms-length market-based relationsh
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24

Fichter, Michael, Dimitris Stevis, and Markus Helfen. "Bargaining for corporate responsibility: The global and the local of framework agreements in the USA." Business and Politics 14, no. 3 (2012): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bap-2012-0017.

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Global Framework Agreements (GFAs) are still a marginal topic in political and academic discourses over global governance and corporate responsibility. In functional terms, GFAs are a commitment to include global labor standards with respect to human resource management as part of this broader turn to CR. But to what extent are these intentions and goals actually realized? Are corporations able and willing to implement GFAs in a joint effort together with the unions across a vastly diverse range of institutional settings and national arrangements? And do GFAs have an influence on core elements
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25

Ghibaudi, Javier Walter. "A nova fábrica é o bairro? O trabalho político e territorial de duas organizações de cooperativas na periferia de Buenos Aires." Revista Brasileira de Estudos Urbanos e Regionais 15, no. 2 (2013): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22296/2317-1529.2013v15n2p43.

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O artigo discute as mudanças e permanências na ação coletiva de setores dominados na periferia de Buenos Aires na década de 2000, em termos de processos de territorialização e na sua relação com o trabalho. Concentra-se em dois estudos de caso de organizações que se apresentavam como autônomas dos partidos e sindicatos tradicionais, defendiam a criação de relações de trabalhos cooperativas e propunham uma política a partir do bairro. Destaca-se como as suas propostas e ações de trabalho territorial recriam tradições de classe, questionam a divisão entre lutas sociais fora e dentro da fábrica e
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Lee, Kyungsun, and Catherine Park. "THE SUSTAINABLE MICRO-SCALE MOVEMENT OF COMMUNITIES: CASE STUDIES OF SUBDIVIDED DEVELOPMENT AND ADAPTIVE REUSE OF SHARED SPACE IN NEW YORK CITY." Journal of Green Building 11, no. 1 (2016): 23–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3992/jgb.11.1.23.1.

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1. INTRODUCTION In New York City a decline in manufacturing has propelled social and economic changes that have transformed certain districts [1,2]. Unused building stock there has been the basis for adaptive reuse yielding new housing for families of varying compositions. The constant pressure of the need for affordable housing has resulted in the conversion of existing abandoned industrial structures, providing a green, environmentally friendly alternative to new construction [3,4,5]. Adaptive reuse provides an opportunity to bring a building up to current codes, to make the layout and build
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27

Kus, Basak. "The informal road to markets." International Journal of Social Economics 41, no. 4 (2014): 278–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-11-2012-0209.

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Purpose – The informal economy has expanded across developing countries during the last decades. Focussing on the Turkish case, the purpose of this paper is to examine the role of neoliberal reforms in this development. The author argues that neoliberal reforms produced a double-edged transformation in the regulatory environment of Turkey. On the one hand, the legal rules that constrain the operation of market forces decreased giving way to more entrepreneurial activity; while on the other hand, the state's effectiveness in “policing” the market declined. As the regulatory barriers to private
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Arnold, Dexter. "Laurie Graham, On the Line at Subaru-Isuzu: The Japanese Model and the American Worker. Ithaca: ILR Press. ix + 169 pp. $28.00 cloth; $12.95 paper. - Bruce Nissen, Fighting for Jobs: Case Studies of Labor-Community Coalitions Confronting Plant Closings. Albany: State University of New York Press. xviii + 215 pp. $16.95 paper. - Glenn Perusek and Kent Worcester, eds., Trade Union Politics: American Unions and Economic Change, 1960s–1990s. Atlantic Highlands: Humanities Press, 1995. xii + 252 pp. $49.95 cloth; $17.50 paper." International Labor and Working-Class History 52 (1997): 251–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900007353.

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29

Akhmetzharov, Slyamzhar, and Serik Orazgaliyev. "Labor unions and institutional corruption: The case of Kazakhstan." Journal of Eurasian Studies, August 31, 2021, 187936652110411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/18793665211041198.

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In this study, we used the institutional corruption framework to analyze the evolution of labor unions in Kazakhstan. As a research method, we conducted a case study by combining document analysis with survey data covering (n)1,200 respondents across all 14 regions of the country. Our findings suggest that external and internal influences weakened labor unions and diverted from fulfilling their primary purpose of promoting interests of their members. External influences, represented by restrictive regulatory framework and state intervention, create conditions of limited independence of labor u
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30

Yousfi, Hèla. "Organization and organizing in revolutionary times: The case of Tunisian General Labor Union." Organization, June 27, 2021, 135050842110201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13505084211020186.

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Adopting Barker’s (2011) Marxist approach of a social movement “as a whole”, this article addresses the question of whether and how mass-membership movement organizations can break out of oligarchic authority and support a radical political protest movement. Using an ethnographic approach, this article explores how the UGTT (the Tunisian General Labor Union) responded to organizational challenges during the Tunisian popular uprising in 2010 by examining its intra-organizational processes as well as its interactions with other parts of the protest movement and how their struggles mutually aided
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31

Engeman, Cassandra. "When Do Unions Matter to Social Policy? Organized Labor and Leave Legislation in US States." Social Forces, July 29, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaa074.

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Abstract Trade union institutions are historically and comparatively weak in the United States, and union membership has been in steady decline over several decades. Scholars thus question the contemporary relevance of organized labor to social policy. Yet, there is considerable state-level variation in social policy and union institutional strength that remains underexamined. Focusing on variability across US states, this paper uses mixed-methods analysis to examine relationships between organized labor and parental and family leave legislation under varying political conditions. Event histor
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32

"Blessed are the peacemakers." Human Resource Management International Digest 24, no. 2 (2016): 16–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/hrmid-12-2015-0188.

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Purpose – This paper aims to review the latest management developments across the globe and pinpoint practical implications from cutting-edge research and case studies. Design/methodology/approach – This briefing is prepared by an independent writer who adds their own impartial comments and places the articles in context. Findings – The UK has long been at the forefront of labor relations, from its origins in the Combination Laws of 1799 and 1800 and subsequent repeal in 1824 to the development of trade unions in the Victorian era and the creation of the Labour Party just before the turn of th
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Richardson-Self, Louise Victoria. "Coming Out and Fitting In: Same-Sex Marriage and the Politics of Difference." M/C Journal 15, no. 6 (2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.572.

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Introduction This article argues in favour of same-sex marriage, but only under certain conditions. Same-sex marriage ought to be introduced in the Australian context in order to remedy the formal inequalities between lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) citizens and their heterosexual/cisgendered counterparts. One common method of justifying the introduction of formal same-sex relationship recognition has been via the promotion of LGBT “normalcy.” This article explores such a trend by analysing popular media and advertising, since media representations and coverage have been shown to
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Arvanitakis, James. "The Heterogenous Citizen: How Many of Us Care about Don Bradman’s Average?" M/C Journal 11, no. 1 (2008). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.27.

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One of the first challenges faced by new Australian Prime Minister, Kevin Rudd, was what to do with the former government’s controversial citizenship test. While a quick evaluation of the test shows that 93 percent of those who have sat it ‘passed’ (Hoare), most media controversy has focussed less on the validity of such a test than whether questions relating to Australian cricketing legend, Don Bradman, are appropriate (Hawley). While the citizenship test seems nothing more that a crude and populist measure imposed by the former Howard government in its ongoing nationalistic agenda, which inc
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Arvanitakis, James. "The Heterogenous Citizen." M/C Journal 10, no. 6 (2008). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.2720.

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 Introduction One of the first challenges faced by new Australian Prime Minister, Kevin Rudd, was what to do with the former government’s controversial citizenship test. While a quick evaluation of the test shows that 93 percent of those who have sat it ‘passed’ (Hoare), most media controversy has focussed less on the validity of such a test than whether questions relating to Australian cricketing legend, Don Bradman, are appropriate (Hawley). While the citizenship test seems nothing more that a crude and populist measure imposed by the former Howard government in its ongoi
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